Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006)
PROSOPON The Journal of Prosopography
Volume 1 2006
UNIT FOR PROSOPOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH Linacre College, Oxford
1 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006)
Editors: David E. Thornton: Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey Katharine S. B. Keats-Rohan: Prosopography Centre, University of Oxford, UK
Copy-Editor: Olga Borymchuk, St Hugh’s College, Oxford, UK
Internet address: http://users.ox.ac.uk/~prosop/prosopon/prosopon.htm
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CONTENTS
Main Article: Michael Stuckey: ‘...this Society tendeth...’: Elite Prosopography in Elizabethan Legal History 3
Short Papers/Conference Papers: Thierry Stasser: Où sont les femmes? Prosopographie des femmes des familles princières et ducales en Italie méridionale depuis la chute du royaume lombard (774) jusqu’à l’installation des Normands (env. 1100) 61
Jan Prell <: Onomastique, liens de parenté et pouvoir: Les vicomtes de Châtellerault et leurs parents au Xe siècle 76
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‘...this Society tendeth...’: Elite Prosopography in Elizabethan Legal History Michael Stuckey
1. Introduction The so-called Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries convened on a regular basis, mostly during Term times and always in London, during the fifteen-eighties and fifteen- nineties. The group’s routine meetings continued into at least the first few years of the seventeenth century, but in all likelihood these gatherings did not carry on very long into the reign of the new king, James I. Although the company never achieved any official sanction, this circle of associates included in their number many of the sharpest legal and historical intellects of the period: William Camden, John Dodderidge, John Stow, Robert Cotton, James Ley, William Lambarde, Francis Thynne, John Davies, and Henry Spelman were some of the more renowned participants of the apparent forty or forty-two members of the Society. Through its enquiries, the Society of Antiquaries encouraged the establishment of a scholarly environment amongst English thinkers which was eventually to become instrumental to the critical examination of legal and institutional history. The extant substantive product of the Society is a collection of papers, which appear to have originally been read by particular members at some of the group’s meetings. Collected and edited in the early eighteenth century, under the title Curious Discourses, these short pieces communicate a real inquisitiveness about the emergence and the history of English laws, customs, and institutions. The ‘discourses’ also demonstrate the adoption of novel methods of scholarly inquiry in that the papers evidence attempts to utilise what we now describe as primary source materials, which, after the dissolution of the monasteries, had become more readily available to a wider community of scholars. More specifically however, the papers also evidence that access to other primary source materials, in the form of legal, royal and heraldic records, was exploited by group members who were, by profession, record keepers, heralds and above all lawyers. The interests of the Society’s membership, demonstrated through the particular topics chosen for discussion, were diverse. However, legal and quasi-legal themes overshadowed all else. Legal topics were nonetheless contextualised and linked with a multitude of distinct subjects such as funeral customs, the extent of land, knights’ fees, titles of the aristocracy, castles, shires, coinage, judicial procedure, lawful combat, the Inns of Court, heralds and forest law. Accordingly, the topics discussed were normally confined, by general consensus, to England, and English sources were similarly the preferred materials of research. These two parameters, the law and Englishness, define (to a certain degree) the character of the Society. But the group was not as insular as might be thought initially. Notwithstanding their backgrounds, the members’ writings show that in many ways their thinking transcended the ideal-type of the contemporary common law mind. A number of the members made occasional references within ‘discourses’ to the models of humanist ideas current on the continent, and the group’s collective
3 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) method of inquiry went well beyond the lawyer’s narrowly purposive and precedent- based research. The advent of printing had recently facilitated a more rapid circulation of new ideas and this, in turn, enhanced the possibilities for textual synthetics. There is also evidence that some members had started to identify potentially disturbing discontinuities in English legal history. Who were the members of this impressive group? Can we say, with any certainty, who was a member? What were they like? What were their backgrounds, their experiences and their connections? Most importantly, perhaps, what were their interests? What do we know about the interests of such a group - and what else might this tell us about the kind of people they were and the times and circumstances in which they lived? These are the questions which this article attempts to address.
2.1 Membership of the Society This preliminary section of the article concerns the identification of the members of the Society of Antiquaries. The sources reveal a pool of a little more than one hundred candidates, all with certain degrees of common interests. The challenge faced here is that of determining focus. An expansive focus can ensure that no actual ‘member’ is excluded from identification - but it risks the inclusion of persons who were not truly participants. A narrow focus, while more capable of excluding the red herrings, necessarily risks the elimination of some legitimate members. However, if one can be fairly precise about chronology of the Society, knowing (for example) the dates when group meetings took place, then some of the candidates for membership might be ruled out on the basis of age. Therefore, before turning to the documentary evidence in itself, some attention should be paid to the initial question of defining ‘the group’ in terms of its temporal boundaries, thus excluding candidates who either died before the group emerged, or who were too young to have been members when group activities ceased. The 1946 Van Norden doctoral thesis, entitled ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, totalling over six hundred pages, is an encyclopedic and exhaustive study - but remains unpublished. Van Norden’s second chapter,1 entitled ‘Chronology’, considered the crucial questions of whether we can ascribe precise dates to the formation of the Society or its meetings and (therefore) whether we can say who its members could have been. The chapter provides a detailed analysis of ‘The Occasion of this Discourse’ by Henry Spelman. ‘The Occasion’ was written as a preface to Spelman’s own ‘The Original of the Four Terms of the Year’.2 ‘The Original’ was reduced to a manuscript after the abortive attempt to revivify the Society of Antiquaries in 1614, where the tract would have been delivered orally (although not, of course, necessarily from memory). Its preface (‘The Occasion’) is
1 L. Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’ (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California (Los Angeles, 1946), pp. 71-118. This chapter, with some minor revision, was subsequently published as an article: L. Van Norden, ‘Sir Henry Spelman on the Chronology of the Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 13 (1949-50), 131-160. The following references cite both the chapter and article. This article, coupled with its predecessor (‘Peiresc and the English Scholars’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 12 [1948-49], 369-89) are the only published elements of the thesis. 2 ‘The Original’ survives in three manuscripts, only one of which is prefixed by ‘The Occasion’: Oxford, Bodleian Library MS e Mus 107, fols. 1-31 (‘The Occasion’ is fols. 1-2).
4 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) therefore ostensibly an explanation of the circumstances under which the ‘The Original of the Four Terms of the Year’ came to be written - but (much more importantly) is itself the only truly primary evidence of the Society’s chronology. While Spelman dated ‘The Original’, he assigned no date to ‘The Occasion’. Van Norden challenged the obvious construal - that ‘The Occasion’ can be taken to be contemporaneous with ‘The Original’. After an exhaustive study she concluded that ‘The Occasion’ must have been completed some ten to twelve years after ‘The Original’, estimating the date at sometime between February 1626 and July 1628.3 Van Norden’s contention is that if the reader takes Spelman’s sentence, ‘grew for twenty years to be discontinued’, and then from 1628 subtracts twenty years of idleness for the Society, one arrives at 1608, which is one year after the latest of the extant ‘discourses’. If by his ‘twenty years’ Spelman means the time which elapsed between the end of regular meetings and his time of writing, ‘a long slumber broken only by the unrealized dream of 1614’,4 then his account is corroborated by the existence of documents recording work of the Society up to 1607, and the nonexistence of such documents after that year. For Van Norden, the only twenty-year lapse Spelman can reasonably mean is from 1607 or 1608 until 1627 or 1628. She discounts the simple arithmetical method in favour of a detailed analysis of the context of ‘The Occasion’, and similarly suggests that: ‘[Spelman’s] statement is blurred for modern readers by his use of the past tense “grew for twenty Years” where good modern usage would require the present perfect, and his use of “then” in the sense of “at - or during - that time” in a context where it could mean “after that time”’. It is, on balance, a most convincing estimation.5 Van Norden’s inference is, at face value, contrary to the statement of Richard Carew in his letter to Robert Cotton6 where in 1605 Carew refers to ‘so long discontynuance’. It seems reasonable to interpret this discontinuance as referring to Carew’s own attendance at meetings rather than the discontinuance of the group given that we have extant ‘discourses’ as late as 1607. The fact the letter was written from Carew’s Cornwall estate in Anthony lends credence to interpretation that the ‘discontynuance’ refers to Carew’s own absence. Van Norden concluded, therefore, that one can rely on Spelman to say that the Society of Antiquaries was established between 1584 and 1586; that it vanished between 1606 and 1608; and that some of its members (and perhaps some others) made a thwarted or unsuccessful attempt to resuscitate the group in 1614. Spelman’s statements, interpreted in this way, are supported by the extant documents of the Society and by other circumstantial evidence. An elementary method for determining membership of the Society is, accordingly, to accept the Van Norden position on chronology. If her hypothesis is correct, then the names of a large number of potential candidates for membership of the Society must be rejected. These would include any candidate who died before 1584 and any candidate who, in 1608, was too young for membership. This technique
3 Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 75-76, and Van Norden, ‘Sir Henry Spelman on the Chronology of the Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 136-37. 4 Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, p. 112, and Van Norden, ‘Sir Henry Spelman on the Chronology of the Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, p. 159. 5 Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, p. 112, and Van Norden, ‘Sir Henry Spelman on the Chronology of the Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, p. 159. 6 BL, Cotton MS Julius C. III fol. 30 b
5 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) would, for example, certainly disqualify Archbishop Matthew Parker who died in 1575. Other candidates who must be ruled out on the basis of lifespan and age are: Gilbert Dethicke and Henry Fitzalan (Earl of Arundel). One might similarly question the membership of Robert Harrison (the schoolmaster), who died in about 1585, and Sir Philip Sidney, who died in 1586. This method probably, though not necessarily, also eliminates John Selden, whose birth coincides with the first meetings of the Society. He can therefore have been no more than twenty-two years of age at their cessation in 1607/8. It must be admitted that this would not be an absolute bar to his membership, if it is accepted that a brilliant young man like Selden might easily be accepted into such a group of writers and scholars. This approach is effective in marking out the possible boundaries of membership, but it is altogether too blunt an instrument for the fine detail. It must be possible to collapse this ‘possible’ field into a field of ‘proven’, or at least ‘documented’, candidates. For this one must analyse closely the extant documentary material. A thorough examination of the principal existing sources relating to the Society still reveals roughly one hundred candidates for membership. Of course there are some, like Camden, Cotton and Spelman, about whose membership we can be quite certain. Their names are well substantiated across the range of documentary evidence. But many other names, particularly those listed in non-primary sources only, are much more doubtful. For convenience, the ensuing examination divides the surviving sources into three categories: primary; contemporary; and secondary. Under the heading `primary’ can be included the Cotton petition, the list of names in Spelman’s The Occasion, a list from Spelman’s Norfolk Record Office manuscripts, the marginal lists of names in Cotton MS Faustina E.V. and Stowe MS 1045, I, Lailand’s list of names, names derived from correspondence between potential members and a composite list of names which can be identified from Hearne’s and Ayloffe’s compilations of the ‘discourses’.7 Collectively these documents form the rudimentary evidence for membership. Under the rubric `contemporary secondary’ is to be found the remnants of Bolton’s and Burton’s lists. Lastly, Thomas Smith’s list, from his Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Cottonianae, being nearly contemporary and apparently sourced from primary materials, is the only ‘secondary’ evidence which merits inclusion in the consideration of documentary evidence for membership of the Society. The evidence for membership of the group must therefore be assembled, compared and interpreted. The following tabular summary presents the extant evidentiary materials. The table is also a reference point for the discussion of the evidence which ensues. Finally, some findings are offered in answer to the question `who was a member of the Society?’.
7 Manuscript ‘Discourses’, outside the Hearne/Ayloffe composite, do not add to the list of possible candidates for membership.
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TABLE 1. Evidence for Membership.
Tabular Summary of Primary Evidence Contemporary Evidence Secondary Evidence for Membership Evidence
Name C.P. C.D. Letters Lailand MSS SpelmanO Spelman N Bolton Bolton Burton Smith West Oldys
Arthur Agard 9 9 9 9 9 9 Lancelot Andrewes 9 9 Atey 9 Benedict Barnham 9 Robert Beale 9 9 9 Benefield 9 Sir Henry Billingsley 9 Bolton 9 Bonser 9 9? Henry Bourchier 9 9 9? 9 9 Robert Bowyer 9 9 9? 9 Brerewood 9 John Broke 9 Richard Broughton 9 9 9 9 9 9 Broughton the preacher 9 Sir Thomas Brudenel 9 Sir George Buc 9 William Camden 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 Richard Carew probably 9 9 9 Lord Carew William Cecil, 9 LordBurghley
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Tabular Summary of Primary Evidence Contemporary Evidence Secondary Evidence for Membership Evidence
Name C.P. C.D. Letters Lailand MSS SpelmanO Spelman N Bolton Bolton Burton Smith West Oldys
Bartholomew Clark 9 Anthony Cliffe 9 9 9 Sir Edward Coke 9 William Combes 9 William Compton 9? Walter Cope 9Mention 9 9 ed C.D. 18 Richard Cosens 9 Robert Cotton 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 Dr Cowel 9 John Davies 9 9 9 9 Dee 9 Dent 9 Gilbert Dethicke 9 William Dethicke 9 9 9 9 9 9 John Dodderidge 9 9 9 9 9 9 Sir Daniel Donn 9 Thomas Sackville, Baron 9 Buckhurst, Earl of Dorset Thomas Doyley 9 9 9 9 Sampson Erdeswicke 9 9 9 Sir Henry Fanshawe 9 John Ferne 9
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Tabular Summary of Primary Evidence Contemporary Evidence Secondary Evidence for Membership Evidence
Name C.P. C.D. Letters Lailand MSS SpelmanO Spelman N Bolton Bolton Burton Smith West Oldys
Henry of Ferrers 9 Henry Fitzalan Earl of 9 Arundel William Fleetwood 9 9 9 9 Glover 9 Arthur Goulding 9 Arthur Gregory 9 Sir Fulk Grevile 9 John Guillim 9 William Hakewill 9 9 9 Robert Hare 9 Harrison the 9 Schoolteacher Harrison the Minister Abraham Hartwell 9 9 9 John Hayward 9 Michael Heneage 9 9 9 9 9 9 The Herberts, Earls of 9 Pembroke Joseph Holland 9 9 9 9 9 9 Mr T Holland 9 Lord William Howard 9 Charles Howard, Earl of 9 Northampton
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Tabular Summary of Primary Evidence Contemporary Evidence Secondary Evidence for Membership Evidence
Name C.P. C.D. Letters Lailand MSS SpelmanO Spelman N Bolton Bolton Burton Smith West Oldys
Sir Henry James 9 William Jones 9 Martin Josseline 9 Roger Keymis 9 Thomas Lake 9 9 9 William Lambarde 9 9 9 9 Francis Leigh 9 9 9 9 Sir James Ley 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 William Lisle 9 John Lloyd 9 Lord John Lumley 9 Sir Peter Manwood 9 William of Nettleton 9 Arnold Oldisworth 9 9 Roger Owen 9 William Patten 9 9 9 9 “Mere” 9 Sir Edward Philips 9 Sir Walter Raleigh 9 Daniel Rogers 9 Henry Sacherevell 9 Sir Henry Savile 9 9 John Savile 9 9 9 Thomas Savile 9 Richard Scarlet 9
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Tabular Summary of Primary Evidence Contemporary Evidence Secondary Evidence for Membership Evidence
Name C.P. C.D. Letters Lailand MSS SpelmanO Spelman N Bolton Bolton Burton Smith West Oldys
Sir William Sedley 9 Sir William Segar 9 John Selden 9 9 Gilbert Talbot, Earl 9 Shrewsbury Sir Phillip Sidney 9 Sir Henry Spelman Original 9 9 9 9 9 9 Sir Richard St George 9 9 John Stow 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 James Strangeman 9 9 9 Gilbert Talbot, Earl 9 Shrewsbury Thomas Talbot 9 9 9 9 9 9 Francis Tate 9 9 9 9 9 9 Francis Thynne 9 9 9 9 9 9 9 Hayward Townshend 9 Valence 9 Robert Weston 9? James Whitelock 9 9 9 Wiseman 9 9 Wodhall 9
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LEGEND
C.P. The Cotton Petition, Cotton MSS Faustina E.V. 12, fols. 89-90b and Titus B.V. 67, fol. 210. C.D. Curious Discourses. Letters exchanged by members, pertainingto the Society: Cotton MS Julius C. III, fol. 30b, the ‘Andrews letter’ quoted through R. Gough, ‘Introduction’, Archaeologia, 1 (1770) i (p. xv) and Bodley MS Ashmole 763, fol. 7. Lailand Bodley MS Ashmole 763, fol. 7. MSS Cotton MS Faustina E.V. and Stowe MS 1045. I. Spelman-O Spelman’s list of members in ‘The Occasion’, Bodley MS e Mus 107, fols. 1-2. Spelman-N Spelman’s list of members in the Norfolk Record Office MS 7198. Bolton Society of Antiquaries MS, quoted by Gough, Archaelogia, pp. xvi-xx. Burton William Burton’s list, in Weever’s Ancient Funerall Monuments (see Notes and Queries, Series I, 5, p. 365). Smith Thomas Smith’s list in ‘Vita ... Cottoni’, Catalogus, (Oxford, 1698), p. viii.
2.2 Primary evidence of membership The Cotton petition8 bears just three names: ‘Mr Cotton’, ‘Mr James Lee’ and ‘Mr. Dodorug’. The list of names in Spelman’s ‘The Occasion’9 is as follows: ‘Sir James Ley Knight, then Attorney of the Court of Wards, since Earl of Marleborough and Lord Treasurer of England; Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronet; Sir John Davies his Majesty’s Attorney for Ireland; Sir Richard St.George Kent then Norrey, Mr. Hackwell the Queen’s Solicitor, Mr. Camden then Clarencieux, myself, and some others’. The tract later names Sir John Dodderidge. Spelman’s Norfolk Record Office list enumerates the following names: ‘Will. Fletewood, serjeant and Recorder of London...Garter King of Armes...Mr. Broughis of ye Inner Temple...Mr. Heneage...Mr. Spilman...Mr. Ley of Lincolns Inne...Mr. Bonser/Bouser of the Inner Temple...Mr. Savill of ye Midle Temple...Francis Tate of ye Midle Temple...Mr. Patton...Mr. Holland of the inner Temple...Mr. Robert Cotton of the Midle Temple...Mr. Agard (Arthu’ of ye Chequer)...Mr. Thinne...Mr. Stow...Mr. Talbot...Mr. Cliffe...Mr. Strangeman...Mr. Wiseman...Mr. Lambart (Willm that wrot the Perambulation of Kent) ...Mr. Beale (ye Clarke of the Cansell’)...Mr. Camden (Will. Clarentieux)’.10 The marginal lists in the Cotton MS Faustina E.V. and at the beginning of Stowe MS 1045, I, also provide primary evidence for membership. The former contains just three names: Cliffe; Cope; and ‘Master Doctor Doyeley’. The latter document contains a number of lists of names. Stowe MS 1045 consists of a collection of Francis Tate’s notes concerning the Society, mostly in autograph. The lists of names which are located across the first few pages of the collection, and which
8 BL, Cotton MS Faustina E.V. 12, fols. 89-90b which contains the three names the Titus B.V. 67, fol. 210 appears to be a rough copy of the same document, without any names appended. 9 Bodley MS e Mus 107, fols. 1-2. 10 Norwich, Norfolk Record Office MS 7198.
12 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) vary as to their make-up, contain annotations - some of which have been affixed subsequent to the applicable list. Many of the annotations, and at least some of the lists themselves, are clearly later additions by another person. The enumerated list of seventeen names: including William Fleetwood, William Dethicke, Richard Broughton, Michael Heneage, James Ley, Robert Bowyer, John Savile, Francis Tate, William Patten, Joseph Holland, Robert Cotton, Arthur Agarde, Francis Thynne, John Stow, Thomas Talbot, Mr Cliffe, James Strangeman; is followed in the same hand by an unnumbered listing of Mr Wiseman. This list (including Wiseman), although not its marginal annotations, are in the same hand, Tate’s, as the first few pages of notes in Stowe MS 1045 which record a meeting of the Society to examine the subject of Dukes on the 25th and 26th of November 1590. It is this list, which appears on folios 4b and 5 of Stowe MS 1045, which should be regarded as our primary source from this collection regarding membership. The only other names listed at the beginning of this manuscript which may be included, as possibly in Tate’s hand, are those of William Compton and Mr Weston.11 Lailand’s list12 is divided into two sections: ‘The names of all those wch were somoned att this tyme...Mr. Garter [Sir William Dethicke]...Mr. Doderidge...Mr. Tate...Mr. Clarentius [William Camden]...Mr. Cotton...Mr. Agard...Mr. Paton...Mr. Holland...Mr. Stowe...Mr. Thynn...Mr. Doc. Doyley...Mr. Carew...Mr. Bowyer...Mr. Hennage...Mr. Leigh...Mr. James Ley and...Mr. Erswicke’; and ‘not somoned...Mr. Spilman...Mr. Broughton...Mr. Lake’ and is endorsed ‘per me Ch. Lailand’. The Society was evidently the subject of two extant letters between potential members. One is from Richard Carew to Sir Robert Cotton,13 the other concerns the membership of the clergyman Lancelot Andrewes.14 This second letter was apparently addressed to Abraham Hartwell and mentioned Camden and the addressee as members. Other ‘correspondents’ include Bowyer and Stow, whose names appear as the addressees of summonses attached to Lailand’s registers. ‘Discourses’ identified by their author’s name in Hearne’s and Ayloffe’s A Collection of Curious Discourses provide further evidence of membership. From Hearne’s original (1720) collection the names of Arthur Agard, Joseph Holland, William Camden, Robert Cotton, James Ley, Francis Thynne, Francis Tate, Francis Leigh, James Whitelock, Richard Broughton, John Dodderidge, Thomas Talbot, William Hakewill, William Jones, Thomas Lake and Arnold Oldisworth appear as authors. Walter Cope is also mentioned,15 not as an author but as the holder of one of Cotton’s books (a book which had been in the possession of Agard and which was on the topic of the ‘discourse’ in which this reference was made, namely about land). Ayloffe’s additional discourses also include the names of Michael Heneage, Dr. Thomas D’Oyley, William Dethicke, John Davies, William Patten, Abraham
11 This approach varies slightly with that of Van Norden as regards the emphasis to be accorded to this list, cf. Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 159-160. 12 Bodley MS Ashmole 763. IV, 7, fol. 197a. 13 BL, Cotton MS Julius C. III, fol. 30b. 14 R. Gough, ‘Introduction’, Archaeologia, 1 (1770) i at xv; on which see Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp.165-169. 15 T. Hearne, A Collection of Curious Discourses written by Eminent Antiquaries upon Several Heads in our English Antiquities (Oxford, 1720), no. XVIII (p. 76).
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Hartwell, Henry Bourchier, Henry Spelman16 and John Stow as authors. Ayloffe’s 1771 additions also include a paper each from Edward Cook and Robert Plott, but these papers, both detailed arguments about duels and the jurisdiction of the Earl Marshal, and grouped towards the end of Ayloffe’s second volume together with another anonymous one on the same topic, seem to be either Ayloffe’s (or one of his unnamed source’s) interpolations. All of the other authors (with the exception of Townshend)17 who are named by Ayloffe (but not also by Hearne) can lay claim to some alternative item, or items, of primary evidence. The ‘Ayloffe only’ group, as a group, can be corroborated by alternative primary evidence in roughly the same proportion and depth as those mentioned by Hearne alone. There is, it is submitted, no reason therefore to differentiate within this category of evidence according to its editor.
2.3 Contemporary (secondary) evidence of membership Edmund Bolton sought to resurrect the Society between 1618 and 1628, and produced a number of documents, two of which contain a list of members. The lists are now lost, but are known as ‘the West Manuscript’ and the Society of Antiquaries MS (‘the Oldys paper’), both of which are quoted by Gough.18 Gough’s consolidated list does distinguish between his two sources. From ‘the West Manuscript’ he quotes: ...a few of the friends and persons dying, whose names nevertheless do live with honour; the late Earls of Shrewsbury and Northampton, Sir Gilbert Dethick,...Lambert, Esq., Valence, Esq., Erdeswick, Esq., Heneage, Esq., Keeper of the Tower Records, Francis Thynne, Esq., Lancaster Herald, Sir Henry Fanshaw, and _ Benefield, Esq., Mr. Talbot, Mr. T. Holland, and Mr. Stowe... From the Society of Antiquaries MS Gough quotes: ...The Lord William Howard, the Lord Carew, profound Judge Doderich, Sir Thomas Brudenel, Sir William Sedley, Baronets; Sir James Leigh, Knight, Attorney for your Wards, Sir John Davies, Knight, your Majesty’s Attorney for Ireland, whose reports of Law-cases have a great fame, incomparable Camden, and the other two Kings of Arms, Sir William Segar and Sir Richard St. George, Knights; Sir Henry James, Knight, Sir Foulke Grevile, Knight, Chancellor of your Majesty’s Exchequer, Sir George Buc, Master of the Revels, Sir Henry Spilman, Mr. John Hayward, Doctor of Laws, Henry Ferrars, of Badsley, Esq., Mr. Tate, Mr. Whitelock, Mr. Broke, York Herald, Mr. Selden, Mr. Bolton, Sir Edward Coke, Knight, Privy Counsellor Brerewood, of Gresham College, Sir Roger Owen, judge, Sir Edward Philips, Master of the Rolls... To the deceased members the MS [the Society of Antiquaries MS] adds Sir Philip Sidney, Fitzalan, last Earl of Arundel of that name,...; Thomas Earl of Dorset, William Lord Burghley, the Herberts, Earls of Pembroke, the learned Lord Lumley, Sir Henry Billingsley, Sir William son of Sir Gilbert Dethick, Bartholomew Clark and Cosens, Doctors of Law, and Deans of the Arches, Sir Daniel Donn, Master of the Requests; Sir Walter Cope and Raleigh, Mr. Benedict Barnham, Alderman of London; Doctor Cowel, Master of Trinity Hall, Cambridge, Mr. Glover, Somerset; and to those living at the time, Sir Peter Manwood, Knight of the Bath, and Sir Henry Savile, Knight, Provost of Eton.
16 Spelman’s ‘Original’ (probably composed after the group disbanded). 17 On whom, see infra. 18 Gough, ‘Introduction’, pp. xvi-xx.
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A further list of members, prefixed by the rubric ‘Antiquarii temp. Eliz. Reg.’ in the handwriting of the Society’s contemporary William Burton, on the fly-leaf of a copy of Weever’s Ancient Funeral Monuments,19 is preserved as follows:
1. Recorder Fletewode, Wm. 25. Samson Erdeswike. 2. Mr. Atey. 26. _ Josseline. 3. Mr. Lambard, Willm. 27. Hen. Sacheverell. 4. Mr. Cope. 28. Wm. Nettleton de Knocesborough. 5. Mr. Broughton ye Lawyer. 29. John Ferne. 6. Mr. Leigh. 30. Robt. Bele. 7. Mr. Bourgchier. 31. John Savile de Templo. 8. Mr. Broughton ye Preacher. 32. Daniell Rogers. 9. Mr. Holland, Joseph. 33. Tho. Saville. 10. Mr. Gartier. 34. Henry Saville. 11. Mr. Cotton, Robt. 35. Rog. Keymis. 12. Mr. Thinne, Francis. 36. John Guillim. 13. Jo. Stowe. 37. _ Dee. 14. _ Combes. 38. _ Heneage. 15. _ Lloyd. 39. Rich. Scarlet. 16. _ Strangman. 40. _ Wodhall. 17. Hen. Spelman. 41. Dent de Baco Regis. 18. Arthur Gregory. 42. _ Bowyer. 19. Anth. Cliffe. 43. Robt. Hare. 20. Tho. Talbot. 44. _ Harrison, schoolemr. 21. Arthur Goulding. 45. _ Harrison, ministr. 22. Arthur Agard. 23. Willm Camden.
2.4 Other secondary evidence of membership Smith’s catalogue, Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Cottonianae,20 is prefaced by a biography of Cotton entitled ‘Vita D. Roberti Cottoni, Equitis Aurati & Baronetti’ which contains a list of members gleaned from the Cotton petition and the remainder of Cotton MS Faustina E.V., the Andrewes-Hartwell and Carew- Cotton letters and the ‘discourses’. His list is as follows: Paucos tamen, de quibis mihi ex certissimis indiciis constat, cum illud illorum famae & meritis maxime debetur, ordine alphabetico memorabo. Ii autem erant Arthurus Agard, Lancelotus Andreas, Henricus Bourchier, Ricardus Broughton, Gulielmus Camdenus, Ricardus Carew, Robertus Cottonus, Joannes Davis, Gulielmus Dethick, Joannes Dodderidge...Doyley, Gulielmus Fleetwood, Gulielmus Hakewill, Abrahamus Hartwell, Michael Heneage, Josephus Holland, Thomas Lake; Franciscus Leigh, Jacobus Leigh...Oldsworth, Williemus Patten, Joannes Stow, Thomas Talbot, Franciscus Tate, Franciscus Thynne, & Jacobus Whitlock. De caeteris sociis,
19 See ‘Antiquaries of the Time of Queen Elizabeth’, Notes and Queries, ser. 1, 5, (17 April 1852), 365- 66. 20 Oxford, 1696.
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praecipue post annum hujus seculi quintum admissis, nondum constat; licet de Gulielmus Lisle, Henrico Spelmanno, & Joanne Seldeno non dubitandum videtur; nec de aliis hariolari libet.
2.5 Membership of the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries: Commentary and Analysis The safest way forward in the interpretation of membership evidence is to give primary weight to the primary documents. Then, where possible, one may attempt to bolster initial conclusions by reference to non-firsthand and other secondary materials. At the same time one must also resist the temptation to be swayed by ‘attractive’ candidates: candidates who may ‘look’ like the ‘type’ who we imagine members to resemble. Where the documentary evidence is, as it is here, reasonably detailed and meaningful - one should proceed from the evidence at hand, rather than from the identification of ideal types: a clear methodological point which is often the prosopographer’s downfall. Examination of the primary evidence indicates forty individuals who are referred to by at least one item of firsthand testimony for membership. This group of forty consists of Arthur Agard, Robert Beale, Henry Bourchier, Robert Bowyer, Richard Broughton, William Camden, Richard Carew, Anthony (or John) Cliffe, Sir William Compton, Walter Cope, Sir Robert Cotton, Sir John Davies, Sir William Dethicke, Sir John Dodderidge, Thomas D’Oyley, Sampson Erdeswicke, William Fleetwood, William Hakewill, Abraham Hartwell, Michael Heneage, Joseph Holland, William Jones, Sir Thomas Lake, William Lambarde, Sir Francis Leigh, Sir James Ley, Arnold Oldisworth, William Patten, Sir Richard St. George, Sir John Savile, Sir Henry Spelman, John Stow, James Strangeman, Thomas Talbot, Francis Tate, Francis Thynne, Hayward Townshend, Robert Weston, Sir James Whitelock and Thomas (or George) Wiseman. This is our ‘primary’ group. To this tally a possible addition is Launcelot Andrewes whose claim rests upon the now lost letter to Abraham Hartwell. The only actual ‘primary’ evidence for Andrewes’ membership is in fact secondary, from Thomas Smith’s list, in Smith’s latin paraphrase of Andrewes’ letter to Hartwell and the translation of the same by Gough. Other justifiable inclusions relate to references to a person by a title. The references to ‘Garter King of Arms’ in Spelman’s Norfolk Record Office list, to ‘Mr Garter’ in Lailand’s list and to ‘Gartier’ in Burton’s list, are clearly references to Sir William Dethicke. Lailand’s citation of ‘Mr Clarentius’ can equally be accepted as a reference to Camden. The only name mentioned by a primary source which is not included in the foregoing headcount is the Mr ‘Bonser’ (or perhaps it is ‘Bouser’) mentioned in Spelman’s Norfolk Record Office list. It is reasonable to suppose that this is either a reference to Henry Bourchier, or (more likely) to the Mr Bowyer mentioned by Lailand and summoned in the attachment to Lailand’s list. Along similar lines, there are three instances where it can be said (with a reasonable degree of assurance) that members identified by primary sources are misnamed or confused in a secondary source. First is Sir Gilbert Dethicke, who is mentioned only once, in Bolton’s West Manuscript. This source does not include any reference to his son Sir William Dethicke. Sir William lays claim to numerous other primary and non-primary testimonies, and it is reasonable to suppose that the reference to the father should be
16 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) to the son. Second, ‘Mr. T. Holland’ (presumably Thomas Holland) is likewise mentioned only once, again in Bolton’s West Manuscript, a source which does not include any reference to his cousin (Joseph Holland) - whose membership is well attested. Third, Burton’s list refers to a ‘Mere. Patten’ and it would seem reasonable to identify this designation with William Patten. Fourth, it is highly likely that the anonymous discourse dealing with land in Cornwall was written by Richard Carew. Subject to the above, the candidate with the greatest number of references in primary materials is Cotton with seven. Ley appears in six primary sources, and Camden and Stow appear in five sources each. Broughton, Heneage, Holland, Agarde, Dethicke, Dodderidge, Patten, Thynne and Tate appear in four. Spelman, Bowyer, Carew, Doyley, Bourchier and Talbot appear in three primary sources each, and Cliffe, Cope, Davies, Hakewill, Hartwell, Strangeman, Lake, Lambarde, Fleetwood, Wiseman, Leigh and Savile appear in two. This leaves ten candidates who can lay claim to only one item of primary evidence: Andrewes, Beale, Compton, Erdeswicke, Jones, Oldisworth, St George, Townshend, Weston and Whitelock. he primary evidence for most of these forty-one ‘primary candidates’ is supplemented by various references from the non-primary sources. Whilst none of the candidates identified from the primary materials are mentioned by all of the four non- primary sources, thirty-six (or about 90%) are mentioned by at least one. Twenty-nine (or about 70%) are mentioned in at least two non-primary sources. Seven candidates: Camden, Heneage, Holland, Spelman, Stow, Talbot and Thynne; are mentioned by three of the four non-primary materials. Only five ‘primary candidates’: Compton, Jones, Townshend, Weston and Wiseman; are not referred to by non-primary sources. There is an important coincidence between the ten candidates referred to by only one primary source and the five candidates who are not mentioned by any non- primary source. Four of the five are included in the ten. These four, Compton, Jones, Townshend, and Weston (along with Andrewes) constitute a sub-group of ‘primary candidates’ whose membership should be regarded with some suspicion. However, a further question arises: are there any more detectable patterns which emerge from non-primary source corroboration of the identified ‘primary candidates’? Such patterns might be discernable in either of two ways. They may emerge either in the way in which a certain non-primary source corroborates a certain primary source or sources, or in the way in which certain non-primary sources agree as to the membership of certain ‘primary candidates’. As a straightforward example of the first type of pattern, is it possible to discern a significant similarity between Smith’s list with a list of candidates who are known to have written discourses? Alternatively, is it possible to discern a significant similarity between those ‘primary candidates’ who are identified by both Burton and Bolton (a potentially more complex example of the second type of pattern)? The mathematical possibilities of such cross-referential combinations are positively gigantic, but the questions are real. For example, there is actually a very high degree of correspondence between Smith’s list and a list of candidates who are known to have written discourses. This pattern could be said to be explained by our understanding that Smith had access to the discourses, or at least most of the ones we know of. It is equally possible to say that there is only a minimal degree of agreement between Burton and Bolton when they list candidates who are also mentioned in primary materials. This might suggest that they were working from
17 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) different materials. Unfortunately the extremely large number of possible cross- referential combinations makes it unrealistic to thoroughly investigate such patterns. It can also be argued, justifiably, that the ‘knowledge’ that might be revealed by the discernment of any pattern would ultimately be only speculative. All such patterns are speculative in the sense that the similarities which they may disclose are just that: they do not, of themselves, establish correspondence or conformity. So the project, while engrossing, has ultimately very little to add to the question of the identification of members. The reckoning of forty-one, ‘primary members’ obviously excludes from membership significant numbers of candidates recorded by non-primary sources only. The excluded candidates are: Atey; Barnham; Benefield; Billingsley; Bolton; Brerewood; Broke; Broughton; Brudenell; Buc; Lord Carew; Cecil; Clerke; Coke; Combes; Cosens; Cowel; Dee; Dent; Gilbert Dethicke; Donn; the Earl of Dorset, Baron Buckhurst (Thomas Sackville); Fanshawe; Ferne; Ferrers; the Earl of Arundel (Henry Fitzalan); Glover; Goulding; Gregory; Grevile; Guillim; Hare; John Harrison; Harrison (‘the minister’); Hayward; the Herberts; the Howards (including Howard earl of Northampton); James; Josseline; Keymis; Leigh; Lisle; Lloyd; Lord Lumley; Manwood; Nettleton; Owen; Philips; Raleigh; Rogers; Sacheverell; Sir Henry and Thomas Savile; Scarlet; Sedley; Segar; Selden; the Earl of Shrewsbury (Gilbert Talbot); Sidney; Valence and Wodhall. Because there are only four items of non-primary evidence to consider it is actually feasible to undertake, speculative though the results may be, a cross- referential comparison of these sources. Of the forty-one ‘primary’ names, Smith records twenty-six. Smith mentions only three names which are not corroborated by primary evidence: Jacobus Leigh, William Lisle and John Selden. It is almost beyond doubt that Smith’s Jacobus Leigh is in fact Sir James Ley who is not otherwise referred to by Smith. William Lisle is not mentioned by any other source (primary or otherwise), and the only other reference to John Selden (whose age must raise a query) is in Bolton’s Society of Antiquaries MS (which contains a large number of names not corroborated by primary evidence). Smith’s list of twenty-nine candidates therefore clearly represents the most accurate contemporary (or nearly contemporary) description. More problematic are the diverse names contained in Bolton’s and Burton’s lists. From Bolton’s West Manuscript, which contains a total of thirteen names, there are seven candidates whose membership can be supported by primary evidence, and a further six postulants. Not one of these six: ‘the late Earls of Shrewsbury and Northampton, Sir Gilbert Dethick, ...Valence, Esq ..., Sir Henry Fanshaw, and _ Benefield, Esq.’; is mentioned by any other non-primary source, and therefore this list is the only text where these names appear. From Bolton’s Society of Antiquaries MS, which totals forty-three candidates, there are only ten names which can be validated by the primary materials. Of the remaining thirty-three names mentioned in the Society of Antiquaries MS only two, John Selden (recorded by Smith) and Henry Savile, are also mentioned by another non-primary source. For Henry Savile that source is Burton’s list which, totalling forty-five names, contains twenty-two supplementary candidates whose membership cannot be confirmed by reference to either primary or non-primary evidence. This is not to say, of course, that Lisle, Henry Savile, Selden, the thirty-seven additional and distinct candidates
18 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) registered by Bolton and the twenty-one additional and distinct candidates registered by Burton cannot possibly have been members. However the alleged membership of these supplementary nominees simply cannot be supported by primary evidence. It is also apparent from the foregoing (and admittedly experimental) comparison of the non-primary sources, that there is no meaningful degree of agreement between them concerning these extra candidates. In fact it is perhaps rather conspicuous that where the non-primary sources differ from the primary sources, they also differ from each other. The telling fact is that the vast majority (about 95%) of candidates whose claim to membership lies beyond the primary materials can only rely upon a single reference in one non-primary document. As such the according of membership to these candidates ought to be treated with considerable scepticism. A less methodical approach to the sources, combined with an acceptance of a simplistic interpretation of the group’s chronology, has sometimes resulted in the inclusion of some candidates whose membership must be regarded as highly doubtful, if not impossible. For instance, of those mentioned by modern writers, from Schoeck’s list21 the membership of Sir William Cecil,22 Sir Henry Fanshawe, Archbishop Matthew Parker,23 Sir Walter Raleigh, Thomas Sackville,24 John Selden25 and Archbishop John Whitgift26 must be seriously doubted. To these apparently erroneous inclusions the names of Laurence Nowell27 and William D’Isle28 can be added as persons most probably designated with membership by mistake.
3. Prosopography: the Group Experience Prosopography is a term which is familiar to historians but almost unknown amongst lawyers. Prosopography consists of the analysis of the shared conditions and experiences of a group of individuals via the examination of their (collective) lives. Typically such analysis involves the delineation of the ‘group’ and then the uniform application of a selection of questions about factors like social class, wealth, religion and occupation to each ‘member’. The answers to such questions may then be assembled and examined for patterns, variables and affinities within the defined group. The objective of the method is to unveil otherwise concealed influences within political or social structures and organisations, influences which may not be apparent from analyses of overt political statements or institutional arrangements. The prosopographical method can be identified with two styles of historical research. The first may be termed the elitist school. Elitist prosopography typically focuses upon the
21 R. J. Schoeck, ‘The Elizabethan Society of Antiquities and Men of Law’, Notes and Queries, 199 (1954), 417. 22 Also listed by W. W. Greg, ‘Books and Bookmen in Archbishop Parker’s Correspondence’, The Library (December 1935), 243-79. 23 Also mentioned by W. W. Greg and E. N. Adams, Old English Scholarship in England from 1566 to 1800, Yale Studies in English, 55 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1917); H. R. Steeves, Learned Societies and English Literary Scholarship in Great Britain and the United States, (New York: AMS, 1913); and J. Evans, A History of the Society of Antiquaries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956). 24 Also listed by Greg, ‘Books and Bookmen in Archbishop Parker’s Correspondence’, pp. 24379. 25 Mentioned by Steeves, Learned Societies and English Literary Scholarship in Great Britain and the United States. 26 Also listed by Greg, ‘Books and Bookmen in Archbishop Parker’s Correspondence’, pp. 243-79. 27 Mentioned by Schoeck, ‘Early Anglo-Saxon Studies and Legal Scholarship in the Renaissance’. 28 Mentioned by Steeves, Learned Societies and English Literary Scholarship in Great Britain and the United States.
19 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) micro-politics of small but significant groups such as ruling elites. The method is apparent in the attention paid by historians of, for example, Members of Parliament as a ‘group’, to factors such as their marriage connections, business interests and educational backgrounds. The result is normally a series of detailed case studies of ‘members’, with the paradigm exemplified in the colossal and ongoing History Of Parliament project.29 The historians of the Roman republican period (effectively plotting the limits of the institution of amicitia) have worked the method almost to the point of exhaustion, and in so doing they have also made some exceptionally valuable and critical assessments of the reliability and utility of the method and its application to ‘elites’.30 The second genre of prosopography may be termed the mass school. This approach typically focuses upon a much wider ‘group’ than the elitist school, and tends to be more consciously sociological and statistical in its analysis of broad social phenomena.31 The attraction of prosopography is conspicuous: the method explicitly shifts the analytical emphasis, from the recurrently desolate interpretation of the famous acts of ‘great men’ and the ideal operations of institutional models, to another level of human and social action. It offers a perspective which can be broader and more profound than more traditional forms of history. Yet in accepting the obvious appeal of this tool, one must not overlook the serious handicaps which attend its employment. The method is dependent upon an extensive, if not comprehensive, stockpile of data concerning the members of the identified group, a prerequisite which almost never subsists. The usual starting point for the would-be prosopographer is a fact-base which is fragmentary, lacking in detail about some members, and skewed in different directions for each subject.32 This difficulty is exacerbated by ubiquitous interpretative problems associated with the appropriate categorisation and interpretation of what evidence does exist.33 Difficulties such as those referred to here have driven Carney (and many others) to despair,34 but handled carefully it is possible
29 Volumes currently in print include: The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1386-1481, ed. by J. S. Roskell, 4 vols (Sutton, 1992); The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1509- 1558, ed. by S. T. Bindoff, 3 vols (Secker and Warburg, 1982); Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1660-1690, ed. by Basil Duke Henning, 3 vols (Secker and Warburg, 1983); The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1754-1790, ed. by Lewis Namier and John Brooke, 3 vols (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1964); and The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1790-1820, ed. by R. G. Thorne, 5 vols (Secker and Warburg, 1986). 30 Some of the most significant examples of Roman republican elite prosopography in application include: M. Gelzer, The Roman Nobility (Oxford: Blackwell, 1969, originally published in 1912); E. Badian, Foreign Clientelae 264-70 BC (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958); and, E. S. Gruen, The Last Generation of the Roman Republic (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974). See also, for further discussion of the method in this context, T. R. S. Broughton, ‘Senate and Senators of the Roman Republic: The Prosopographical Approach’, Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romishen Welt, 1.1 (1972), 250-65, and C. Wikander and Ö. Wikander, ‘Republican Prosopography: Some Reconsiderations’, Opuscula Romana, 12 (1979), 1-12. 31 See L. Stone, ‘Prosopography’, Daedalus, 100 (1971), 46-79, passim. 32 See C. Nicolet, ‘Prosopographie et histoire sociale: Rome et l’Italie a l’epoque republicaine’ in Annales: economies, societies, civilisations, 5 (1970), 1209-28 (p. 1226): ‘Il s’agira donc, dès le depart, de bien mesurer le degré d’incertitude que comporte necessairement toute enquête prosopographique, et d’abord d’ évaluer le rapport entre les individus connus et étudiés et le nombre total de membres du groupe envisagé, tel qu’on peut l’etablir.’ 33 See Stone, ‘Prosopography’, pp. 57-65. 34 ‘The imponderables, even with contemporary levels of evidence, involve such subjectivity as to make any findings questionable....The activists, for example, might be merely the "leg men" for power
20 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) to utilise the prosopographical method in order to uncover important connections between, and where justifiable even discern influences upon, individual actors. Stone suggests some practical guidelines to the successful employment of the method: the ‘group’ under consideration must be relatively small and well defined, the recoverable evidence must be reasonably detailed and reliable, and the examination can be pointed to the resolution of a specific issue.35 At a broad level the application of the prosopographical method to legal history is justified by the fact that, inherently, lawyers have always been assiduous record keepers. In recent years this type of analysis has been successfully applied by Ives, Clendenin, Prest and Lemmings to the reasonably confined topic of the history of the English legal profession.36 This study focuses more sharply upon the legal experiences of a group whose connection with the law has, it is contended, been underestimated. Does the specific study of the significance of legal influences upon the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries satisfy Stone’s other prerequisites? The size of the group is quite small indeed, with apparently not more than 106 possible members. Moreover, amongst this group a sizeable proportion were fairly well known historical actors. The recoverable evidence is considerable in quantity and also quite detailed in nature, and what exists can be tested for its reliability. It would appear that, experimentally at least, that the prosopographical method should offer some important insights to the resolution of the designated issue. Accordingly, having identified the existence of a group, and in so doing also identified (with a reasonable degree of certainty) its members, the prosopographical method can be employed to provide that study with a sharper focus: to ascertain and evaluate the most important experiences which the antiquaries had in common. The objective of this type of enquiry is to deepen our understanding of ‘who’ the members of the Society were. In terms of status, educational background, legal experience and office holding there was much to connect the members. As indicated, this approach involves the utilisation of the prosopographical method, and it must therefore be noted that the assayed ‘factors’, or ‘experiences’, can be often far from definite. For
figures who dominated the action without ostensibly participating in the decision making at all.’ T.F. Carney, ‘Prosopography: Payoffs and Pitfalls’, Phoenix, 27 (1973), 156-179 (pp.170-71). The imponderables, while recognised, do not often deter: see R. V. F. Heuston, ‘Judicial Prosopography’, Law Quarterly Review, 102 (1986), 90-113. 35 Stone, ‘Prosopography’, p. 69. For a similarly optimistic attitude, albeit less detailed on the methodological issues, see J. E. Neale, ‘The Biographical Approach To History’, Essays in Elizabethan History (London: Cape, 1958), 225-37, and Baker, ‘English Law and the Renaissance’, pp. 49-50. An example of its employment: L. Stone, ‘The Educational Revolution in England, 1560-1640’, Past and Present, 28 (1954), 41-80. 36 E. W. Ives, ‘Some Aspects of the Legal Profession in the Late Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries’ (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of London, 1955); E. W. Ives, The Common Lawyers of Pre-Reformation England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); T. B. Clendenin, ‘The Common Lawyers in Parliament and Society: A Social and Political Study of the Common Lawyers in the First Jacobean Parliament’ (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1975), pp. 4-10; W. R. Prest, The Inns of Court under Elizabeth I and the Early Stuarts: 1590-1640 (London: Longman, 1972), especially p. 221; W. Prest, The Rise of the Barristers: A Social History of the English Bar 1590-1640, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986); and D. Lemmings, Gentlemen and Barristers: The Inns of Court and the English Bar 1680-1730, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990). The method has also been utilised, in relation to the contemporary scientific community: M. Feingold, The Mathematicians’ Apprenticeship: Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), especially pp. 122-65 and 190-213.
21 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) example, factors like a peerage or attendance at a particular University are more unambiguous than general factors like ‘class’ or ‘education’. The investigation will attempt, where feasible, to restrict itself to the more absolute variables. The study will also focus, heeding Stone’s counsel,37 on the forty-one individuals identified by primary evidence. At some points, however, it will be possible to juxtapose, if only briefly, this smaller group with the broader group of all potential candidates for membership of the Society. Some of the most interesting factors are then set out in a table for comparison. The article also seeks to examine a ‘group enterprise’: involving regular meetings, and the presentation of agreed seminar topics. This type of investigation attempts to answer the questions of `why’, `when’ and ‘how’ the Society operated as a ‘group’. These findings, also represented in part by a tabular summary, are necessarily a combination of the prosopographical method and textual interpretation. The article finally returns to a less interpretative stance, with an examination of some absolute factors, age and death, which, it is submitted, offer a possible (if non-controversial) explanation of the demise of the Society.
3.1 Group Characteristics Prefacing Gough’s list of names in his transcription of the ‘West Manuscript’38 is an interesting description of the members of the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries: ‘certain choice gentlemen, fathers of families, or otherwise free masters, men of proof...’. There was a distinct class identity amongst members. Barring John Stow, who was a member of the London mercantile community, all the identified antiquaries appear to have been ‘gentlemen’, or at least ‘esquires’ in the sense that they possessed manors. They attended one of the two Universities and, or, the Inns of Court, and they often occupied government positions. Fourteen of the identified members, of a maximum total of forty-one, achieved a higher status in the course of their careers. During the currency of the Society knighthoods were bestowed, either by Elizabeth I or James I, upon Compton, Cope, Cotton, Davies, Dethicke, Dodderidge, Lake, Leigh, Ley, Savile, Spelman and Whitelock; and Jones and St. George were dubbed following the cessation of meetings. Compton, Cotton, and Ley were created peers after the Society had discontinued its meetings. Turning to regional associations, no significant motif emerges from the examination of members’ counties of origin or provincial connections. While many members can be associated with a county or region, usually because of landholdings (for instance, Carew with Cornwall, Spelman from Norfolk and the Saviles from Yorkshire), but sometimes also because of career directions (Jones, Davies and Ley each spent much time in Ireland and Beale held positions of importance in the ‘North’), there is a noticeable London axis for all members. The link, however, is unexceptional. London, naturally, was the location of Parliament and the courts, the centre of business and trade and the scene the members’ meetings. Some members, like Stow, can be considered as Londoners in the sense that they appear to been permanently domiciled there. For the majority, however, there appears to have been a
37 Stone, ‘Prosopography’. 38 Gough, ‘Introduction’, p. xvi.
22 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) characteristically ‘gentrified’ oscillation between the capital and provincial responsibilities.39 Legal education of English gentlemen during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries was quite routine. Given this, it is equally unremarkable that a large percentage of members of the Society can be shown to have had some degree of legal education. Thirty-four out of the maximum total of forty-one were definitely admitted to one of the Inns of Court, or had manifest experience in the civil law. This is about eighty-three percent of the membership identifiable by primary evidence, but the figure is slightly elastic. Some members’ admissions to the Inns were surely honorary: coming late in life and after an already distinguished career outside the law, as was demonstrably the case with some of the members who were heralds. On the other hand, the admissions records are not absolutely comprehensive, so it is more than likely that one or more members’ admission records have been lost or misreported. Although this represents extrapolation, it is probably fair to say that the ratio of the Society’s members with some legal background was uncommonly high. It is difficult to determine whether this proportion can be considered especially high without reference to comprehensive data concerning population, social stratification and educational achievements. Such data does not exist in enough detail to permit definitive analysis. However it is possible to make a speculative comparison with a body which drew its members from the same social level: Parliament. Stone finds that in the Long Parliament, which he considers an exceptionally well educated group, in 1640 the proportion of members who attended an Inn of Court peaked at fifty-five percent.40 It is unsurprising that there are only a few civil lawyers, because there were only few in toto. What is nonetheless interesting is that it is not possible to discern any Inn which can claim either a preponderance, or even any comparatively significant proportion, of members. If there is any tendency towards Gray’s Inn, then this should be discounted somewhat owing to what appears to be a disproportionate number of honorary admissions. There therefore appears to be a roughly even balance of members from all of the Inns, as well as a few civil lawyers. Another distinguishing characteristic amongst those primary members with legal training was their occupation and success as lawyers. Many of the gentry alumni of the Inns returned to their rural estates to assume responsibilities as lords of manors, as Justices of the Peace, or in the management of the estate’s properties. These alumni were not, of course, practising lawyers, but their training at the Inns was of some advantage in the execution of these duties. Amongst the membership of the Society such responsibilities certainly interrupted members’ attendance at meetings to some frequency, but Bourchier, Bowyer, Broughton, Davies, Dodderidge, Fleetwood,
39 A good example of this lifestyle is provided in Henry Spelman’s routine: C. H. Cooper, ‘On an Early Autograph of Sir Henry Spelman, with Some New or Not Generally Known Facts Respecting Him’, Cambridge Antiquary Society Communications, 2 (1860-64), 101-12. 40 Stone, ‘The Educational Revolution in England, 1560-1640’, p. 79. See also W. J. Jones, Politics and the Bench: The Judges and the Origins of the English Civil War (London: Allen and Unwin, 1971), p. 46, and P. J. Finkelpearl, John Marston of the Middle Temple, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1969), pp. 4-7. Throughout Elizabeth’s reign the number and proportion of lawyers gaining membership of Parliament steadily increased: J. E. Neale, The Elizabethan House of Commons (London: Cape, 1949), pp. 151-152.
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Hakewill, Holland, Jones, Lambarde, Leigh, Ley, Oldisworth, Savile, Tate, Townshend and Whitelock all certainly practised law as a career or at least to some significant extent. This would mean the minimum proportion of practising lawyers in the Society was about forty-one percent. Broughton, Davies, Dodderidge, Jones, Ley, Savile, Tate and Whitelock were eventually appointed Judges, accounting for about twenty percent of the membership and almost half of the practitioners, so amongst the members who were practising lawyers themselves there was obviously a conspicuously large number of Judges. Beyond traditional practice the practising lawyers, and other members, also held positions as sheriffs, diplomats, clerks, keepers of records, members of specialist committees and appointees to other official posts, all of which demanded some legal experience. Broadening the focus to include the legal careers of candidates whose membership cannot be supported by primary evidence reveals a telling picture. Although many of these individuals were successful and even prominent lawyers, as a group they do not match the ‘primary’ members in terms of legal experience and success. The following table (entitled ‘Candidates for Membership: Careers’) indicates, inter alia, the candidates’ degrees of legal experience, and where applicable, their Inns and their credentials as lawyers. A very significant number of the members of the Society were Members of Parliament, often for more than one term and sometimes for different constituencies. The parliamentary careers of those members identifiable by primary evidence were extensive indeed. Beale was the Member of Parliament for Totnes in 1574, for Dorchester in 1584, 1586, and 1599 and for Lostwithiel in 1593.41 Bourchier represented Stafford in the Parliaments of 1589, 1593 and 1597.42 Bowyer was Clerk of Parliament from 1609/10 (having previously been returned for Evesham as one of its Members in 1601 and 1605).43 Broughton was the Member for Stafford in 1572 and for Lichfield in 1585, 1589 and 1593.44 Carew was Member for Saltash in 1584 and for Mitchell in 1597.45 Cope was Member for St. Mawes in 1588/9, Weymouth in 1601, Westminster in 1604 and for Stockbridge in 1614.46 Cotton had a lengthy career in Parliament, as Member for Newtown (on the Isle of Wight) in 1601, County Huntingdon in 1604, Old Sarum in 1624, Thetford in 1625 and Castle Rising in 1628.47 Davies also had a parliamentary career, representing Shaftesbury in 1597, Corfe Castle in 1601 and Hindon in 1621.48 Dodderidge was also a Member of Parliament, for Barnstable in 1588/9 and for Horsham in 1604.49 Fleetwood, in fact, is principally known for his distinguished parliamentary career, sitting for Marlborough in 1558, for Lancaster in 1559 and 1563, for St. Mawes in 1571 and for London in
41 Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, I, 411, and Dictionary of National Biography (London: Oxford University Press, 1917), pp. 3-7. 42 Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, I, 460; Neale, The Elizabethan House of Commons, pp. 237-38; and J. E. Neale, Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments (London: Cape, 1957), p. 363. 43 The Parliamentary Diary of Robert Bowyer, 1606-1607, ed. by D. H. Willson, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1931), p. viii. 44 Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, I, 498. 45 Ibid., pp. 542-43. 46 Ibid., p. 650. 47 Ibid., p. 663. 48 Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, II, 22-23. 49 Ibid., pp. 42-43.
24 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006)
1572, 1584, 1586 and 1588/9.50 Hakewill sat for Boissiney in 1601, Mitchell in 1604, Tregony in 1614 and 1621/2 and Amersham in 1624 and 1628.51 Hartwell sat for East Looe in 1586 and for Hindon in 1593.52 Heneage represented Arundel in 1571, East Grinstead in 1572, Tavistock in 1588/9 and Wigan in 1592/3.53 Jones was returned for Beaumaris in 1597, for Caernarvonshire in 1601 and for Beaumaris (again) in 1604 and 1614.54 Lake represented Malmesbury in 1593, New Romney in 1601, Dunheved (Launceston) in 1604, Middlesex in 1614 and Wells in 1625/6.55 Lambarde served in Parliament only once, sitting for Aldborough in 1563.56 Leigh was the Member of Parliament for Weymouth and Melcombe Regis in 1597, for Oxford in 1601 and 1604, for Leicester in 1614 and for Warwickshire in 1621.57 Ley sat for Westbury in 1597 and 1604, for Bath in 1614 and for Westbury (again) in 1621.58 Oldisworth was Member for Tregony in 1593 and for Cirencester in 1604.59 John Savile sat for Newton in 1572.60 Spelman represented Castle-Rising in 1593 and 1597 and Worcester in 1625.61 Tate was Member for Northampton in 1601 and for Shrewsbury in 1604.62 Townshend was also a Member of Parliament, for Bishops Castle in 1597 and again in 1601. He is well known as the great Elizabethan parliamentary journalist.63 Whitelock was Member for Woodstock in 1609-10, 1614 and 1621-2.64 Bowyer, although not a Member, was the Clerk of Parliament in 1609/10.65 Of the forty-one primary candidates for membership some twenty-four (including Bowyer), accounting for fifty-nine percent, were Members of Parliament. Of those candidates whose claim to membership is more doubtful, a parliamentary career was also commonplace. The sixty-four ‘secondary’ candidates include twenty-seven Members of Parliament (accounting for forty-two percent of their entire group). However this calculation very likely under-represents the true levels of parliamentary membership as it accepts, for example, the separate identities of possible ‘duplicates’ such as ‘Mr
50 Ibid., pp. 133-38. 51 Ibid., pp. 237-38, and Dictionary of National Biography, VIII, 894-95. 52 Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, II, 265-66. 53 Ibid., pp. 289-90; Gough, ‘Introduction’, p. x; Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, p. 567; and M. McKisack, Medieval History in the Tudor Age (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), pp. 77-78. 54 Hasler., The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, II, 386-387. 55 Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, II, 428-29; J. Ayloffe, A Collection of Curious Discourses written by Eminent Antiquaries upon Several Heads in our English Antiquities, publ. by T. Hearne, 2 vols (London, 1771), II, 436-37; Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 567-68; Dictionary of National Biography, XI, 417-19 and W. R. Prest, The Diary of Sir Richard Hutton , Selden Society, Supplementary Series, 9 (London, 1991), pp. 16-17 and 20. 56 Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, II, 429-32. 57 Ibid., pp. 453-454. 58 Ibid., p. 476, and Dictionary of National Biography, XI, 1084-85. 59 Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, III, 151. 60 Ibid., pp. 350-51. 61 Ibid., pp. 424-25. 62 Ibid., p. 479. 63 Ibid., pp. 516-17. See also Dictionary of National Biography, XIX, 1054-55. 64 Ayloffe, A Collection of Curious Discourses, II, 447-48; Gough, ‘Introduction’, p. xiii; Schoeck, ‘The Elizabethan Society of Antiquities and Men of Law’, p. 420;Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, p. 573; Dictionary of National Biography, XXI, 117-119; and Prest, The Diary of Sir Richard Hutton, pp. 25, 54 and 92. 65 Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, I, 471-76.
25 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006)
Gartier’. The true figure must be closer to about forty-four percent. Making these allowances, and then combining the two groups, results in an overall ratio of almost exactly one in every two possible candidates possessing a parliamentary career. Significantly, all of those members of the Society who were Members of Parliament can be demonstrated to have also had some legal background or experience. Along with these factors (which members of the Society had in common), there are some things which we can say do not characterise the Society. Given that the contemporaries of the antiquaries were William Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, Walter Raleigh, John Donne and Francis Bacon66 it is clear that the Society was not an essentially literary organisation. The members of the Society were thinkers and writers in the sphere of English history, especially legal history, and only a few were what we might suitably call literati. Carew and Davies were distinguished poets, and Thynne was an amateur poet. Carew, Stow and Thynne were also literary scholars: Carew was a translator of Tasso, and Stow and Thynne were Chaucer scholars. There is evidence that Stow and Thynne assisted Holinshed with his Chronicles.67 But the ‘literary’ members of the Society seem to have been members chiefly because they were scholars of English history and of English law, rather than for their literary expertise. The subject matter of extant ‘discourses’ bears out this conclusion. This proposition is, nevertheless, at odds with the theses of Adams and Steeves.68 Those authors’ mistaken magnification of the membership and temporal boundaries of the Society leads to an over emphasising of the literary (particularly Anglo-Saxon and Old English) aspects of the Society’s interests. Meaningful connections between the group and the Church can also be eschewed. This is because of the manifestly scanty amount and quality of evidence for such a correlation. The ‘evidence’, such as it is, includes the questionable early-origin thesis (with Archbishop Parker and Archbishop Whitgift);69 the inconclusive letter paraphrased in latin by Thomas Smith concerning the membership of the clergyman Lancelot Andrewes;70 and the note made in Tate’s manuscript concerning the membership of the clergyman ‘Hugh’ Broughton.71 In addition, the lack of representation of the clergy can be implied by reference to Agard who, in his ‘discourse’ on the antiquity of the Christian religion in Britain, states ‘Although this proposition of itselfe be more proper to be dilated by dyvines than by any other....’. Van Norden contends that if ‘dyvines’ had been present at the meeting at which the paper was delivered, Agard would have said something like ‘by our learned dyvines here’ as this was the demonstrated custom when discussing an issue on which other
66 See Finkelpearl, John Marston of the Middle Temple, pp. 19-31. Camden and Cotton were, apparently, quite close friends with Jonson: B. Worden, ‘Ben Jonson among the Historians’, in Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England, ed. by K. Sharpe and P. Lake (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), pp. 67-89 (pp. 67-68). 67 D. R. Woolf, ‘Genre into Artifact: The Decline of the English Chronicle in the Sixteenth Century’, The Sixteenth Century Journal, 19 (1988) 321-354, at p. 334. 68 Adams, Old English Scholarship in England from 1566 to 1800, and Steeves, Learned Societies and English Literary Scholarship in Great Britain and the United State. A trap eschewed by Van Norden: ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 276-80. 69 Bodley MS Ashmole 1157, No. 15, fols. 87, 89-102, on which see Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 84-88. 70 Transcribed in Gough, ‘Introduction’, p. xv. 71 BL, Stowe MS 1045, I, fol. 4b.
26 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) members had specific knowledge or in which they had a professional interest not shared by the speaker.72 Van Norden also notes that of all the extant ‘discourses’ there are only five on religion, four of them dated on November 29th, 1604, and all of those were, she suggests, presumably in answer to the question proposed for that particular meeting. She concludes that in comparison with the numerous accounts on heraldry and law this scarcity denotes that divinity was not the business of the antiquaries in general.73 Although Spelman was later to develop a great interest in the study of religion, there is no reason to conclude that during the active period of the Society there were any discernable linkages between it (as a ‘group’) and the Church. This is, of course, not to say that members were necessarily uninterested in ecclesiastical matters. The period was one where, comparatively speaking, disinterest would have been impossible - particularly for lawyers since the appointment of Hooker to the mastership of the Temple Church in 1585.74 Study at either Oxford or Cambridge was as much a part of the lives of these gentlemen as was their studies at the Inns. Certainly Camden and Carew knew each other at Magdalen College, Oxford, and this connection may be significant.75 Erdeswicke was an Oxford university friend of Thomas Egerton.76 Van Norden argues that there is no good reason to especially notice the university careers of the members of the group. She submits that there are three reasons for this conclusion.77 The first is what Van Norden accurately describes as the ‘total detachment’ of the group from the universities. Of the forty-one candidates, none occupied any official position at either Oxford or Cambridge, nor is there any evidence for any of the group’s meetings ever having been held at either of the universities.78 This is clear. The second reason is that while almost all the members Van Norden accepts were either graduates, or at least can be demonstrated to have been admitted as students, there is no apparent leaning (in terms of preferred institution) toward either Oxford or Cambridge. Of the forty- one ‘primary’ candidates twenty attended Oxford and fifteen attended Cambridge, and so this is also agreed. Van Norden furthermore asserts that there no discernible bias towards particular colleges within either of those institutions. This, however, is not so certain. While we cannot say for sure what this might mean (because the numbers are too small for any semblance of statistical validity), there does appear to be a significant number of ‘primary’ members who attended Magdalen College, Oxford.79 Van Norden’s third reason is derived from the express words of the Cotton petition: ‘This society will not be hurtfull to eyther of the vniversities for yt shall not medle with the artes, philosophy, or other fynall Studyes their professed, for this Society
72 Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, p. 271. 73 Ibid., pp. 271-72 and 538-39. She also suggests that the fifth, undated, Discourse on religion (by William Camden) was delivered on the same day, on the basis of its prefatory words. 74 See Finkelpearl, John Marston of the Middle Temple, pp. 62-66. 75 Dictionary of National Biography, III, 729-37 and 969-71. 76 See L. A. Knafla, Law and Politics in Jacobean England: The Tracts of Lord Chancellor Ellesmere (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), passim, esp. pp. 42, 48. 77 For a summary of university connections, see Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 560-81. 78 Ibid., p. 269. 79 I can identify five Magdalen, Oxford graduates: Oldisworth, Tate and Thynne (as well as Camden and Carew).
27 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) tendeth to the preservation of historye & Antiquity of which the vniversities being busyed in the Artes tak little care or regard.’80 The petition certainly speaks clearly on this point. For these reasons it is fair to say, in general agreement with Van Norden, that the group can be considered as independent of the universities and, as such, the members’ individual university backgrounds should be regarded as interesting, but non-essential data. All the same, the tentative connections with Magdalen, Oxford represent a tantalizing morsel for the conjectural prosopographer. A final factor of group characteristics and experiences falls under the broad description of government appointments. It includes (but is not limited to) diplomatic service, membership of specialist governmental or parliamentary committees, and appointments to provincial or municipal administrative positions. Nearly all of the candidates were prominent in public affairs at some level. Some members were very successful and powerful men. The group of ‘secondary’ candidates is no less distinguished in this regard. Given this, the conventional prosopographical concern is to ask whether it is possible to determine if the existence of the group demonstrates something about contemporary politics. Is the group, for example, part of or in some way connected to a political faction? This kind of enquiry represents the penultimate boundaries of the prosopographical project - almost impelling one towards its most speculative, and yet sometimes also its most fascinating, edges.81 Warily then, it can certainly be shown that some members were connected with great magnates like Essex, Whitgift and Cecil. Amongst the ‘primary’ members Bourchier and Broughton were Essex men; Fleetwood, Hartwell, Heneage and Lake were connected with Burghley; Cope was connected with Burghley’s son, Sir Robert Cecil; and Beale was Walsingham’s sometime assistant. But Beale was also Walsingham’s brother-in-law. In any society connections of consanguinity and affinity might also represent significant ‘alliances’: is it important, for example, that Whitelock’s mother’s family were tenants of the Bourchier family82 or (for that matter) that Hakewill was married to the niece of Sir Francis Bacon. This type of inquiry can easily lose its initial focus. It needs to be remembered that one of our expressed aims was to utilise the prosopographical method in order to uncover important connections between, and where justifiable discern influences upon, individual actors. To that end, one proviso was that the examination was capable of being pointed to the resolution of a specific issue. So, was the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries a ‘political’ group? In all, the evidence at this stage does not support more than supposition. Returning to the basal ‘factor’ of government appointments, of the many types of positions, employments and commissions held or undertaken by the members of the Society, offices which need not be characterised as exclusively ‘legal’, the prominence of record keeping is significant. Agard, Bowyer, Heneage, Lake,
80 Cotton MS Faustina E.V., fol. 90b as quoted by E. Flugel, ‘Die Alteste Englische Akademie’, Anglia, 32 (1909), 261-68 (p. 268). 81 Even the micro-politics of groups and factions form of prosopography can be extended – when it is compounded with the equally speculative variables from the micro-politics of the relationships of marriage and other familial alliances form of prosopography. For a very close example see Hasler’s ‘Introductory Survey’: Hasler, The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1558-1603, I, 1-66. 82 J. Whitelock, Liber Famelicus of Sir James Whitelocke, ed. by J. Bruce, Camden Society, 70 (1858), p. 7.
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Lambarde and Talbot were all professional record keepers. To this number we could easily add Cotton. From the ‘secondary’ candidates we might consider Sir Henry James. The record keepers therefore form a kind of sub-group within the larger group. They all had more than a rudimentary legal education, and half practised the law. Two thirds were parliamentarians. The record keepers seem to possess, collectively, a routine selection of typical group characteristics. There is another occupational group which stands out: the pursuit of heraldry as a profession marks out a number of candidates. From amongst the ‘primary’ group Dethicke, Camden, St. George and Thynne were heralds. Dethicke’s career was the most prominent, being appointed Rouge-Croix-Poursuivant in 1567 and York Herald in 1570. He held the position of Garter King-at Arms from 1586 until 1605. In 1597 Camden was made Richmond Herald (for one day) and then Clarencieux-King-at-Arms. St. George was appointed Windsor Herald in 1602 and Norroy-King-at-Arms in 1603. He succeeded Camden as Clarenceux-King-at-Arms upon the latter’s death. Thynne was appointed Blanche- Lyon-Poursuivant in 1601 and Lancaster Herald in 1602. From amongst the ‘secondary’ group the heralds were Broke, Glover, Guillim and Segar. It needs to be noted that the proportion of heralds to the overall membership of the Society, on any reckoning, is quite small (at not more than ten percent). On the other hand, because the total number of heralds (in England) was only about twelve, the membership of an association of perhaps as many as a quarter or a third of all of the heralds must be significant. How important were the heralds to the Society, and / or how important was the Society to the heralds? How did they fit in with the other members? Conspicuously, each of the four ‘primary’ heralds underwent legal training at one of the Inns, or at least was an honorary member of (usually Gray’s) Inn.83 There was a good reason for this association of heraldry and law. During the period in question there was something of a mania for genealogy amongst the nobility, the gentry and those who yearned to be officially recognised as holding a certain status. Forgeries of charters and seals were common. The combined skills of lawyer and herald were required to establish the validity of such status claims.84 But we should not leap to any conclusions from this provisional connection. Herendeen’s thesis prioritises the parts of the heralds within the Society, particularly Camden.85 Although his account is to a certain degree weakened by its lack of recognition of the role of the lawyers, the role of the heralds does emerge as a very interesting question. In other respects the heralds were different to the majority of the Society’s membership. Although they had some connections with the Inns, the heralds were not practising lawyers nor can they be, as a group, characterised as Members of Parliament. As such the heralds form a special sub-group within the broader group of members. They seem to be important, and active, but they are not typical in terms of their attributes, experiences and careers when compared with the other members.
83 The legal experiences of the four “secondary” heralds is demonstrably less certain: see the table entitled ‘Candidates for Membership: Careers’, infra. See also C. E. Wright, English Heraldic Manuscripts in the British Museum (London: British Museum Publications, 1973). 84 See McKisack, Medieval History in the Tudor Age, p. 66 ff., and F. S. Fussner, The Historical Revolution; English Historical Writing and Thought 1580-1640 (London: Routledge, 1962), pp. 42-44. 85 W. H. Herendeen, ‘William Camden: Historian, Herald, and Antiquary’, Studies in Philology, 85 (1988), 192-210 (pp. 206-09).
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The following table sets out, grouping firstly those candidates whose claim to membership can be attested to by primary evidence, the career attributes of all potential candidates. In a few instances a question mark has been used to indicate a degree of doubt. Where this symbol accompanies a given name, details for the suggested or likely candidate are recorded. Where the symbol accompanies a ‘factor’ (of experience), it indicates that some doubt exists as to whether the information presented is accurate. The column denoted ‘Legal Education’ records attendance at an Inn of Court, Chancery or a Civil legal education. Membership of an Inn of Court is indicated thus: G for Gray’s Inn; I for the Inner Temple; M for the Middle Temple and L for Lincoln’s Inn. The correspondence of so many characteristics and experiences amongst the individuals who constituted the members of the Society of Antiquaries at least bolsters the argument for the group’s existence. If this was all the data which could be recovered about the group then the assertion of its authenticity would be highly speculative indeed. However, independent documentary evidence for the association of particular individuals’ names as members of the group is ample in this regard. Nevertheless, what the discernable coincidences in members’ social standing, legal experience, membership of Parliament, government service, heraldry and record keeping do demonstrate is a high degree of group cohesion. Comparison of the individual lives of the members of the Society of Antiquaries reveals many striking shared characteristics and experiences.86 In terms of social standing there was virtual uniformity. That level of status-identity was almost matched by a shared legal experience. Another very common characteristic was membership of Parliament. Other significant coincidences were in the fields of government service. Although many of the members entertained literary interests, they were mostly amateurs or part- timers in this field. While almost all the members had attended either Oxford or Cambridge, their collective university connections cannot be considered as truly remarkable. Similarly there is essentially no reason to attempt to associate the membership of the Society with either ecclesiastical matters or regional affiliations. Last, it is possible to isolate discrete sub-groups within the wider compass of membership: the heralds and the record keepers. To a degree, and somewhat tentatively, it can be demonstrated that the heralds (as a group) did not share some of the characteristics which other members commonly possessed, whilst it appears that the record keepers were more ‘typical’ of the broader membership.
86 For a concise, and basically accurate, summary of group characteristics, see Fussner, The Historical Revolution; English Historical Writing and Thought 1580-1640, pp. 92-93.
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TABLE 2. Candidates for Membership: Careers.
Name Primary Oxford Cambridge Legal Inn Practising Judge Civil Law MP Herald Government Courtiers Candidate Education Common Appointment Lawyer Arthur Agard 9 9 9 G 9 Lancelot Andrews 9 9 Robert Beale 9 9 9 G 9 9 9 9 Henry Bourchier 9 9 I 9 9 Robert Bowyer 9 9 9 M 9 9 9 Richard 9 9 I 9 9 9 9 Broughton William Camden 9 9 G 9 Richard Carew 9 9 9 9 9 9 Anthony Cliffe 9 9? William Compton 9 9 9 9 G 9 9 Walter Cope 9 9 M? 9 9 9 Robert Cotton 9 9 9 M 9 John Davies 9 9 9 M 9 9 9 William Dethicke 9 9 G 9 John Dodderidge 9 9 9 M 9 9 9 Thomas D’Oyley 9 G 9 Sampson 9 9 Erdeswicke William 9 9 9 M 9 9 Fleetwood William Hakewill 9 9 9 L 9 9 Abraham Hartwell 9 9 9 G 9 Michael Heneage 9 9 9 G 9 9
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Name Primary Oxford Cambridge Legal Inn Practising Judge Civil Law MP Herald Government Courtiers Candidate Education Common Appointment Lawyer Joseph Holland 9 9 9 I 9 William Jones 9 9 9 L 9 9 9 9 Thomas Lake 9 9 9 9 G 9 9 9 William 9 9 L 9 9 9 Lambarde Francis Leigh 9 9 M 9 9 9 James Ley 9 9 9 L 9 9 9 9 Arnold 9 9 9 L 9 9 9 Oldisworth William Patten 9 9 John Saville 9 9 9 M 9 9 9 Henry Spelman 9 9 9 L 9 9 Richard St. 9 9 G 9 George John Stow 9 James Strangeman 9 9 Thomas Talbot 9 9 9 G 9 Francis Tate 9 9 9 M 9 9 9 Francis Thynne 9 9 9 L 9 9 Hayward 9 9 9 L 9 9 Townshend Robert Weston 9 9 9 James Whitelock 9 9 9 9 9 9 Thomas Wiseman 9 9 G?
32 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006)
Name Primary Oxford Cambridge Legal Inn Practising Judge Civil Law MP Herald Government Courtiers Candidate Education Common Appointment Lawyer
“Secondary” Candidates Atey 9 M Benedict Barnham 9 9 Benefield Henry Billingsley 9 G 9 Edmund Bolton 9 9 I Brerewood 9 John Broke 9 M 9 9 9 9 Thomas Brudenell G? 9 George Buc 9 M 9 9 9 Lord Carew 9 M 9 9 or G William Cecil 9 9 G 9 9 9 Bartholomew 9 9 9 9 9 9 Clerke Edward Coke 9 9 9 9 9 William ? Combes 9 M 9 Richard Cosens 9 9 9 9 Dr.Cowel 9 9 9 Dee ? Dent ? Daniel Donn 9 9 9 9 Henry Fanshawe 9 9 I 9 9
33 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006)
Name Primary Oxford Cambridge Legal Inn Practising Judge Civil Law MP Herald Government Courtiers Candidate Education Common Appointment Lawyer John Ferne 9 9 I 9 9 Henry Ferrers 9 9 M 9 Henry Fitzalan 9 9 Robert Glover G? 9 Arthur Goulding 9 9 I 9 Arthur Gregory 9 Fulke Grevile 9 G 9 9 9 and M John Guillim 9 9 Robert Hare 9 9 I 9 9 Robert Harrison Harrison John Hayward 9 9 G 9 Herberts ? 9 William Howard G 9 9 Charles Howard 9 9 9 Henry James Josseline Roger Keymis 9 M William Lisle 9 John? Lloyd 9 9 I 9 John? Lumley 9 Peter Manwood 9 I 9 William Nettleton Roger Owen 9 L 9 9 9
34 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006)
Name Primary Oxford Cambridge Legal Inn Practising Judge Civil Law MP Herald Government Courtiers Candidate Education Common Appointment Lawyer Edward Phillips 9 M 9 9 9 Walter Raleigh 9 9 M 9 9 9 Daniel Rogers 9 9 9 Henry Sacheverell G Thomas Sackville 9 9 9 I 9 9 9 Henry Saville 9 M 9 9 Thomas Saville G? Richard Scarlet William Sedley 9 L 9 William Segar G 9 John Selden 9 9 I 9 9 Philip Sidney 9 9 G 9 9 9 Gilbert Talbot 9 9 9 Valence John? Wodhall G?
35 Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006)
3.2 Group Enterprise Hearne and Ayloffe both claim that their collected Curious Discourses represent the transactions of the Society. Hearne’s initial declaration, in his 1720 edition, was that: Notwithstanding the dissolution of that Society, yet many of their Discourses have been preserved, a collection of some of which is now at last published. ...But notwithstanding the Society was thus dissolved, yet great care was taken to preserve many of the little Dissertations that had been occasionally written by divers of the Members, Copies of some of which were at length procured by my late...friend Dr Thomas Smith, who designed to publish them himself, ... As soon as I saw the Collection, I could not but very much applaud my learned friend’s design, and I presently began to think of printing it my self; which, accordingly, I have at last done ...87 Ayloffe, in 1771, expanded Hearne’s claim: ‘The editors ... offer to the public at one view, a complete collection of all the discourses written, or delivered by the founders of the society of English antiquaries ...’88 The internal evidence in support of this claim is not particularly strong. Within the discourses themselves there are many references to the existence of the Society, but no references to any collection of transactions. Spelman, our only first hand commentator, speaks in ‘The Occasion’ of the Society’s proceedings being ‘enter’d in a Book’, but no such register is referred to by any other primary source. Either Spelman’s account is incorrect, or, much less than an actual series of ‘authorised reports’, evidence of the existence of organised record keeping by the Society has entirely vanished. Given the number of professional and amateur record keepers amongst the members, the second alternative seems implausible. It is also manifest that the Curious Discourses are an editor’s anthology, not an authorised edition. This is not to say that Hearne’s claim is entirely hollow. The connections between the Curious Discourses and extrinsic evidence about meetings and topics are convincing. The summonses to Mr Bowyer and Mr Stow89 connect discussion topics and meeting dates in a manner paralleling their connections in Curious Discourses.90 Van Norden has demonstrated other extrinsic corroboration connecting discussion topics and meeting dates.91 There is a total of one hundred and fifty-five ‘discourses’ collected by Hearne and Ayloffe, and roughly that number again of unpublished papers (although this latter figure includes some duplication where more than one manuscript version of the same paper exists). My researches have revealed one further manuscript which appears to be a recension of the Society’s discussions - Stowe MS 415, fols. 85-86.92 Extant manuscripts of the ‘discourses’, and the compiled (but now lost) ‘discourses’ of the Curious Discourses (by Hearne and Ayloffe), may be classified into three distinct types: rough notes; polished lectures; and finished compositions. The ‘rough
87 Hearne, A Collection of Curious Discourses, pp. xxxv-xxxvi. 88 Ayloffe, A Collection of Curious Discourses, I, vii. 89 Bodley MS Ashmole 763, IV, 5 and 6. 90 Hearne, A Collection of Curious Discourses, pp. xxxix-xli. 91 Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 295-96. 92 The item, concerning the office of the Lord Chancellor, bears the characteristics of other “discourses”: an etymological introduction and a reference to a “question”. Furthermore the item is collated with other documents (mostly authored by Lambarde) about the Chancery, but unlike the balance of Stowe MS 415 is not of a highly technical or procedural nature: M. Stuckey, ‘A “Discourse” on the Antiquity of the Lord Chancellor’s Office by Francis Tate’, Fundamina, 7 (2001), 38-50. 36
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) notes’ are simply that: very scratchy working notes. The best assortment is in Stowe MS 1045, the entire manuscript being Francis Tate’s collection of ‘discourses’ (his own and others’). There are one hundred and sixty-four folios, covering a couple of dozen topics. Some are fairly neatly copied and may represent a speaker’s notes, others are so rough as to have been unquestionably taken down during the progress of an oral presentation. The ‘polished lectures’ show a greater degree of refinement. However while evidence of some editing is apparent there is nevertheless an obvious quality of spoken transmission about this class of the ‘discourses’. This type of ‘discourse’ contains references to the vocalisation of the subject and an awareness of an assembly of listeners.93 Last, the ‘finished compositions’ clearly show a level of detail and comprehensiveness which could not have been appropriate for an oral presentation. Nearly half of the extant discourses would fall into this category. There is a definite preference within the ‘discourses’ for the utilisation of primary source materials. Time after time the antiquaries stressed those documents, or ‘monuments’ in their vernacular, which they had uncovered as first-hand testimony to their subject matter. While many of the pieces contain elements of comment and appraisal, some of the tracts are little more than reports on evidence. This emphasis on direct evidence, often without initial critical analysis, and always without the incorporated critique of others, means that the ‘discourses’ are frequently rather arid as scholarly texts.94 They are often very dense with substance, but apparently lacking in deeper judgement. The prevalent tone of the ‘discourses’ is one of good natured and friendly exchange. There is ample evidence of humour and sometimes even of cajolery and semi-serious self-mockery.95 It is this sense of collegiality which invests the ‘discourses’ with a certain charm. However there is one quality, which twentieth century scholars might expect from learned dialogue, which is conspicuously absent from the ‘discourses’: critique. Unlike modern practice, these discussions, or at least their written accounts, betray no real sign of critical disputation. Furthermore it appears that it is not just the written versions which lack critique, because it emerges from one of the comments of Agard that there was, at least for some time, a rule against criticism and evaluation during meetings.96 In terms of general content, the ‘discourses’ encompass a multitude of topics including sterling money, epitaphs, law, government, heraldry, arms, towns and forests (to name just a small selection). The most remarkable attribute of the ‘discourses’ as a whole is their unequivocal Englishness. The phrasing of the questions for discussion for the most part restricted the topics to English matters. Where the topic was not one which was intrinsically English, for example in the cases of sterling money or the Inns of Court, then in more than two thirds of cases the topic specified was expressly limited to English concerns. Moreover the antiquaries, in the majority, confined themselves to utilising exclusively English source materials in
93 See Ayloffe, A Collection of Curious Discourses, I, nos XXV (p. 66), LIX (p. 195), LXIV (p. 199), LXV (p. 205), LXIX (pp. 215-16), LXXIV (p. 238), LXXXV (p. 278); II, nos V (p. 27), VI (p. 30), XXXIII (p. 187), and XXXV (pp. 198-200). 94 Fussner, The Historical Revolution, pp. 94-95. 95 See Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 396-402 and 410-12. 96 Ayloffe, A Collection of Curious Discourses, I, no. LVII (pp.184-85). See also Fussner, The Historical Revolution, p. 94. 37
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) their researches.97 One expression of this proto-nationalist theme of indigenous scholarship was overtly racial. The thesis of Kliger is very persuasive on this point. It involves the affiliation, by writers such as Bodin and Bacon, as well as Camden, Dodderidge, Spelman and Lambarde, of unique Englishness with a Germanic heritage. With this German, or in some versions Nordic, ancestry went attributes of innate tendencies towards liberty and a vigorous martial spirit, and it was juxtaposed to a characteristically Mediterranean torpor. In summary, the aim of these writers, in Kliger’s account, was to rediscover a golden age of freedom in England’s past.98 How much of this is interpolation? Hirst posits the argument that the dissolution of the Society of Antiquaries - effectively by James I’s rebuff in 1607, had more to do with the Society’s increasingly articulate arguments about an English identity which were at odds with James’ plans of Union, than with their researches into English parliamentary and feudal liberties.99 The suggestion is at best hypothetical, because while the subject of ‘Union’ elicited treatises (which have never been suggested to be ‘discourses’) from Spelman and Dodderidge, and despite the fact that a number of group members expressed opinions in their capacities as Members of Parliament on the question, there is no evidence of any organised group discussions on the topic.100 However, at the very least the distinctive Englishness of the ‘discourses’ demonstrates a peculiarity of the lawyers’ professional orientation. In more specific terms the content of the ‘discourses’ demonstrates that the group was largely preoccupied with matters concerning English legal history. While a majority of the papers deal with subjects such as: peerages; towns, cities and parishes; sterling money; forests; the dimensions of land; funerals, tombs and epitaphs; heralds; and castles (all of which could nonetheless be said to be ancillary to the core of legal history), there are also many papers dealing with subjects such as the Inns of Court, sealing, tenures, serjeants at law, the courts, lawful combat, the law terms and constables. This latter array clearly represents a concerted effort to focus the group’s thought squarely on the central questions of legal history. This nucleus of the ‘discourses’ reveals the fundamental interests of the group in the study of the history of law, government and institutions.101 Was this preoccupation one of so-called
97 For example, in Ayloffe, A Collection of Curious Discourses, I, 276, II, no. LVI (p. 376), the answers presuppose that questions were limited to England, and ibid., II, no. XXVII (p.160) where Francis Leigh articulates a rule of the Society to limit itself to the use of English sources. See Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 358-59 and L. Van Norden, ‘Celtic Antiquarianism in the “Curious Discourses”’, Essays Critical and Historical Dedicated to Lily B. Campbell (New York: Russell, 1950), 65-70. 98 S. Kliger, The Goths in England, A Study in 17th and 18th Century Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952), pp. 16, 119-29 and 243-49. The thesis is echoed, expanded and reviewed in S. Piggott, Ancient Britons and the Antiquarian Imagination (London: Thames and Hudson, 1989). 99 Hirst, ‘The English Republic and the Meaning of Britain’, Journal of Modern History, 66 (1994) 451-86 (p. 471) and n. 94; J. G. A. Pocock, ‘British History: A Plea for a New Subject’, Journal of Modern History, 47 (1975) 601-21 (and the comments appended thereto, especially the short item by A.J.P. Taylor at pp. 622-23). 100 See ‘Table: Meetings, Topics and Topicality’. See also B. P. Levack, ‘The Proposed Union between English Law and Scots Law in the Seventeenth Century’, Juridical Review, 20 (1975), 97-115; A. H. Williamson, Scottish National Consciousness in the Age of James VI: The Apocalypse, the Union and the Shaping of Scotland’s Public Culture (Edinburgh: Donald, 1979), pp. 81-82; and B. Galloway, The Union of England and Scotland, 1603-1608 (Edinburgh: Donald, 1986), pp. 30-53, and esp. pp. 38-41. 101 See McKisack, Medieval History in the Tudor Age, pp. 155-69. 38
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) disinterested scholarship? Or can these topics be regarded in some sense as politically sensitive or controversial? One topic, or group of topics, seems to justify this characterisation: those discourses which deal with the subject of duels and the jurisdiction of the Earl Marshal. The matter was naturally of great interest to the heralds, but it is also important to notice that the powers and functions of Earls Marshal were indeed issues of considerable debate during the Society’s active years. It was a major concern of Essex. The controversy, it might appear from the dates of the relevant discourses, flared again - perhaps at about the time when James I ‘took a little Mislike’ of the Society and when Dethicke and Segar were also in dispute. Sharpe’s political thesis102 can, if we choose, provide a discursive matrix around which the components of nationalism, legal precedent, historical scholarship can be arranged to arresting effect. As with one of the inherent dangers associated with more abstruse forms of prosopography, there is here a risk of over-connecting. The approach can result, here for instance, in the conflation of scholarly discussion about contemporary issues with speculation about faction and personal and collective engagement. Peck has effectively detonated the imaginable connection between the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries and the Essex campaign for the post of Earl Marshal.103 Her argument is based precisely on the dates of the relevant discourses, which place the discussions of the antiquaries after the execution of the Earl. According to Peck, the interest of the group had more to do with a 1601 commission by the Queen to the heralds,104 not only to hold the office of the Earl Marshal (in commission), but also investigate and evaluate the duties and powers of the office. This they appear to have done, in club with their colleagues, intermittently over the next few years.105 There were a small number of cases before the courts where the jurisdiction of the Court of Marshalsea was in dispute during the period of the Society’s meetings, however the known dates of discourses dealing with heraldry belies any effective nexus between these discourses and the relevant cases.106 So while certainly topical, the interest of the group appears at least a little detached from the bearpit of factional politics. Nevertheless, some overall estimation of the topicality of the group’s discussions may be illuminating. Many of the discourses can be dated, hence some reasonable estimates can be made about the dates of meetings. The table below chronologically sets out known group meetings, and where the date is unknown a suggested or possible date is indicated by placing the undated paper(s) in a topical context and sequence. The table also provides some information about the day of the week on which meetings were held. In an attempt to contextualise the Society’s
102 K. Sharpe, Sir Robert Cotton, 1586-1631: History and Politics in Early Modern England, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. 17-32. 103 L. L. Peck, ‘Peers, Patronage and the Politics of History’, in The Reign of Elizabeth: Court and Culture in the Last Decade, ed. by J. Guy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 87-108 (pp.101-06). 104 London, National Archives, PSO 2/20, Privy Signet Bills 44 Elizabeth, no. 6, 10 December 1601. 105 See J. V. Capua, ‘The Early History of Martial Law in England from the Fourteenth Century to the Petition of Right’, Cambridge Law Journal, 36 (1977), 152-73 (p.157), and P. M. Ashman, ‘Heraldry and the Law of Arms in England’, Journal of Legal History, 9 (1988) 50-86, esp. p. 53 on the civil law emphasis of the legal aspects of the heralds’ work. 106 See D. G. Greene, ‘The Court of the Marshalsea in Late Tudor and Early Stuart England’, American Journal of Legal History, 20 (1976), 267-81. 39
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) meetings, and their ‘discourses’, the table includes further information about the law term (if any) which subsisted during a meeting, and about whether Parliament was in session on or near that day. Additionally an attempt is made, perhaps somewhat speculatively, about whether it is possible to link the subject matter of the discourses with the discussion of that topic by Parliament or in the courts. In terms of “topicality” the tabular analysis reveals that, despite the fact that the members of the group had extensive access to Parliament, there is little correspondence to be found between the topics discussed at meetings and issues before the Parliament. In fact there actually appears to be very scant correspondence between even group meeting dates and parliamentary sessions. Nor can it be said that there is a great deal of evidence to support an hypothesis which links ‘discourse’ topics with matters before the courts. Here the evidence is, however, a little stronger and warrants some consideration. The cases before the courts which can be experimentally synchronised, by time and topic, to the extant ‘discourses’ are as follows: Anonymous,107 Dethick’s Case;108 Clarencieux v Dethick;109 Ratcliff’s Case;110 and the Case of Corporations.111 In Anonymous112 the Court of Queen’s Bench considered the question of the proper situs for the issue of process when an offence was committed in a forest. In terms of the timing, the case precedes the one dated (but anonymous) ‘discourse’ on the topic by about one year. There are an additional three ‘discourses’ on ‘forests’, by Agard, Broughton and ‘Lee’, which may well have been delivered at the same time, or very nearly the same time, as the anonymous one which is dated 3 November 1591. However, despite the fact that there were always many cases where the law of the forest was required to be determined by the courts, there does not appear to be any other case (close in time to the specific ‘discourse’(s)) where the jurisdictional question was raised so directly. The topic of forests was certainly the subject of some debate in 1591 and 1592, and was in the process of being addressed by John Manwood in his treatise on forests.113 In Dethick’s Case114 and Clarencieux v Dethick115 the same questions were traversed: the issue was the proper use of a title in naming a defendant to a suit. Dethicke claimed that he could avoid a suit relating to the functions of his office where it was brought against him in the style ‘Dethick’ rather than in the style ‘Garter’.
107 (1590) Croke & Elizabeth 200; 78 ER 456. 108 (1591) 1 Leonard 248; 74 ER 227. 109 (1597) Croke & Elizabeth 542; 78 ER 788. 110 (1592) 3 Coke’s Reports 37a; 76 ER 713. 111 (1598) 4 Coke’s Reports 776; 76 ER 1052. 112 (1590) Croke & Elizabeth 200; 78 ER 456. 137 J. Manwood, A Treatise of the Lawes of the Forest, facsimile of the 1615 edition, no. 814 The English Experience (Amsterdam: Da Capo, 1976). This work was first published in 1598, but it is noteworthy that early drafts were circulated for comment amongst (in Manwood’s words) ‘the best and learnest writers’ and ‘some of the most reverend and learned judges of the common law’: p. ii. See Stuckey, ‘Property Law and Politics in the Discourses of the Elizabethan Antiquaries’. 114 (1591) 1 Leonard 248; 74 ER 227. 115 (1597) Croke & Elizabeth 542; 78 ER 788. 40
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TABLE 3: Meetings, Topics and Topicality.
Meeting Date Day of Term Topic Number of Author (s) Parliament Parliament Topic Before Week Papers in Session Discusses the Courts Topic 27.11.1590 Friday Michaelmas Dukes 3 Tate (1), anon. (2) No undated116 Dukes 2 D’oyle and Agard 27.11.1590 Friday Michaelmas Sterling 1 Tate No undated Sterling 13 Thynne, Agard, Holland, Heneage, Bourchier, Stow, Broughton, Talbot, Patten, Ley, Lake117 (1 ea.), anon. (2) 11.02.1590/15 Thursday Hilary Marquises 2 both anon. No 91 Easter 1591118 Easter Inns of Court 1 Agard No (nor in and Chancery 1601) Easter 1591 Easter Shires 1 Agard No (nor in 1601) undated Shires 4 Talbot, Broughton, Ley and Thynne undated119 Earls 2 Tate (1), anon. (1) Dethick’s
116 The date may be either late November 1590, or possibly late November 1598, on which see the dated papers on the same topic below (in this table). 117 Lake’s sterling discourse is simply dated ‘1590’. 118 It is possible that this date, ‘Paschae 33 Eliz.’, may be misprinted for ‘Paschae 43’ (ie. 1601) which would link this discourse (and its companion by Agard) with the one by Holland on the same topic (Inns of Court, dated 1 July1601). The antiquity of the shires may have also been discussed, therefore, at or around Easter 1601.
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Meeting Date Day of Term Topic Number of Author (s) Parliament Parliament Topic Before Week Papers in Session Discusses the Courts Topic Case120 23.06.1591 Wednesday Trinity Sealing 2 Tate (1), Thynne (1) No 23.06.1591 Wednesday Trinity Viscounts 3 Tate (1), Thynne (1), anon. No (1) 03.11.1591 Wednesday Michaelmas Forests 1 anon. No Anonymous121 undated Forests 3 Agard (1), Broughton (1), “Lee”122 (1). 25.11.1591 Thursday Michaelmas Barons 1 anon. No 25.11.1591 Thursday Michaelmas Tenures 1 anon. No Ratcliff’s Case123 10.02.1591/15 Thursday Hilary Barons 2 Both Thynne No 92 undated Barons 2 Camden (1), Agard (1) 10.02.1591/15 Thursday Hilary Tenures 1 Thynne No Ratcliff’s 92 Case124 06.05.1592 Saturday Easter Knights 2 Both anon. No 12.02.1593125 Friday Hilary Sergeants at 2 Both anon. Yes126 No127
119 A date early in 1591 appears to be most likely, evidenced from the positioning of the Tate paper in Stowe MS 1045. My inspection of this manuscript disclosed no reason to doubt this suggestion by Van Norden, The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries, p. 497. 120 (1591) 1 Leonard 248; 74 ER 227. 121 (1590) Croke & Elizabeth 200; 78 ER 456. 122 See M. Stuckey, ‘Property Law and Politics in the Discourses of the Elizabethan Antiquaries’, Journal of Legal History 24.3 (2003), 237-49. 123 (1592) 3 Coke’s Reports 37a; 76 ER 713. 124 Ibid.
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Meeting Date Day of Term Topic Number of Author (s) Parliament Parliament Topic Before Week Papers in Session Discusses the Courts Topic Law 11.05.1594 Saturday Easter Esquires 3 Thynne (1), anon. (2) No 11.05.1594 Saturday Easter Yeoman 1 Thynne No 19.06.1594 Wednesday Trinity Privileges of 2 Thynne (1), anon. (1) No Gentility 27.11.1594 Wednesday Michaelmas County 1 anon. No Palatines in England 27.11.1594 Wednesday Michaelmas Antiquity of 1 anon. No Honours and Manners 29.05.1595 Thursday Easter Most Ancient 1 No paper, just one (dated) Court of the question Realm 02.11.1598 Thursday Michaelmas Arms 3 Heneage (1), Thynne (1), No Clarencieux v Tate (1) Dethick128 undated Arms 2 Doyle (1), Ley (1) 25.11.1598 Saturday Michaelmas Dukes 2 Holland (1), anon. (1) No 09.02.1598/15 Friday Hilary Castles 1 Agard No
125 Plague Years in London, during the group’s meeting period, were 1593 and 1603: P. Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985), esp. p. 151. 126 Writs issued, session commenced sittings on the following Friday (19 February). 127 No mention of topic in Parliament, however Fleetwood was made a Sergeant in late 1592. 128 (1597) Croke & Elizabeth 542; 78 ER 788.
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Meeting Date Day of Term Topic Number of Author (s) Parliament Parliament Topic Before Week Papers in Session Discusses the Courts Topic 99 09.02.1598/15 Friday Hilary Cities 1 Tate No Case of 99 Corporations129 15/16.05.1599 Tuesday/ Easter Castles 2 Tate (1), Holland (1) No Wednesday undated Castles 2 Cotton (1), anon. (1) 03.06.1599130 5 days Cities 2 Both Holland No Case of before Corporations131 Trinity 22/23.06.1599 Friday/ Trinity Towns 3 Tate (1), Cotton (1), No Case of Saturday Holland (1) Corporations132 02.11.1599 Friday Michaelmas Parishes 1 Tate No undated Parishes 1 Holland 20.11.1599 Tuesday Michaelmas Measuring Land 1 Probably Carew133 No in Cornwall 20/23/24.11.1 Tuesday/ Michaelmas Dimensions of 3 Holland (1), Agard (1), No 599 Thursday/ Land Tate (1) Friday
129 (1598) 4 Coke’s Reports 776; 76 ER 1052. 121One paper is dated 1598, the other 1599. If 1599 is the correct date for both, and ‘1598’ is misprinted, this positions these papers with other papers around the same date on similar topics such as ‘Castles’ and ‘Towns’. However, the 3rd of June 1599 was a Sunday (a day on which no other dated meeting occurred, being the Sabbath). It is therefore possible (but far from certain) that the ‘3’ (3rd of June) is also misprinted. 131 (1598) 4 Coke’s Reports 776; 76 ER 1052. 132 Ibid. 133 Stuckey, ‘Property Law and Politics in the Discourses of the Elizabethan Antiquaries’.
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Meeting Date Day of Term Topic Number of Author (s) Parliament Parliament Topic Before Week Papers in Session Discusses the Courts Topic undated Dimensions of 3 Dodderidge (1), Cotton Land (1), anon. (1) 09.02.1599/16 Saturday Hilary Funerals 2 Dethicke (1), anon. (1) No 00 09.02.1599/16 Saturday Hilary Knights’ Fees 1 anon. No 00 30.04.1600 Wednesday Easter Funerals 3 Holland (1), Agard (1), No Tate (1) undated Funerals 1 Ley 07.06.1600 Saturday Trinity Tombs 3 Tate (1), anon. (2) No August 1600 Heralds 1 Dodderidge No
03.11.1600 Monday Michaelmas Epitaphs 7 Thynne, Dethicke, No Holland, Hartwell, Camden (1 ea.), anon. (2) undated Epitaphs 3 Ley (1), Agard (1), anon. (1) 03.11.1600 Monday Michaelmas Parliament 1 Camden No undated Parliament 7 Holland, Cotton, Agard, Camden, Tate, Dodderidge, anon. (1 ea.) 28.11.1600 Friday Michaelmas Mottoes 4 Agard, Holland, Dethicke, No anon. (1 ea.)
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Meeting Date Day of Term Topic Number of Author (s) Parliament Parliament Topic Before Week Papers in Session Discusses the Courts Topic undated Mottoes 6 Ley, Cotton, Camden, Leigh, Hartwell, anon. (1 ea.) 22.05.1601134 Friday Easter Lawful 9 Agard, Tate, Cotton, No Combats Davies, anon. (2 ea.), Whitelock, Holland (1 ea.) 01.07.1601 Wednesday Trinity Inns of Court 1 Holland No undated Inns of Court 2 Thynne and Whitelock 02.11.1601 Monday Michaelmas Terms for the 1 Holland Yes No135 Administration of Justice undated Terms for the 1 Thynne Administration of Justice 27.10.1601 Wednesday Michaelmas Constables 1 Holland Yes 28.11.1601 Thursday Michaelmas Heralds 2 Holland and Whitelock Yes No136 undated Heralds 4 Leigh, Camden, Agard, anon. (1 ea.) undated Constables 6 Cotton, Agard, Leigh (1 ea.), anon. (3) 05.11.1602 Friday Michaelmas The Earl 1 Cotton No
134 Meeting postponed from 13 Fenruary1600/1601 (the day after the close of Hilary term) due to Essex Rebellion. 135 No specific mention, but other speeches made concerning the law generally. Townshend speaks on “solicitors”. 136 No specific mention, but other speeches made concerning the law generally. Bill/Act reforming the Exchequer.
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Meeting Date Day of Term Topic Number of Author (s) Parliament Parliament Topic Before Week Papers in Session Discusses the Courts Topic Marshal 12.02.1602/16 Friday Hilary The Earl 2 Agard, anon. (1 ea.) No 03137 Marshal undated The Earl 7 Camden, Cotton, Davies, Marshal Thynne, Holland (1 ea.), anon. (2) 01/04.06.1603 Wednesday/ Easter The High 10 Camden, Tate, Agard, No Saturday Steward Cotton, Davies, Thynne, Holland, Townshend (1 ea.), anon. (2) 03.11.1603 Thursday Michaelmas The Earl 1 Camden No Marshal 29.06.1604 Friday 2 days after The Diversity of 3 Oldisworth, Camden, Yes No Trinity Names in this Agard (1 ea.) Island undated The Diversity of 1 Holland Names in this Island 29.11.1604 Thursday 1 day after Christian 4 Cotton, Agard, Dethicke, No Yes138 Michaelmas Religion Hakewill (1 ea.) undated Christian 1 Camden Religion
128 Plague Years in London, during group meeting period, were 1593 and 1603: Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 151. 138 Recusancy debated in Parliament next February. Dodderidge participates. More generally, it should be remembered, that this was a topic which was constantly debated.
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Meeting Date Day of Term Topic Number of Author (s) Parliament Parliament Topic Before Week Papers in Session Discusses the Courts Topic 03.03.1605 Tuesday Not in term Heralds 1 Thynne No 21.06.1607 Tuesday Trinity Knights made 1 Tate No by Abbots undated Knights made 1 Leigh by Abbots undated The Chancellor 2 Ley and Tate139 undated British [Welsh] 1 Jones (question proposed Antiquities by Tate) undated The Laws of 2 Hakewill and anon. England
139 Tate’s paper (Stowe MS 415 fol.s 85-86), see Stuckey, ‘A “Discourse” on the Antiquity of the Lord Chancellor’s Office by Francis Tate’.
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LEGEND
1. For day of week, ‘Parliament Sitting’ and Terms, see F. M. Powicke,ed., Handbook of British Chronology, 1st edition (London: Royal Historical Society, 1939), pp 420-422; E. B. Fryde, D. E. Greenway, S. Porter and I. Roy, eds., Handbook of British Chronology, 3rd edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); C. R. Cheney, ed., Handbook of Dates for Students of English History (London: Royal Historical Society, 1945); and J. E. W. Wallis, English Regnal Years and Titles, Hand-Lists, Easter Dates, etc. (London: Macmillan, 1921), pp. 84-85.
2. For ‘Topic in Parliament’, some parts of the Commons journals are now available online at http://www.british-history.ac.uk/source.asp?sponsor=3. See also J. E. Neale, The Elizabethan House Of Commons (London: Cape, 1949); J. E. Neale, Elizabeth I And Her Parliaments (London: Cape, 1957); and W. Notestein, The House of Commons: 1604-1610 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971).
3. For ‘Topic Before the Courts’ – while certainly not all-embracing – the CD-rom published (and thus searchable and cross-referable) version of the English Reports has been used to ascertain whether relevant or related matters were at least selected for reporting.
It is probably no wonder that litigation personally concerning one of the members of the Society (in his capacity as a herald) might engender some degree of interest amongst fellow members. If the two undated ‘discourses’ on Earls, one by Tate and the other one anonymous, can be fixed with a date early in 1591140 then this topic fits very neatly with the reported judicial pronouncements in Dethick’s Case141 later the same year (in Michaelmas). The court of Queen’s Bench drew an express and extended analogy of the use of the styles ‘Earl’ and ‘Earl Marshall’ in reaching its decision in the Garter’s favour. Similarly, Clarencieux v Dethick,142 a reprise of the same matter, might possibly be synchronised with the Society’s ‘discourses’ on Arms. There are extant three ‘discourses’ dated 2 November 1598, one each by Heneage, Thynne and Tate, and to these we might add two undated ‘discourses’ on the same topic by Doyle and Ley. The exact date of the decision by the Court of Queen’s Bench is uncertain, but it may reasonably be determined (from its position in the report) to have been in either Hilary 1597/8 or Trinity 1598. Again, if the connection is valid, the Society’s discussions appear to precede judicial pronouncement. Ratcliff’s Case,143 a lengthy and detailed matter involving the consideration of all aspects of tenures, was decided in Hilary of 1592. It appears from the ‘discourses’ dated in November 1591 and February 1591/2 that the Society also discussed the topic of tenures. In the Case of Corporations144 the constitution and powers of cities and towns was the subject matter of reported extrajudicial consideration by Coke and
140 On which see supra Table ‘Meetings, Topics and Topicality’ (and notes thereto). 141 (1591) 1 Leonard 248; 74 ER 227. 142 (1597) Croke & Elizabeth 542; 78 ER 788. 143 (1592) 3 Coke’s Reports 37a; 76 ER 713. 144 (1598) 4 Coke’s Reports 776; 76 ER 1052. 49
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) other senior law officers in Michaelmas 1598. These reported discussions may be synchronised with the series of ‘discourses’ by Holland, Tate and Cotton on the same topic at around the same time. Our dating of some of these ‘discourses’ is open to query,145 but (at least at a speculative level) the connection is conceivable. In summary, recoverable associations between the discussion of topics in Parliament and the subject matter of extant ‘discourses’ are tenuous to say the least. Associations between the ‘discourses’ and matters before the courts are not much easier to discern. There are really only a few instances where it is possible to parallel group discussions with specific matters before the courts. If we exclude Dethicke’s own litigation from the assessment, because of its personal nature, then any pattern of topical engagement by design is quite difficult to distinguish. The result appears to be that suggestions, which might be derived from Sharpe’s thesis, that the Society was ‘engaged’ in the ‘hot topics’ of contemporary political life, are simply not borne out by the evidence. At the broadest level, it is possible to say that the common English orientation of the group was one which may have enkindled ideas about things like loyalty and geographical associations - topics which became public issues under James I. At any more specific level however, one can only conclude that the purpose of group meetings was not one which was especially motivated by current events and topics save, perhaps, for the exceptional or personal legal matter which may have stimulated some associated antiquarian interest. We know scarcely more about the Society in terms of its formal organisational structure. The Cotton Petition sets out an organisational design, but it must be remembered that proposals of this kind frequently differ from experience. The petition, it is submitted, is not evidence for the realities of practice: if there were actual rules or customs of a general organisational nature, beyond the proposal of topics and the presentation of ‘discourses’, then they have not survived in the sources for our examination. The fragments of what is known about the conduct of the Society in formal terms vary in detail and consistency. How was the Society constituted? There may in fact have been no office bearers, beyond perhaps a secretary. Spelman’s ‘The Original’ simply designates Mr Hackwell ‘our Register, and the Convocator of our Assemblies for the present’. However Spelman’s account is at odds with Bolton’s, which depicts a more complex administrative structure. Furthermore, where Spelman mentions that some of the ‘discourses’ were ‘enter’d in a Book’, Bolton describes a ‘Register’.146 Van Norden suggests that informality may have given way to ‘ossification’ with the passage of time147 but it is equally possible that Bolton’s version tends to embellish, in order to make the Society appear to have been more cohesive and permanent than perhaps it really was. There is nothing in the primary evidence to suggest anything like the level of formality of constitution recorded by Bolton. The evidence is much firmer as regards the times, dates and places of the Society’s meetings. Again it is Spelman’s ‘Original’ which provides a point of departure: ‘...a College or Society of Antiquaries, appointed to meet every Friday
145 On which see supra Table ‘Meetings, Topics and Topicality’ (and notes thereto). 146 ‘The Occasion’: Bodley MS e Mus 107, fols. 1-2, and Gough, ‘Introduction’, at xvi. 147 Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 302-03. 50
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) weekly in the Term...The place, after a meeting or two, became certain at Darby- house, where the Herald’s Office is kept:...’.148 From the thirty-four ‘discourses’ which can be precisely dated to a certain day, nine can be attributed to meetings held on Fridays. Other meeting days were, in descending order of frequency: Thursday (eight meetings); Wednesday (seven meetings); Saturday (five meetings); Tuesday (three meetings); Monday (two meetings). There were no meetings held on a Sunday.149 The result is that although Friday had the distinction of being the most habitual meeting day, the extant evidence suggests that there was far from any strict rule about regular weekly meeting days. Spelman’s identification of Term time is much easier to demonstrate. There are thirty- six meeting dates which can be identified with sufficient certainty (that is to say within a day or two). Only three known meeting dates fall outside Term time, and then only just.150 The makeup of the group obviously meant that the Term was a convenient time to attend meetings in London. The significance of the Term periods for the lawyer-members is transparent, but it should not be inflated. When Parliament was in session, during the Term, the Westminster complex swarmed with both lawyers and Members.151 Businessmen took advantage of the Terms to pursue connections who might at other times be occupied in the counties. The Terms were periods when public business, social and commercial pursuits of all kinds, were conducted in the capital. The location of meetings also seems fairly uncontroversial. According to Spelman the venue for meetings was Derby House, the former seat of the Earls of Derby, and since 1555 the headquarters of the heralds. William Dethicke, Garter King at Arms, had his apartments at Derby House, and the summonses to Mr Bowyer and Mr Stow152 state that the meetings were to be held at ‘Mr Garter’s house’. It is possible, but unfortunately not verifiable, that in ensuing years the venue was shifted to Robert Cotton’s house in Westminster. For this we are reliant solely upon the account of Thomas Smith.153 One matter of organisation remains largely unknown: the recruitment and induction of new members. The matter has an important bearing on the question of the character of the group in terms of its relative degrees of exclusivity and formality. The only clue we have is the letter written by Launcelot Andrewes to Abraham Hartwell. The letter, as recorded by Gough, is instructive: To the right worfhipful my very good friend, Mr Hartwell, at his Houfe at Lambeth. SIR, I have received the inclofed (as it was fayd) by direction from you: but the partie I know not: it was not your hand: it had no mention of my name; and I talkt with Mr. Clarentieux, and he would not certify me that I was made of your number, and yet he was at your laft meeting, wher fuch things (as he fayd) ufed to be agreed on before any came in, wherby I thought it likely the
148 ‘The Occasion’: Bodley MS e Mus 107, fols. 1-2. 149 See Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 547-53. 150 Ibid., pp. 544-546. 151 See Clendenin, ‘The Common Lawyers in Parliament and Society’, pp. 13-15. 152 Bodley MS Ashmole 763, IV, 5 and 6. 153T. Smith, Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Cottonianae cui praemittuntur Illustris Viri, D. Roberti Cottoni, Equitis Aurati & Baronetti, Vita: et Bibliothecae Cottonianae Historia & Synopsis (Oxford, 1696). 51
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partie might be miftaken that brought your note. But if I have notice from yourfelf or Mr. Clarentieux, that you have vouchfafed me the favor, then you fhall perceive well that I will not fail in obedyence, though unlefs it be that I dare not promife, becaufe I cannot perform ought ells, for I learn every day more and more gladly. But that this afternoon is our Tranflation time, and moft of our company are negligent, I would have feen you; but no Tranflation shall hinder me, if once I may underftand I fhall committ no error in coming. And fo, commending me to you in myn ambition, and every way befide, I take my leave, this laft of November, 1604, your verie affured poor friend, L. Andrewes .154 If this letter does refer to the Society, then it appears that new members were elected at meetings by the extant membership. It is reasonable to assume that newly elected members were then advised of their election to the Society by a written summons to attend a meeting. What does this say about the character of the group? An election does not necessarily betoken openness or egalitarianism. Whether a summons to a new member was the same as one to an existing member will remain unknown, however it is important to note that the Ashmolean summonses do warn existing members not to bring with them to a meeting any person who does not possess a similar written invitation. The group therefore looks to be exclusive and selective rather than open or accessible. On this question, the evidence of those commentators closest in time to the group is intriguing, and by no means unequivocal. According to Carew there was at least in some sense a formal introduction to the Society: Sir, I praie you geeve me leave to impart unto you my greeff, that my so remote dwelling depriveth mee of your sweete and respected Antiquarum society, into which your kyndenesse towardes mee and grace with them made mee an Entrance, and unto which (notwithstanding so long discontynuance) my longing desire layeth a Contynuall clayme...155 According to Spelman: ‘Two Questions were propounded at every Meeting, to be handled at the next that followed; so that every Man had a Sennight’s respite to advise upon them, and then to deliver his Opinion. That which seem’d most material, was by one of the Company (chosen for the Purpose) to be enter’d in a Book; that so it might remain unto Posterity.’156 There is very little in either of these statements to indicate what degrees of formality or exclusivity might have prevailed at meetings. The idea of the group’s character and function evolving over time into a more fixed, almost official form is advanced by Smith. He contends that from the impromptu discussions of the group’s earlier years there evolved specialisation, exclusivity, and an enormous seriousness of purpose: ...saepe prout ratio neotiorum sinebat, convenire consuevissent, de patriis antiquitatibus investigandis in commune consulturi, sermonibus de hisce rebus, prout in familiaribus amicorum congressibus solet fieri, ultro citroque habitis...... “Propositis vero gravissimis de re antiquaria sive questionibus
154 Gough, ‘Introduction’, at xv n. l. 155 Cotton MS Julius C. III fol. 30 b. Reproduced in Ellis, Sir H., Original Letters of Eminent Literary Men of the Sixteenth, Seventeenth, and Eighteenth Centuries, (London: Camden Society, 1843), pp. 98- 100. 156 H. Spelman, Reliquiae Spelmannianae. The Posthumous Works of Sir Henry Spelman Kt. relating to the Laws and Antiquities of England. Publish’d from the Original Manuscripts. With the Life of the Author (Oxford and London, 1698) p. 69. 52
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sive articulis, non confestim de iis quai tumultario erat disceptandum; sed tres quartuorve, interdum plures, nominantur, ut quicquid ex vetustis libris hauserint, quod iis illustrandis inserviat, proximo congrssu scripta exhibeant coram operis veritas in profundo latens melius erueretur, resque a nostro seculo remotissimae quasi praesentes sisterentur, illarumque origines clarius patetierent.... Lemmata vero argumentorum, quae Viri illustres tractanda susceperint, hic apponere longe consltius videbitur, ut Lectori manifestum fiat, non de minutiis tricisque, nullam laudem, fructum nullumhabituris, sed de rebus gravissimi momenti, quae veteris aevi historiam illustrant, & quarum usus erit perpetuus in vita civlli apud omnes, qui paulo supra vulgus sapiunt in commune consultum fuisse.157 Hearne reiterates two of Smith’s themes, those of the great and serious project which the group apparently pursued, and the increasingly formal nature of the meetings: 1) ‘Men that carry on such joint Labours should have their stated Meetings, and write Dissertations upon intricate Subjects, in the same manner as was done by the Society of Antiquaries in the time of Q. Elizabeth and K, James I’158 2) ‘The members of the Society used to be summoned when their Opinions were desired’159 3) ‘For when Conferences were had upon such and such Topicks, the Members used to be summoned, and their Answers were desired either in writing or otherwise ... [and] they are to discuss the most intricate and obscure Points in our English History and Antiquities. They should have their stated meetings, and give their opinions, not only by word of mouth, but oftentimes in writing. This method will occasion many short curious Discourse, that will be proper to be printed, ... In the time of Q. Elizabeth and K James I. there was such a society made up of right learned Antiquaries, that there is no doubt, but by this time we had had a compleat account of the most material Things in our History and Antiquities.’160 Although not mentioned by Hearne, Smith’s other theme, of specialisation and exclusivity amongst the membership, is taken up by Gough who envisions an even more rigid organisational structure: It seems ... probable, that, as these papers were the result of deliberations previously proposed, the meetings were regulated by the time each member required to prepare his memoir, and by the law terms … [and] More than one
157 [When the Society began] “Often, as the record of their activities set it forth, they were in the habit of meeting to combine their efforts toward the study of their ancestral antiquities, in discussions about these things, according to the wont of intimate gatherings of friends, held now here now there... [later] ...The most important topics on antiquarian matters having been proposed either in the form of questions or of issues, the discussion would be carried on not chaotically by all at once, but three or four (and sometimes many) were named, so that whatever they might glean from old books that could serve as illustrations they would produce in transcript at the next meeting, to be read and investigated communally, so that from that time the truth might be brought to light before one’s eyes, and things very remote from our own century appear as if belonging to the present and their origins be revealed....[and later still] ...The topics of discussion which these famous men took upon themselves to handle will seem, quite obviously to the reader (at least from the point of view of all who know a little more than the common people), to attach no importance to mere trifles, to seek no delight but in things of the most tremendous moment, which exemplify the life of the past, and to discuss at meetings things in relation to which there will be a permanent use in the civil life of all the people.” Smith, Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Cottonianae, pp. vii-viii. 158 Hearne, Curious Discourses, (Oxford: 1720), ‘Preface’, p. xxxiv, marginal note. 159 Ibid., p. xxxviii, marginal note. 160 Ibid. pp. xxxiv - xxxv. 53
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person wrote, or (as appears from the summons to Mr Stowe spoke, on each subject; ___ the only method of investigating the truth by various discussions. It appears from each summons, that none but Members were admitted to the meetings; and that the questions of such Members as were thought best qualified. 161 Ayloffe, reminiscent of Spelman, states simply: ... Questions as they thought proper, upon which each member was expected at the subsequent meeting, either to deliver in, a dissertation on writing or to speak his opinion:.... The opinions spoken were carefully taken down in writing by the secretary, and, together with the dissertations delivered in. After they had been read and considered, carefully deposited on their archives.162 All of these commentators see a certain formality as one of the features of the group. On the question of exclusivity Spelman and Hearne are effectively silent, but Smith and Gough see a restricted group of specialists. The style of the extant summonses, together with Lailand’s list of ‘those not somoned’, provide stronger, but not really more conclusive evidence as to whether the group was exclusive in the sense that only certain experts or specialists were invited to attend particular meetings: 1) ‘...Your oppinioun in writinge or otherwyse is expected. The question is, ‘Of the Antquitie, Etimologie and priviledges of parishes in Englande. Yt ys desyred, that you giue not notice hereof to any, but such as haue the like somons.’163 2) ‘...Your opinioun either in writinge or otherwise is expected upon this question. “Of the Antiquitie of Armes in England.” Yt is desired, that you bringe none other with you nor geve anie notice to anie, but to such as have the like somouns.’164 There are two ways of reading these summonses. One valid interpretation is that only (specialist) members who were required to present analysis were summoned to attend a particular meeting. The alternative interpretation is that all members were required to present an analysis on the question proposed for the particular meeting, but that only recognised members of the ‘group’ might attend a meeting and that strangers were forbidden. The latter interpretation, that each member, regardless of expertise, was obliged to communicate his findings on the question at meetings, points to a greater degree of openness and inclusiveness about procedure. This latter interpretation is not, however, reinforced by the existence of Lailand’s alternate roster of ‘those not somoned’ which appears within the same Bodleian manuscript as the summonses. The suggestion to be derived from Lailand’s two lists, that not all members were presumed to appear at all meetings, apparently strengthens the former interpretation. Of course, the double list might also be explained away, simply as a record of who was known to be in London and thus available for the meeting. If this is the case then the evidentiary support for the latter interpretation is diminished and we are thrown back upon the elusive texts of the summonses. Internal references within the ‘discourses’ give the strongest indications about the relative exclusivity of the group’s meetings and membership. Within the surviving
161 Gough, ‘Introduction’, pp. v-vi. 162 Ayloffe, A Collection of Curious Discourses, I, vii. 163 Bodley MS 763. IV, 5, fol. 195a. 164 Bodley MS 763. IV, 6, fol. 196a. 54
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‘discourses’ a number of the authors, from time to time, remark upon the practices adopted at meetings. These utterances tend to support the more open, non-specialist, theory of group dynamics. They also support, at the same time, a Society which (despite an inclusive collective attitude) was one which exhibited an organised structure with definite rules of procedure: 1) ‘I woulde willinglie keape silence in this proposition, were it not that I am taxed there unto by a generall order designed to all, because it is quite besides the queshyon of my profession, reading, or observation.’165 2) ‘And yet lest I should be deemed one that should begin to break order, I thought good to put myself to the censure of your wise judgements....’166 3) ‘Were it not that the order of this learned Assembly doth forbid me to be allwayes silent, this question having been so judiciously handled by others, and my self unable to say any thing to it...’167 4) ‘But forasmuch as I am, according to the laudable custom of this company, either to write or speak somewhat of the question propounded, I must first acknowledge my own ignorance therein, and wholly rely myself upon the knowledge and observation of the gentlemen here present...’168 5) ‘Which question falling most properly into the learning of officers of armes, affordeth me little ability to speake of a matter so farre out of my province, more especially as it is confined to the limits of our country; in experience of which, wee are commonly most ignorant, as having therein less help from reading and history, then we have in regard to other countries.’169 6) ‘...Whylst one treateth of one part of a question, and sume of another, there would be nothing left for mee to utter concerning the antiquity...of combatts. But because I would not seem to be silent, beinge otherwise enjoyned by the Laws of this Assembly...’170 7) ‘In this learned assembly, there can be nothing ouerpassed,...but that will be deliuered by some one, and therefore I might be silent: but synce by order I must say something...’171 8) ‘Although this proposition of itselfe be more proper to be dilated by dyvines than by any other, yet because I would bring some thynge to the encrease of our buildinge, I hope that it shal be taken in good parte...’172 Taken together, these editorial excerpts go a long way towards focussing our understanding of the group. They point to a group with certain fairly well understood rules and formalities, in line with the portrayals of group activities by Smith and Hearne. These internal references also support the theory of an ‘inclusive’ (rather than an ‘exclusive’) group spirit. This conclusion is at odds with one interpretation of the extant summonses: an interpretation possibly lent support, by inference, from Lailand’s two lists, an interpretation nonetheless consistent with Smith’s and Gough’s
165 Ayloffe, A Collection of Curious Discourses, I, no. LXVIII (p. 212). 166 Arthur Agard: Hearne, A Collection of Curious Discourses, no. XVIII (p. 71). 167 Francis Leigh, ibid., no. XIX (p. 81). 170 Abraham Hartwell: Ayloffe, A Collection of Curious Discourses, I, no. LXXXV, (p. 278). 169 Francis Leigh: ibid., I, no. LXXXVI (p. 276). 170 John Davies: ibid., II, no. XXXIII (pp. 187-88). 171 Arthur Agard: ibid., II, no. XXVII (p. 160). 172 Ibid. 55
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) representations of increasing specialisation. It appears, however, to be the most sound postulate. A final word, quite appropriately from Agard - the most loquacious of the recoverable authors, is quite telling: ...There are not in anye of our former propositions anye judyciall or fynall conclusion sett downe, wherby wee might say this is the...right opynyon that is to be gathered out of every man’s speache...Therefore I wishe this abuse...might in our nowe meetings be reformed. And that uppon every poynt, men being heard, the soundest judgements might be thereuppon concluded.173 Perhaps it is too much to read into Agard’s words ‘anye judyciall or fynall conclusion sett downe, wherby wee might say this is the...right opynyon’ to say that herein we find some legal significance. On the other hand the comment is interesting because it betrays an authentic and lawyerly desire, not just to reach a consensus, but to furnish some kind of persuasive collective standpoint on the issue at hand. Was the presentation of ‘discourses’, at the regular meetings, the only activity of the Society? There is no direct evidence of any other operations. Although it represents conjecture, another possible object of the Society may have been to facilitate scholarly ‘borrowings’, mostly of books but perhaps also of other easily transportable items. We know that the Cotton Petition included a proposal for a library. We also know that some of the members (particularly Cotton, Spelman and Camden) were certainly in the habit of borrowing and lending books and other items of scholarly interest. There are instances in the discourses where a particular bailment is mentioned in passing.174 The suggestion is interesting, but will remain unsubstantiated.
3.3 Group Members: Other responsibilities, age and death The plan for Society’s incorporation, embodied in the ‘Cotton petition’ which was presented (or was at any rate drafted for presentation) to Queen Elizabeth, was never realised. There is no documentary or other evidence to witness the continuation of group meetings after June of 1607. Spelman’s prologue to his The Original, ‘The Occasion’, indicates that endeavours to revive the Society in 1614 were unsuccessful, the King having ‘took a little Mislike’ to the group.175 It can, moreover, be demonstrated that the period was also one in which many of the members reached the age of retirement and death. Spelman’s ‘The Occasion’ also allows some insight as to some of the more plain reasons for the cessation of group activities: ‘as all good Uses commonly decline; so many of the chief Supporters hereof either dying or withdrawing themselves from London into the Country.’176 It is worth testing these explanations. We have already noted that, with the possible exception of John Stow, all of the antiquaries seem to have been ‘gentlemen’, at least in the sense that they possessed manors. Van Norden considers, on the
173 Agard: ibid., I, no. LVII (pp. 184-85). 174 Hearne, A Collection of Curious Discourses, no. XVII. 177 The King’s ‘mislike’ of the group is confirmed by Carew: Cotton MS Julius C. III, fol. 30 b. See also Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, pp. 71-118, and F. J. Levy, Tudor Historical Thought (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library Publications, 1967), p. 165. 176 Bodley MS e Mus 107, fols. 1-31 (‘The Occasion’ is fols. 1-2). 56
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) authority of Carew and Spelman, that it was this responsibility for land that eventually dispersed them.177 This conclusion is thoroughly plausible, but it is not verifiable by reference to known facts about the movements of individual group members. There is simply not enough evidence to say whether or not this was the primary factor in the demise of the group. Age and death, on the other hand, are factors which can be tested. In 1607/8 (Van Norden’s cessation date) at least thirteen of the forty-one identifiable members had already died. They were Beale, Bourchier, Broughton, Erdeswicke, Fleetwood, Hartwell, Heneage, Lambarde, Savile, Stow, Strangeman and Thynne and Townshend. In the five years prior to this census there had been a death of a member every year, and while there had been no deaths in 1602 there had been two in 1601. With (at least) almost a third of identifiable members dead the rupture of group ties must have been serious. There are a further nine members about whose date of birth or death there exists some uncertainty. Of the remaining nineteen living ‘primary’ members the average age in 1607/8 was 55 years. Three of those nineteen were above sixty, and a further six were between fifty and sixty. With fewer than ten percent of the overall population at this time accounting for persons above the age of sixty, it is clear that the group was moving collectively into old age.178 Whilst the obligations to attend to duties associated with substantial land holdings appears to be a feasible explanation for the demise of the group it is ultimately a solution which is unverifiable on existing evidence. The fact that many members did continue active and successful careers in politics, law and civil service (all of which required at least seasonal residence in London) might well suggest that removal from the capital was not a significant consideration. The factors of the ages of and deaths amongst the membership tell a more accurate story. These factors can be, speculatively at least, added to another. The year 1607 was not a favourable one for writers such as the antiquaries. Around this time the example of Dr Cowell (unjustifiedly accorded membership of the Society by Bolton) would have made some of these mature men wary about pursuing investigations which might attract royal displeasure. It needs to be remembered that most of the membership had much to lose. Almost all held positions of eminence and sinecures which might be squandered by careless words. There is no direct evidence of such a tactical withdrawal from the world of affairs by members, and certainly some members continued to write as individuals, but the circumstances of the period coupled with age and the death of friends might reasonably have lead more than a few to opt for a peaceful retirement.
4. Summary and Conclusion The significance of the brief flowering of legal and historical studies represented by the Society of Antiquaries is that glimpse which is afforded to the scholar, centuries later, of the emergence of what we now refer to as a discipline. The members of the Society, themselves now objects of our own historical inquiry, developed methods
179 Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’, p. 265. It is worth noting that because both Spelman and Carew were personally as active in the affairs of their respective counties of Norfolk and Cornwall as in their London affairs it may be inferred that their views might over-represent the provincial factor. See Cooper, ‘On An Early Autograph of Sir Henry Spelman, with Some New or Not Generally Known Facts Respecting Him’, pp. 101-12. 180 E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The Population History of England, 1541-1871 (London: Arnold, 1981), pp. 215-19. 57
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) and approaches to secure and utilise source materials with a view to the writing of history.179 Unlike the mediaeval historians, and in line with the continental humanist tradition (with which some of the members of the Society were in touch), it was not regarded as satisfactory to merely reiterate and augment the work of a predecessor. The dissolution of the monasteries, the dispersal of their libraries,180 and the invention of printing181 had engulfed scholars with a volume of accessible information inconceivable only a generation or two before. More information led, successively, to two things: comparison and novel questions. The Society, as a group, gathered information and did so purposefully. They met as a group, they proposed questions, they scoured repositories and archives, took notes, compared documentation and reported back to participate in discussion from which further questions emerged. The historical method became linear and progressive rather than cyclical, and the results became purposive rather than mere records of God’s work.182 In all of this the training of the members of the Society as lawyers, members of the most significant secular fraternity in Europe, stood them in good stead. As lawyers the members’ skills in documentary research and analysis, balancing of evidence and supported argumentation in the face of disputed or uncertain assertions, to a large degree moulded the new methodology to be applied to historical inquiry.183 This is not to say that in the Society of Antiquaries we find all the elements of modern legal history in some embryonic state.184 Fussner and Rodgers both point out that legal training had its disadvantages too, such as the rigid concept of the ‘legal record’ and its a priori factual status being inappropriate to historical studies where facts may exist at differing levels of generality.185 This was a methodological problem which the antiquaries never addressed. So it needs to be noted that the importance of the Society should not be exaggerated. Pivotal as they were, the endeavours of the antiquaries represented an isolated recognition and a limited employment of the humanist method of historico- legal scholarship. Rodgers reminds us: The common law was a highly practical discipline, however, and the professional common lawyer found little interest in legal humanism, which
179 Herendeen suggests this had much to do with the changing definitions of the roles of ‘antiquaries’ and ‘historians’ in the period in question: Herendeen, ‘William Camden: Historian, Herald, and Antiquary’, pp. 194-97. See also S. Piggott, ‘Antiquarian Thought in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, in English Historical Scholarship in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. by L. Fox (London: Oxford University Press, 1956), p. 93, and C. P. Rodgers, ‘Humanism, History and the Common Law’, Journal of Legal History, 6 (1985), 129-56 (pp. 146-47). 182 C. E. Wright, ‘The Dispersal of the Libraries in the Sixteenth Century’, in The English Library Before 1700, ed. By F. Wormald and C. E. Wright (London: Althone, 1958), pp. 148-71. 181 R. D. Dunn, ‘Fragment of an Unpublished Essay on Printing by William Camden’, British Library Journal, 12 (1986), 145-49. 184 R. M. Smuts, Court Culture and the Origins of a Royalist Tradition in Early Stuart England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987), pp. 76, 79, and 259-61. See also R. J. Terrill, ‘William Lambarde: Elizabeth Humanist and Legal Historian’, p. 161, and C. Ginzburg, ‘High and Low: The Theme of Forbidden Knowledge in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, Past and Present, 73 (1976), 28-41. 185 The significance of legal training appears to have been neglected by many: see, for example, Evans, A History of the Society of Antiquaries, pp. 11-12. 184 See T. D. Kendrick, British Antiquity (London: Methuen, 1950), p. 114. 187 Fussner, The Historical Revolution, pp. 98-99, and Rodgers, ‘Humanism, History and the Common Law’, pp. 137-38 and 147. 58
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he saw as largely abstract, antiquarian and irrelevant to legal practice. The insularity of the common law tradition ensured that even the modest `reception’ of humanist ideas (represented in the work of the legal antiquaries) that did occur was effectively delayed until well into the seventeenth century.186 The prosopographical temptation to see the Society as a culmination of a much earlier lineage, stretching back to Leland, or for that matter as an origin of later scholarship, centred on Selden, must be resisted.187 The human element of such lineages is indefinite. The significance of individuals’ real and imagined connections defines the prosopographical enterprise, and is therefore a question which, it is hoped, has been approached with appropriate care. On the other hand it is worth recalling that, as Cheney has noted, ‘the sultriness of professionalism had not yet descended upon the historical world’.188 The milieu was one of awakening, of ‘discovery’, so while the enthusiasm of these scholars cannot entirely counterbalance technical weaknesses in analyses which are obvious today, it is submitted that the group were genuinely great explorers in their field. Their work directed the path to a more sophisticated and profound access-way to the past. It was unique, but also represented only a fleeting interval in the sequence of English legal-historical scholarship. In the years immediately following the demise of the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries there were a number of inconsequential successor organisations. These bodies, or proposed bodies, were: Prince Henry’s ‘Academe’; the Chelsea College; Bolton’s ‘Academe Roial’; Kynaston’s ‘Museum Minervae’; Dugdale and Deering’s ‘Antiquitas Rediviva’; Gerbier’s ‘Academy’; an innominate association referred to by Ashmole and Cowley’s planned foundation ‘for the advancement of learning’. Although (to various degrees) the individual members or sponsors of these groups were notable antiquarians, none of these organisations made any significant or lasting mark on scholarship as an organisation per se.189 They were, for the most part, futile attempts to establish some kind of learned academy or society which never (or only barely) progressed beyond planning stages. It was not until the incorporation of the Society of Antiquaries of London in 1751 that such an organisation took firm root. Such evidence as exists in relation to the membership and interests of these bodies, including the Society founded in 1751, indicates none of the especially legal flavour of the antecedent organisation.190 Nonetheless, the fleeting
186 Rodgers, ‘Humanism, History and the Common Law’, pp. 152-53. 189 For example, Levine’s ‘The Antiquarian Enterprise, 1500-1800’: J. M. Levine, Humanism and History: Origins of Modern English Historiography (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), pp. 73- 106. Another example, concerning the role of Camden and the heralds: Herendeen, ‘William Camden: Historian, Herald, and Antiquary’, pp. 203-06. Cf. J. P. Carley, ‘Polydore Vergil and John Leland on King Arthur: The Battle of the Book’, Interpretations, 15 (1984), 86-100. 190 C. R. Cheney, ‘Introduction’, in English Historical Scholarship in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. by Fox, pp. 5-6. See also A. B. Ferguson, Clio Unbound: Perception of the Social and Cultural Past in Renaissance England (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1979), p.88. 191 See D. R. Woolf, ‘Erudition and the Idea of History in Renaissance England, Renaissance Quarterly, 40 (1987), 11-48 (pp. 17-27, 31). 192 The comprehensive reference is: Evans, A History of the Society of Antiquaries. See Van Norden, ‘The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries’ pp. 440-87; Herendeen, ‘William Camden: Historian, Herald, and Antiquary’, pp. 209-10; B. Nurse, ‘The Library of the Society of Antiquaries of London: Acquiring Antiquaries’ Books Over Three Centuries’ in Antiquaries, Book Collectors and the Circles of Learning, ed. by R. Myers and M. Harris (Winchester: St. Paul’s Bibliographies, 1996), pp. 153-58; and, more generally, B. C. Southgate, ‘“No Other Wisdom”? Humanist Reactions to Science and Scientism in the 59
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) glimpse provided by the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries allows us an invaluable perspective - towards both the antiquaries’ distant past and their near future. As Kelley recognises that ‘The ideological conflicts of the seventeenth century made disinterested inquiry into the English past a luxury, a dangerous one at that, and clearly the triumph of Parliament did not provide a more congenial atmosphere for the kind of cosmopolitan-minded work exemplified...’191
Où sont les femmes?
Seventeenth Century’, The Seventeenth Century, 5 (1990), 71-92, and M. Feingold, ‘John Selden and the Nature of Seventeenth Century Science’, in In the Presence of the Past: Essays in Honour of Frank Maunel, ed. by R. T. Bienvenu and M. Feingold (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1991), pp. 55-78. 193 D. R. Kelley, ‘History, English Law and the Renaissance’, Past and Present, 65 (1974), 24-51 (pp. 49-50). 60
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Prosopographie des femmes des familles princières et ducales en Italie méridionale depuis la chute du royaume lombard (774) jusqu’à l’installation des Normands (env. 1100) Thierry Stasser
Mon projet est de mettre au point une prosopographie des femmes des maisons princières et ducales d’Italie méridionale de la fin du VIIIe aux débuts du XIIe siècle, c’est à dire depuis la fin du royaume lombard d’Italie et sa conquète par Charlemagne dans les années 770/780 jusqu’à la conquête normande. Le point de départ sera donc la famille du prince de Bénévent Aréchis II. L’étude se terminera aux premières années du XIIe siècle, lorsque les Normands auront partout évincé les anciennes familles régnantes, avec lesquelles ils se sont alliés par mariage. Le cadre géographique du projet est l’Italie méridionale lombarde et grecque située au sud des Abbruzes spolétines et du patrimoine de S Pierre, à savoir les principautés de Capoue, Bénévent et Salerne, ainsi que les duchés de Naples, Gaète, Amalfi et Sorrente. Cette étude n’est pas encore entièrement finalisée. Nos connaissances des membres féminins des familles régnantes en Italie méridionale sont encore actuellement très succinctes, car les sources ne sont guère prolixes à leur sujet. La plupart du temps les femmes ne sont connues que par des allusions ou la mention de liens de parenté entre les personnages masculins de ces lignées. Néanmoins un examen minutieux de ces sources peut conduire à de nouvelles identifications et à dégager certains personnages de l’anonymat.
Cadres chronologique et géographique Avant de commencer le travail proprement dit, il convient de délimiter les cadres chronologiques et géographiques de notre étude. En 774, le royaume des Lombards et son roi Desiderius furent vaincus par Charlemagne qui prit le titre de roi des Lombards et intégra le territoire au Regnum Francorum. C’est à cette époque que le duc Aréchis II de Bénévent, gendre de Desiderius, se proclama prince de Bénévent. Cette principauté s’étendait, à cette époque, sur la quasi totalité de l’Italie méridionale, au sud des Abbruzes spolétines et du Patrimoine de Saint Pierre. Echappaient à son contrôle les territoires autonomes de Naples-Amalfi et Gaète, ainsi que les terres byzantines. Ce patrimoine demeura intact jusqu’au milieu du IXe siècle, sous les principats de Grimoald II, Grimoald III, Sico et son fils Sicard. Au décès de ce dernier, c’est le comte Radelchis qui reçut le pouvoir des mains des Bénéventains, au détriment de Siconulf, frère cadet de Sicard. Une guerre civile s’ensuivit, qui se termina par le partage de la principauté en 849: le nord et l’est restèrent aux mains de Radelchis I qui garda Bénévent. Le sud et l’ouest en revanche passèrent à Siconulf avec le titre de prince de Salerne. Les Sarrasins, appelés par les deux compétiteurs, s’emparèrent des Pouilles qu’ils gardèrent un certain temps jusqu’à ce que les Byzantins vers 875 occupent Bari et reconquièrent ce territoire qui échappa pour longtemps à la domination des princes. Une troisième famille entra alors dans le jeu, celle des gastalds de Capoue qui avaient aidé Siconulf dans sa conquête du pouvoir. En 900, Aténulf I de Capoue s’empara de Bénévent et du titre princier. Ses 61
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) successeurs régnèrent en indivision jusqu’au décès de Pandulf I en 981: à ce moment, Capoue et Bénévent devinrent deux entités distinctes, avec le titre de prince, qui perdurèrent jusqu’à ce que les Normands s’en emparent dans la seconde moitié du XIe siècle. Pendant ce temps, la principauté de Salerne garda son indépendance, jusqu’à la fin du règne de Gisulf II, brièvement déposé en 973 par son beau frère Landulf, fils d’Aténulf II de Capoue Bénévent. L’intervention de Pandulf I, prince régnant de Capoue Bénévent et également duc de Spolète, rétablit Gisulf sur le trône ; en échange, Gisulf et son épouse Gemma, sans enfants, adoptèrent le second fils de Pandulf I et l’instituèrent leur héritier. Au décès de Pandulf, le duc Manso II d’Amalfi occupa la principauté pendant deux années, avant d’être lui même éjecté en 983 par le comte du palais Jean fils de Lambert, d’origine Spolétine, et qui fonda la seconde maison des princes de Salerne, laquelle régna jusqu’en 1077. Le petit-fils de Jean, Gaimar IV, s’empara même à un moment des duchés de Sorrente et d’Amalfi, ainsi que de la principauté de Capoue. A côté de ces principautés, les enclaves de Naples, Amalfi et Gaète restèrent dans la mouvance byzantine et dataient la plupart de leurs documents du règne des empereurs grecs. Dès le VIe siècle, on voit apparaître un duc de Naples, mais pour rester fidèle à ce cadre chronologique, on les envisagera à partir de Stéphane II (+ fin VIIIe siècle). C’est cependant seulement avec Serge I (840-865) que la succession devint héréditaire. Auparavant comte de Cumes, et membre d’une importante lignée aristocratique, Serge I transmit le pouvoir à ses descendants, qui le gardèrent jusqu’en 1127. Amalfi, qui faisait partie du duché napolitain, s’en détacha en 838, après une brève occupation par Sicard de Bénévent, pour former un territoire indépendant. Ses dirigeants portèrent d’abord le titre de préfet, pour adopter celui de duc dès 957. Parmi les nombreux règnes, trois familles se détachent: celle du préfet Marinus, avec ses fils Serge I et Puchcharius et son gendre Stéphane au IXe siècle ; celle de Manso I, son fils Mastalus I, les fils de ce dernier Léon et Jean I, et le fils de Jean, Mastalus II, dans la première moitié du Xe siècle ; celle enfin de Serge II, qui resta au pouvoir jusqu’en 1077. Gaète semble aussi avoir été dans la mouvance napolitaine jusqu’en 867 au moins. On connaît deux hypatoi de Gaète, de la famille des Anatolii, à la tête de la cité en 866. Dès 867, le pouvoir passe aux mains de la lignée des Docibilii, avec l’arrivée de Docibilis I, sans doute allié par mariage aux Anatolii. Ses successeurs se maintinrent au pouvoir jusqu’en 1032 au moins ; avant 1036, Pandulf IV de Capoue occupa le siège ducal, dont il fut dépossédé en 1038, comme de sa principauté d’ailleurs, au profit de Gaimar IV de Salerne. Raynulf d’Aversa dirigea ensuite la cité puis on retrouve Aténulf d’Aquino, gendre de Pandulf IV de Capoue. La dernière entité enfin est l’éphémère duché de Sorrente, envisagé seulement au XIe siècle. Les noms des tenants du titre ne sont pas tous connus, à l’exception des deux derniers, Serge I et Serge II. Ils sont étudiés principalement en raison de leurs rapports avec les princes de Salerne. La plupart de ces familles disparurent de la scène à l’arrivée des Normands, mais beaucoup s’allièrent aux conquérants par mariage. Cette étude s’arrêtera aux premières années du XIIe siècle.
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Description du projet La prosopographie proprement dite sera précédée d’une première partie qui traitera de différentes questions concernant ces lignées, ainsi que l’aspect onomastique avec la transmission des prénoms, et les différentes stratégies matrimoniales élaborées par les ducs et les princes. Cette première partie sera divisée comme la prosopographie en huit chapitres. On tentera entre autres de donner des pistes quant à l’origine familiale des différents princes, notamment grâce à l’onomastique et à la chronologie comparative, et de reconstituer les branches cadettes des différents troncs princiers et ducaux. La prosopographie comportera 8 chapitres. Le premier traitera des princes de Bénévent depuis Aréchis II jusqu’à Radelchis II (fin IXe siècle) . 26 dames ont déjà été recensées. Le second chapitre étudiera les “Landulfides” de Capoue Bénévent, depuis Landulf l’Ancien (second quart du IXe siècle) jusqu’à la fin du XIe siècle. Ce chapitre sera lui même divisé en 4 parties: 1) les gastalds de Capoue, depuis Landulf l’ Ancien jusqu’à Aténulf I, qui renversera le prince de Bénévent Radelchis II en 900. On y recense 16 dames. 2) les princes de Capoue Bénévent depuis Atenulf I jusqu’à la fin du XIe siècle: 24 dames. 3) les comtes de Téano, issus d’Aténulf II de Capoue Bénévent et de Pandulf I de Capoue bénévent: 13 dames. 4) les comtes d’Isernia, issus d’Aténulf II de Capoue Bénévent: 4 dames. Soit un total de 57 personnes. Le troisième chapitre traitera de la première maison des princes de Salernes et sera divisé en 4 parties: 1) les princes de Salerne, depuis Siconulf (mil IXe siècle) jusqu’à Gisulf I (+ 977): 11 dames. 2) le lignage du comte Guy, issus de Gaimar I: 7 dames. 3) le lignage issu du comte Daufier, fils du prince Guaifier: 13 dames. 4) le lignage issu de Guaifier, fils du prince Guaifier: 1 dame. Soit 32 personnes. Le quatrième chapitre s’intéressera aux princes de Salerne de la seconde maison, depuis Jean fils de Lambert (fin Xe siècle) jusqu’à Gisulf II (fin XIe siècle). Ce chapitre comportera 5 parties: 1) les princes de Salerne: 11 dames. 2) les seigneurs de Policastro, issus de Gaimar IV: 3 dames. 3) les seigneurs de Conza et de Giffoni, issus de Gaimar III: 8 dames. 4) les seigneurs de Cappacio, issus de Gaimar III: 17 dames. 5) le lignage du comte Jean, issu de Jean I: 2 dames. 6) le lignage du comte Pierre, parent de Jean I: 5 dames ; 7) le lignage du comte Lambert, issu de Jean I: 4 dames. 8) le lignage du comte Lambert, peut-être frère ou cousin de Jean I: 17 dames. Soit 67 personnes. Le cinquième chapitre étudiera la famille ducale de Naples, depuis les débuts du IXe jusqu’à la fin du XIe siècle: 22 dames jusqu’à présent. Le sixième chapitre s’occupera des ducs de Gaète, du IXe au XIe siècle: et comportera 5 parties: 1) les ducs de Gaète: 26 dames. 2) les ducs de Fundi, issus du duc Marinus: 4 dames. 3) les comtes de Traetto et Castro Argento, issus du duc Marinus: 5 dames. 4) les comtes de Suio, issus de Docibilis II: 6 dames. 5) le lignage du préfet Léon, issus de Docibilis I: 8 dames. Le septième chapitre s’intéressera aux ducs d’Amalfi, de Marinus I (2e moitié IXe siècle) jusqu’à Marinus II (fin XIe siècle): 1) famille ducale ; 28 dames. 2) le lignage issu d’Adémar, fils de Serge I: 16 dames. Le huitième chapitre étudiera les ducs de Sorrente au XIe siècle: 6 dames On a donc jusqu’à présent recensé 303 dames pour 8 lignages principaux. La plupart sont issues d’un de ces lignages et mariées dans un autre. Elles sont 63
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) prioritairement recensées dans le lignage auquel elles appartiennent par mariage: par exemple Adelchisa, soeur de Guaifier de Salerne et épouse de Sicard de Bénévent, est reprise dans le chapitre qui traite des princes de Bénévent, bien que par la naissance elle appartienne au genus de Salerne. Gaitelgrima, fille de Pandulf II de Bénévent (III de Capoue), est mentionnée dans le chapitre consacré à la seconde lignée des princes de Salerne, car elle avait épousé Gaimar III de Salerne. C’est pourquoi il y aura chaque fois un renvoi aux tableaux généalogiques correspondants. Chaque dame a droit à une notice. Celle-ci comprend les dates extrêmes où elle est documentée; les dates de naissance et de décès si celles-ci sont connues ou peuvent être déterminées avec plus ou moins de précision; les origines familiales (noms des parents); l’état civil (mariée, religieuse, célibataire); la descendance; les sources principales; la bibliographie; enfin un commentaire biographique. L’identification des 303 personnes répertoriées dans la prosopographie repose sur quatre cas de figure. Dans le premier cas, il s’agit d’une dame bien documentée par les sources à notre disposition. Dans le meilleurs cas, on connaît son nom, sa famille d’origine et celle à laquelle elle s’est alliée, et on possède également quelques indications chronologiques à son propos. Par exemple Adelperga, fille du roi des Lombards Desiderius, femme du premier prince de Bénévent Aréchis et mère de ses cinq enfants. Ou encore Sichelgaita, fille du prince de Salerne Gaimar IV et mariée au normand Robert Guiscard. Certaines sont également anonymes, mais bien identifiées par nos sources, comme la mère du prince Aténulf I de Capoue, que le chroniqueur de Salerne nous dit issue du génus des Roffrid et des Potelfrit, lignée illustre à Bénévent, ou la fille de Guy de Conza, nièce du prince Gaimar IV de Salerne et donnée par son oncle au normand Guillaume Bras de Fer. Dans le second cas, la dame nous est connue par l’affirmation de liens familiaux entre certains personnages masculins des familles princières et ducales. Landulf de Suessola, fils du comte Lando de Capoue, est le gendre du duc de Naples Serge I ; le comte de Capoue Lando III est le beau frère (cognatus) du prince de Bénévent Gaideris ; le duc de Naples Serge II est le grand père des princes Landulf I et Aténulf II de Bénévent. Ces indications nous indiquent que les ducs Serge I et Serge II de Naples avaient chacun une fille qu’ils avaient mariée dans la famille des Landulfides. Ces dames ne sont pas documentées en tant que telles, on ne connaît pas leur nom et ces mentions seules nous permettent de déterminer leur existence et de connaître leurs liens familiaux. Dans le troisième cas, c’est l’apparition dans une lignée d’un nom spécifique d’une autre lignée, ou la transmission d’un patrimoine, qui nous permet de suggérer une alliance matrimoniale et partant l’identification d’une épouse ou d’une fille. Il ne s’agit plus ici de certitudes généalogiques, mais bien d’hypothèses. Par exemple, le nom de Gaimar donné au fils associé au pouvoir du duc d’Amalfi Manso II dans les années 1048/1052 indique une alliance probable avec les princes de Salerne, dans ce cas-ci, chronologiquement, avec une fille de Gaimar III. De même, l’apparition, au XIIe siècle, des prénoms Bagelard et Hermann dans la famille des seigneurs de Capaccio, lignée issue du prince de Salerne Gaimar III, suggère une alliance avec des femmes de la famille de Homfroy de Hauteville, duc des Pouilles, dont le fils Bagelard fut un des principaux rivaux de Robert Guiscard, avec l’aide de son demi- frère Hermann. Il est probable que deux filles de ce Bagelard épousèrent les frères 64
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Grégoire et Tudinus de Capaccio, introduisant les noms de leur père et de leur oncle dans la famille de leurs époux. Le dernier cas de figure concerne les dames à propos desquelles on ne possède aucune trace si ce n’est qu’on sait qu’elles ont existé. Lorsqu’un prince, un duc ou un comte a des fils légitimes, cela signifie qu’il a eut au moins une, voire plusieurs épouses. Toutefois, ces dames anonymes ne sont pas reprises dans la prosopographie.
Apport de l’onomastique Sur les 303 dames identifiées jusqu’à présent, 79 sont anonymes. En ce qui concerne les autres, on peut remarquer que dans la plupart des cas, les lignées de Bénévent, Capoue et Salerne utilisent principalement des prénoms d’origine lombarde, tandis que les 3 duchés tyrrhéniens préfèrent les noms d’origine grecque ou latine, voire biblique comme Anna ou Elisabeth. Dans la famille des princes de Bénévent aux VIIIe et IXe siècles, les 5 filles de princes nommément connues ont des noms lombards: Adelchisa, Teoderada, Sikelenda, Ageltrude et Gairichisa. Quant aux épouses, toutes ont des noms lombards également, sauf la byzantine Evanthia. Les familles de 3 d’entr’elles sont connues: Adelperga, fille du roi Desiderius, Adelchisa, fille de Daufier le Muet, et Arniperga, fille de Pando de Capoue. Quant aux autres, une est anonyme, les 3 dernières, Garetrude, Tasselgarda et Adeltrude sont certainement issues de lignées lombardes. Chez les Landulfides de Capoue au Ixe siècle, la seule fille dont on connaît le nom est Laidelaicha, fille de Lando I: un prénom bien lombard. Lorsque la lignée s’empare de Bénévent et du titre princier, l’alliance avec les familles de Naples et de Gaète introduit deux prénoms jusqu’alors inusités: Gemma et Maria. Ces prénoms se retrouvent toutefois rapidement dans les familles lombardes. Les autres prénoms connus sont Sikelgarde, Gaitelgrima, Adelgrima, Willa. Quant aux épouses, leur origine familiale n’est pas toujours connue: à côté des anonymes, on trouve une Aloara, une Arniperga, une Adeltruda, deux Altruda et 3 Maria. En ce qui concerne les autres, celles pour lesquelles on possède quelques données quant à leur origine familiale, 2 des 3 Napolitaines sont anonymes. Rothilde est fille du prince de Salerne, Aloara est fille du comte Pierre et nièce du comte Lando, Gaitelgrima est fille de Roffrid, toutes des familles lombardes. Si on se tourne vers les Salerne, on remarque que les quelques filles des princes dont on a gardé la trace (et le nom) se rattachent à l’onomastique lombarde: Sichelgaita et Gaitelgrima, plus une Rothilde qui tient son nom de la famille de sa grand mère Itta, issue des Widonides de Spolète, apparentés aux Carolingiens. Parmi les femmes des princes, outre les capouanes Laidelaicha et Gaitelgrima, on retrouve deux Itta, toutes deux issues des Widonides, une Gemma, fille d’un comte Alfan (fort probablement issue du genus des Alfan de Salerne, alliés par la suite à la plupart des familles comtales de la principauté), une Gemma, fille d’un comte Laidulf. D’origine inconnue sont une autre Gaitelgrima, une Sikelgaita , 2 Purpura et une Maria . Les branches cadettes, dont les alliances sont semble-t-il principalement limitées à la principauté, nous offrent des Aloara, Sichelgaita, Gaitelgrima, Sikelgarda, Adeltruda, Miranda, Gemma, Laidelaicha, Imelaita, Gaita, Radelgrima. Toutefois, un mariage avec une romaine introduit le prénom de Théodora, un autre
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Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) avec une Gaétane, celui d’Emilia. Enfin, avec l’arrivée des Normands, apparaissent des Emma et une Sibilia. Les ducs de Naples et de Gaète utilisent presqu’exclusivement pour leurs filles des prénoms non lombards: Maria (5), Eupraxia (3), Anna (2 ou 3),Gemma (2), Bona (2), Matrona (2), Megalu (2), Drosu (2), Euphemia (1), Elisabeth (1), Emilia (1). Quelques exceptions toutefois: Jean I, hypathos et patrice impérial, a eu une fille nommée Sichelgaita, qui épousa le prince de Capoue Bénévent Aténulf II. Le duc de Naples Jean IV eut une fille qui épousa d’abord un duc de Gaète, probablement Jean IV, puis le normand Rainulf d’Aversa, et qui se nommait également Sichelgaita. On peut donc supposer que Jean I de Gaète, à la fin du Ixe siècle, et Jean IV de Naples à la fin du Xe, s’étaient alliés à des lignées lombardes. Le critère onomastique est un élément fondamental pour identifier et déterminer l’appartenance familiale de nos dames lombardes et autres. Deux exemples vont illustrer ici l’importance de cet argument onomastique pour l’établissement de la prosopographie. Un troisième exemple montrera que certains titres spécifiques permettent également de dégager des liens de parenté.
Le premier exemple sera celui du prince Aréchis II de Bénévent, dont l’appartenance familiale est restée dans l’ombre. La principauté de Bénévent est née de la disparition du royaume indépendant des Lombards d’Italie. En 774, Charlemagne s’empara de Pavie, déposa le roi Desiderius et se fit couronner roi des Lombards. C’est à ce moment que le duc de Bénévent, Aréchis II, gendre du roi détrôné, prit le titre princier. Il avait été placé par son beau père à la tête du duché de Bénévent en 758, suite à la révolte du jeune duc Luitprand. Son origine familiale est inconnue. Il était, d’après Paul Diacre, stirpe ducum regumque satus. Cependant, bien qu’il ait été établi par son beau père pour remplacer le jeune Luitprand, fils du duc Gisulf II, il est probable qu’Aréchis appartenait à cette famille qui régnait sur Bénévent depuis plus d’un siècle. On ne connaît pas le nom des parents d’Aréchis II. Les noms qu’il donna à quatre de ses enfants de même que le sien, militent en faveur de son appartenance à lignée des ducs de Bénévent descendants du duc de Frioul Gisulf II, mis à mort par les Avars en 610. Les quatre fils de Gisulf II échappèrent au massacre, et les deux aînés récupérèrent le titre ducal de leur géniteur. Les deux cadets, Radoald et Romuald, après l’exécution de leurs frères aînés en 625, se réfugièrent à Bénévent auprès du duc Aréchis I, leur parent. En 641/642, Aion I, successeur d’Aréchis I, mourut en combattant les Slaves et Radoald lui succéda. Il règna cinq années et disparut à son tour, laissant son frère Grimoald I maître du duché durant vingt cinq ans. En 671, son fils aîné Romuald I le remplaça. Du vivant de son père, vers 663, il avait épousé Teoderada, fille du duc Lupus de Frioul, laquelle lui donna trois fils: Grimoald II, Gisulf I et Aréchis. Grimoald II fut le successeur de son père en 687. Il était déjà adulte mais ne règna que trois ans. Comme il ne laissait pas d’enfant, ce fut son frère Gisulf I qui reçut le titre ducal. Il semble qu’il était encore mineur à cette époque, car sa mère Teoderada exerça la régence. Gisulf I régna dix- sept ans et mourut vers 706. Son successeur fut son fils Romuald II, encore très jeune au décès de son père. Son règne dura vingt six ans. Sa première épouse, Gumperga, nièce du roi Luitprand, fut la mère de son héritier Gisulf II. Ce dernier, encore très jeune au décès de son père en 731, fut écarté du pouvoir par une révolte palatiale qui 66
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) plaça à la tète du duché un certain Audelahis, lequel fut bien vite remplacé par Grégoire, un neveu du roi des Lombards Luitprand, tandis que Gisulf, qui était petit neveu du roi, fut invité à résider à la cour de Pavie. Ce n’est qu’en 742 qu’il récupéra le titre paternel, que lui conféra son grand oncle. A sa mort, son fils Luitprand, encore mineur, hérita du titre sous la régence de sa mère Scauniperga. Majeur dès 756, il fut déposé au printemps 758 par le roi Désidérius. Comment Aréchis II se rattache-t-il à cette lignée ducale. Il est fort probablement issu d’une branche cadette. Il est tentant de le faire descendre de cet Aréchis, troisième fils du duc Romuald I. Celui-ci, on l’a vu, avait eu trois fils de la duchesse Teoderada, qu’il avait épousée en 663. L’aîné était le duc Grimoald II, déjà majeur au décès de son père en 687. Le second, Gisulf I, était par contre encore mineur trois ans plus tard lorsqu’il succéda à son frère. Il était donc né après 672, et son cadet Aréchis encore plus tard. Il est probable néanmoins que Gisulf II était proche de sa majorité et qu’il se maria très rapidement, car il n’est nulle part fait mention d’une régence pour son fils Romuald II, duc de Bénévent vers 706. Ce dernier naquit vers 690, et se maria sans doute aux environs de 715 avec Gumperga, fille d’Aurona, sœur du roi des Lombards Luitprand. Leur fils Gisulf, né aux alentours de 720, convola avec Scauniperga vers 736/737. Aréchis, on le sait par son épitaphe, naquit vers 736. Son père anonyme a du voir le jour vers 710, et son grand père vers 680/690. Aréchis, troisième fils du duc Romuald I, était né on l’a vu après 673, mais avant 687, date du décès de son père. Il pourrait donc être l’aieul d’Aréchis II, lequel serait en ce cas cousin issus de germain du duc Gisulf II de Bénévent. Allons plus loin. Le fils aîné d’Aréchis II de Bénévent reçut le nom de Romuald. Le père d’Aréchis, grand père d’Aréchis II dans notre hypothèse, était le duc Romuald I. Si, comme c’était la coutume, Aréchis II a donné à son fils aîné le prénom de son propre père, ce dernier s’appelait Romuald. Si Aréchis, troisième fils de Romuald I de Bénévent, a également nommé son fils d’après son géniteur, il s’agissait également d’un Romuald. Ce Romuald supposé, petit fils de Romuald I par son fils Aréchis, serait donc identique à Romuald, père d’Aréchis II de Bénévent. Ce dernier serait donc bien issu de l’ancienne lignée des ducs de Bénévent et de Frioul. Ses enfants portaient donc les noms de leurs illustres parents les ducs Romuald, Grimoald et Gisulf et la duchesse Teoderada.
Le deuxième exemple concernera la famille du comte juge Grimoald, lignée qui apparaît à Salerne au début du XIe siècle. Le comte Grimoald exerça la charge de juge de 1031 à 1049. En 1038, il assista à la donation in articulo mortis d’un comte Alfan fils du comte Alfan, dont il est le cognatus, c’est à dire qu’il en avait épousé la sœur. Ses attaches familiales sont connues grâce à un acte des archives de l’abbaye de Cava daté de juin 1105, qui contient le texte d’un acte de 1030. Cette année-là, douzième du règne du prince Gaimar IV, le comte Grimoald, fils du défunt comte Roffrid, règla un partage de terres avec les héritiers de ses frères défunts, à savoir son neveu le comte Roffrid, fils du défunt Daufier, et ses trois nièces Rodelgrima, Aloara et Alferada, filles de feu Poto. L’acte est signé par les comtes Alfan et Landulf, sur lesquels nous reviendrons. De la fille d’un comte Alfan, le comte juge Grimoald a eu au moins trois fils, les comtes Alfan et Roffrid, et Rolegrim: l’acte de juin 1105 cité plus haut met en scène le comte Jean, fils du défunt comte Alfan, lui même fils de feu le comte et juge 67
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Grimoald, et son cousin paternel Jean, moine de la Cava et fils du défunt comte Roffrid, frère du comte Alfan, et donc fils lui aussi du comte et juge Grimoald. Dans ce document intervient également son consobrinus frater Adémar, fils du comte Landulf. Comme Jean, fils de Roffrid fils du comte et juge Grimoald est désigné comme patruelis frater du même Jean fils d’Alfan, on en conclut qu’Adémar fils de Landulf est un cousin par les femmes, soit un fils d’une sœur du père, soit d’un frère de la mère. Ce même acte contient le texte du partage de 1030 cité plus haut, qui est souscrit comme nous l’avons dit par les comtes Alfan et Landulf. Ce comte Alfan est sans doute le beau-frère de Grimoald. Quant au comte Landulf de 1030, il pourrait être un gendre de Grimoald, père de l’Adémar de 1105. Le frère de Grimoald, Poto, décédé avant 1030, avait engendré, on l’a vu, trois filles. L’aînée, Rodelgrima, citée dès 1030, vivait encore en septembre 1065, date à laquelle elle fit une donation à Landulf, fils du défunt comte Roffrid. Elle y est qualifiée de fille de feu le comte Poto et de veuve du comte Ederrad, qu’on peut identifier au comte Ederrad fils du comte Landemar, parent des princes de Salerne et qui fut impliqué dans l’assassinat du prince Gaimar IV. Elle n’eut, semble-t-il, pas de descendance, pas plus que ses sœurs, car les biens qu’elles reçurent lors du partage de 1030 firent retour au comte Jean, petit fils du comte et juge Grimoald. Le Landulf fils du comte Roffrid à qui elle vend un bien en 1065 était probablement le fils de son cousin Roffrid fils du comte Daufier, ce dernier étant le frère du comte et juge Grimoald, fils donc du comte Roffrid. Voici donc un lignage salernitain qui apparaît au début du XIe siècle, porteurs de noms tels que Roffrid et Poto, inusités dans l’aristocratie salernitaine. D’où venait donc le comte Roffrid, père du comte et juge Grimoald et de ses frères Poto et Daufier ? Ces noms de Roffrid et de Poto se retrouvent dans les familles de la noblesse bénéventaine, principalement dans le lignage des comtes d’Avellino et de Larino, issus de Roffrid et Potelfrid, fils de Daufier le Prophète, un noble bénéventain qui vivait aux débuts du IXe siècle. Pandulf II prince de Bénévent était le fils du prince Landulf III de Capoue Bénévent, dont l’épouse a été identifiée à la princesse Gaitelgrima, fille de Roffrid, grâce à son épitaphe à S Pierre de Bénévent. Les comtes de Larino de la même époque sont qualifiés de parent des princes Pandulf II et Landulf V de Bénévent. En 991/992, Pandulf II et Landulf V de Bénévent, à la requête de leur parent Roffrid, confirment les privilèges du monastère S Modeste de Bénévent . Le 11 août 992, Pandulf II et Landulf V de Bénévent, à la requête du comte Roffrid de Larino, leur frater (ici à prendre au sens de cousin) concèdent au comte Randoisius la cité de Trivento avec ses dépendances. En mai 1001, le prince Pandulf II de Bénévent et son épouse Adeltruda donnent à leur fidèle Madelbert des biens situés à Aqirola, qu’ils ont reçu de leurs cousins (consobrini) les comtes Madelfrid, Daufier et Magenulf, fils de feu le comte Daufier. Roffrid, comte en 992, parent des princes Pandulf II et Landulf V, et Madelfrid, comte de 986 à 1006, fils du comte Daufier, sont probablement apparentés. Le comte Daufier, père de Madelfrid et mort avant 986, serait un frère du comte Roffrid de Larino de 970. Daufier serait également frère de la princesse Gaitelgrima, fille d’un Roffrid et femme du prince Landulf III de Capoue Bénévent. Cette famille avait des liens avec la principauté de Salerne: en janvier 963, le gastald Adelfier, futur comte Adelfier d’Avellino, fils de 68
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) feu le comte Roffrid était présent à Salerne lors d’ un accord au sujet de terres et de vignes situées à Vietri sur le territoire de Salerne, accord passé entre ce gastald Adelfier et trois autres nobles, tous qualifiés de Bénéventains. Il appartenait fort probablement à la même famille: les comtes de Larino se rattacheraient donc aux gastalds et comtes d’Avellino descendant de Roffrid, comte et référendaire du prince Sicard de Bénévent. On a donc un comte Roffrid d’Avellino, (I) de Larino, père de Gaitelgrima, princesse, de Roffrid (II), vivant en 970, de Daufier, comte, mort avant 986, et d’Adelfier, gastald d’Avellino. Daufier, à son tour fut père du comte Madelfrid I de Larino, connu de 986 à 1006 et mort avant 1012, et de ses frères Daufier et Magenulf. Il fut peut-être également le père de ce comte Poto, qui le 17 mai 988 reçut des princes Pandulf II et Landulf V de Bénévent la cité de Greci, avec des domaines dépendant du palais sacré de Bénévent. En effet, on retrouve ce prénom de Poto dans la descendance du comte Daufier: le comte Madelfrid, fils du comte Daufier de Larino, engendra deux fils, le comte Poto, possessionné dans le territoire de Campo Marino et qui fit un don à S Maria de Tremiti en août 1016, et le comte Roffrid (III), mentionné en 1016 comme parent des princes de Bénévent. Comment rattacher la famille du comte et juge Grimoald aux comtes de Larino ? Chronologiquement, le comte Roffrid, père des comtes Grimoald, Poto et Daufier, ne peut être que le fils du comte Daufier de Larino, fils d’un Roffrid, père d’un Madelfrid et frère d’un Poto. Le comte Roffrid, fils du comte Daufier de Larino, naquit vers 955/960. Le nom qu’il donna à son fils Grimoald provient sans doute de la famille de son épouse. Dans les années 1030 vivaient à Salerne les descendants d’un comte Grimoald: en 1036, le comte Romuald, fils du feu comte Grimoald, intervient dans un acte de l’abbaye de Cava avec ses neveux, fils de ses frères défunts. Ce comte Romuald, fils de Grimoald, est probablement identique au comte Romuald, père des comtes Madelfrid, Jean et Rodelgrim connus de 1035 à 1059. Le nom d’un de ses trois fils, Madelfrid, suggère d’ailleurs une alliance avec les comtes de Larino. L’hypothèse est donc la suivante: le comte Roffrid fils du comte Daufier de Larino, né vers 955/960, prit pour épouse la fille du comte Grimoald, comte à Salerne, et il donna à un de ses fils le prénom du père de sa femme, tandis que la fille du comte Daufier de Larino, sœur donc de ce même comte Roffrid, de Madelfrid et de Poto, épousait le fils du comte Grimoald, le comte Romuald, auquel elle donna les comtes Madelfrid, Jean et Rodelgrim.
Un troisième exemple concernera les ducs de Naples et de Gaète, et la transmission du titre de senator/senatrix. Peu après son avènement en 928, le duc de Naples Jean III épousa Théodora, qualifiée de senatrix Romanorum. Ce titre, et le fait que son fils cadet Landulf ait été élevé à Rome par la senatrix Marozia, a suggéré d’en faire une petite fille du vestararius Théophylacte et de Theodora I, fille donc de Théodora II et d’un nommé Jean. Elle fut la mère de deux fils, Marinus II et Landulf, ainsi que d’au moins une fille, Drosu. Cette Drosu est citée dans un acte du 19 avril 996 émanant de Maria, abbesse du monastère SS Grégoire et Sébastien. Elle y est appelée gloriosa senatrix .Elle mourut avant 1019, date à laquelle elle est appelée quondam domina Drosu gloriosa senatrix filia quondam vone recordationis domini Iohanni gloriosi consuli et duci. On en fait d’habitude une fille du duc Jean IV. Cependant, 69
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) chronologiquement, elle doit être une fille de Jean III: elle est déjà adulte en 996, et les enfants de Jean IV n’ont pas pu naitre avant 985. Elle tenait de sa mère le titre de senatrix. Le qualificatif senator /senatrix subsistera dans la lignée des ducs de Naples descendants de Théodora: on le retrouve chez l’un de ses descendants à la sixième génération, Jean, fils du duc Jean V. Le titre de senatrix apparaît à la fin dès Xe siècle dans la famille des ducs de Gaète. On le retrouve porté par deux dames de la famille ducale. La première est la senatrix Maria, fille du défunt duc Jean II. La seconde est la duchesse Emilia, l’épouse du duc Jean III, mère du duc Jean IV et régente quelques années durant au nom de son petit-fils mineur Jean V. Maria est par son père Jean II la petite fille du duc Docibilis II. Emilia est l’épouse de Jean III, petit fils du même Docibilis par son fils Marinus. L’une ne l’a donc pas transmis à l’autre et Emilia ne le tient pas de son époux qui n’est jamais qualifié de senator. Emilia transmit par contre le qualificatif à ses fils Marinus et Léon, et ce dernier à son épouse Letitia. Au milieu du XIe siècle, une troisième dame gaétane, du nom de Théodora, est à son tour qualifiée de senatrix. Il s’agit de l’épouse de Léon fils de Docibilis, éphémère duc de Gaète en août 1012, et arrière petit fils du duc Docibilis II de Gaète. Lorsque Théodora apparaît dans la documentation en 1054 et 1055, elle est veuve et ses fils sont adultes. L’un d’entr’eux, Docibilis, porte le titre de senator et la veuve d’un autre, Ageltruda, est qualifiée de senatrix. Une quatrième dame à porter ce titre est Maria, l’épouse du duc Adenulf de Gaète, de la lignée des comtes d’Aquino. Ce dernier n’était pas apparenté à l’ancienne famille des ducs de Gaète, mais avait reçu le duché après le décès de Rainulf d’Aversa et l’occupation de Gaète par le prince Gaimar IV de Salerne. Ce n’est donc pas de son époux qu’elle tenait le titre de senatrix. Comment ce titre s’est-il transmis à ces différentes personnes ? La première à le porter était, on l’a vu, Théodora, issue d’une grande famille romaine où les femmes le portaient. C’est donc elle qui l’a introduit dans la maison ducale de Naples. Peut- elle également l’avoir fait passer dans la lignée ducale de Gaète ? La senatrix Maria, fille du duc Jean II de Gaète, avait pour mère une certaine Theodonanda, déjà morte en décembre 957. Ce prénom, peu usité dans la noblesse gaétane, se retrouve par contre beaucoup dans les familles napolitaines. Théodonanda pourrait donc être une fille de Jean III de Naples et de Théodora, et Maria fille de Jean II de Gaète tiendrait son titre de sa grand mère Théodora. La duchesse et senatrix Emilia, épouse de Jean III de Gaète, n’est probablement pas par contre issue des ducs de Naples. En effet, son fils Jean IV a épousé une Napolitaine: le duc de Naples Jean IV eut une fille qui épousa d’abord un duc de Gaète, puis le normand Rainulf d’Aversa. Aimé, qui nous rapporte cette alliance, ne mentionne pas le nom de la dame. Or, en 1029, Serge IV de Naples, expulsé de sa ville, se trouvait à Gaète, où il émit une charte en présence de la duchesse Emilia, régente pour son petit fils Jean V, de ce même Jean V et d’une duchesse Sichelgaita dont l’identification reste sujette à caution. On a voulut y voir la duchesse veuve de Fundi, épouse de Léon I et mère de Léon II, bien connue par d’autres documents. Mais cette dame est la fille de Grégoire, fils du préfet Jean. Or,on sait que la sœur de Serge IV, veuve d’un duc de Gaète épousa peu de temps après le Normand Rainulf. Elle ne peut être que l’épouse de Jean IV. La veuve de Jean IV, belle fille d’Emilia et mère du jeune Jean V, fut complètement éclipsée par sa 70
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) formidable belle mère, à un point tel qu’on a pu la croire morte car elle n’intervient jamais dans les documents. Dans ce cas-ci cependant, Emilia n’a pas pu écarter complètement sa belle fille alors que le propre frère de cette dernière était reçu à Gaète et c’est sans doute elle qui exceptionnellement est citée dans un document. Elle portait donc un nom lombard, ce qui indique très certainement que son père contracta une alliance lombarde. Si sa belle fille était la fille d’un duc de Naples, il serait étonnant qu’Emilia ait fait partie de cette famille, car il en résulterait une consanguinité prohibée. Emilia était donc fort probablement, comme Théodora senatrix Romanorum, issue d’une famille romaine. On retrouve d’ailleurs une Emilia dans la famille des Crescenzi dits Stefaniani, issus de Benoit, rector de Sabine, lui même fils de la senatrix Stefania, tante maternelle de la duchesse de Naples Theodora. Il est à noter que les grandes dames romaines qualifiées de senatrix au Xe siècle sont issue de la famille du vestararius Theophylacte. Sanfelice di Monteforte faisait de la senatrix Théodora, épouse de l’éphémère duc Léon I de Gaète, une fille de la duchesse Emilia. Léon I de Gaète, fils de Docibilis, était membre d’une branche cadette de la maison ducale. Son grand père paternel Léon, duquel il tenait son prénom, était le plus jeune fils du duc Docibilis II. Léon I de Gaète est témoin de divers actes des années 1009 et 1010, avant de s’emparer brièvement du pouvoir lors de la minorité du jeune Jean V, fils et héritier du duc Jean IV décédé prématurément entre avril et août 1012. En août de la même année, Léon fils de Docibilis était duc de Gaète. En octobre, les partisans du jeune Jean V, sous la conduite de la duchesse et senatrix Emilia, avaient replacé le jeune garçon sur le siège ducal. On ne sait pas ce que devint Léon fils de Docibilis, sans doute encore fort jeune à ce moment: ce n’est qu’à partir de 1042 que son fils Rainier devint comte de Suio, et ses autres fils apparaissent dans la documentation après 1050. Léon I de Gaète était donc sans doute assez jeune lorsqu’il tenta son coup d’état au printemps 1012. Peut-être fit-il alliance avec Naples et reçut-il en mariage une princesse Napolitaine ? Théodora senatrix serait donc une fille de Jean IV, sœur de Serge IV et de Sichelgaita, veuve de Jean IV de Gaète. Elle transmit à ses fils le titre de senator. On sait par Aimé du Mont Cassin que les comtes d’Aquino Adénulf et Lando reçurent en mariage deux filles du prince Pandulf IV de Capoue. En 1045, Adénulf, l’aîné des deux, devint duc de Gaète. Maria,son épouse, était donc une princesse capouane. Comment put-elle porter le titre de senatrix ? Sanfelice di Monteforte donne à Adénulf de Gaète deux épouses. L’une fut la fille de Pandulf IV de Capoue. La seconde, Maria senatrix, aurait été une sœur du duc de Gaète Jean V, petite fille de la duchesse et senatrix Emilia. Cette hypothèse est renforcée par le fait qu’une fille d’Adénulf et de Maria portait le prénom très peu usité d’Emilia. Cependant, si Maria était une sœur de Jean V de Gaète, fille par conséquent de Jean IV, elle serait née au plus tard en 1012, ce qui lui donnerait presque cinquante ans en 1061 au décès de son époux. Pouvait-elle encore avoir à ce moment un fils en bas âge, et être recherchée en mariage par le prince Richard de Capoue pour son fils, le jeune Jordan, et par le normand Guillaume de Montreuil ? Assurément non. Maria, veuve d’Adénulf I de Gaète, avait probablement une quarantaine d’années, et avait donc vu le jour aux alentours des années 1020. Ce qui correspond à l’âge de la fille de 71
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Pandulf IV de Capoue, qui épousa Adénulf avant 1038. Mais d’où une fille de Pandulf IV de Capoue pouvait-elle tenir le titre de senatrix ? L’épouse de Pandulf IV de Capoue, la mère de ses enfants était une certaine Maria, mentionnée pour la première fois en 1017 dans un diplôme de son époux. Elle vivait encore en 1038 lorsque l’empereur Conrad II se rendit en Italie du Sud, appelé à l’aide contre Pandulf par le prince de Salerne Gaimar IV et les moines du Mont Cassin. Pandulf, réfugié dans sa forteresse de Sant’Agata, envoya alors sa femme et son fils Pandulf au devant de Conrad pour lui demander la paix, proposant même de lui remettre sa fille et son petit fils en otage. Elle pourrait être une fille de Jean III de Gaète et de la senatrix Emilia, ce qui expliquerait pourquoi Pandulf IV de Capoue estimait avoir des droits sur le duché de Gaète, puisqu’il s’en empara du titre ducal en 1036 et le garda jusqu’en 1038. Sa fille Maria, qualifiée de senatrix, transmit ses droits à Adénulf d’Aquino, son époux, qui règna sur Gaète de 1045 à 1061. Le nom d’Emilia qu’elle donna à sa fille témoigne bien d’une parenté proche avec la duchesse Emilia, senatrix. On a donc deux lignées de senatrices, l’une descendant de Theodora, l’autre d’Emilia, toutes deux d’ascendance romaine. La survivance de ce titre dans leurs postérités permet de suivre celles-ci sur plusieurs générations.
Alliances matrimoniales Cette étude permet de dégager certaines lignes de conduite quant aux stratégies matrimoniales. On distinguera les épouses des princes, ducs et comtes, et leurs filles.
Les épouses. Beaucoup d’entre elles sont d’origine inconnue, pour ne pas dire totalement inconnues. Si on s’en tient aux têtes de lignées, c’est-à-dire les princes de Bénévent, Capoue et Salerne, et les ducs de Naples, Gaète, Amalfi et Sorrente, sans envisager les branches cadettes, on comptabilise 70 dames: 9 pour le chapitre I, 19 pour le chapitre II, 9 pour le chapitre 3, 6 pour le chapitre 4, 8 pour le chapitre 5, 9 pour le chapitre 6, 9 pour le chapitre 7, 2 pour le chapitre 8. 5 des princesses de Bénévent des VIIIe et Ixe siècles sont familialement identifiées: une est fille d’un roi des Lombards, une est sœur d’une impératrice byzantine, une autre est la sœur d’un évêque de Salerne, la quatrième est issue du génus capouan et la dernière fille d’un noble bénéventain. Chez les landulfides, 12 ont pu être rattachées à une lignée: 3 Napolitaines, 2 Gaétanes, 1 Amalfitaine, 2 Bénéventaines, 1 Salernitaine et 3 filles de nobles de la principauté. Dans la première famille de Salerne, sur 9 princesses, on connaît les familles d’origine de 5: deux Spolétines, issues des Widonides, 2 Capouanes et une fille d’un noble salernitain du génus des Alfans. Pour la seconde famille de Salerne, 2 sur 6 sont rattachées à une lignée: 1 Capouane et la fille d’un comte Salernitain ou Capouan. On a par contre dédoublé les Purpura, comme on le verra plus loin. Les ducs de Naples, pour les alliances connues, épousent par trois fois des filles de leurs prédécesseurs. L’un d’entre eux s’unit à une Romaine, et un autre marie
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Les filles On a dénombré 14 filles de princes de Bénévent entre 774 et 900: 10 d’entre elles ont été mariées, une avec un Widonide de Spolète qui devint empereur, 2 autres avec des gastalds de capoue (dont un succedera d’ailleurs à Bénévent), 7 avec des nobles de la principauté. Chez les Landulfides: 11 filles chez les gastalds aux Xe siècle: 5 sont mariées: une avec un prince de Bénévent, une avec un prince de Salerne, une avec le fils d’un prince de Bénévent, une avec le fils d’un préfet d’Amalfi, la dernière avec un fidèle de son frère. Chez les princes de Capoue Bénévent aux Xie et Xiie siècles: 14 filles ; 11 sont mariées: 2 avec des princes de Salerne, une avec un duc de Gaète, une avec un duc d’Amalfi, une avec un petit fils d’un prince de Salerne, 1 et sans doute 2 avec des comtes des Marses, une avec un comte d’Aquino, deux avec des comtes toscans, une sans doute avec un comte de Chieti . Une autre sera fiancée à un Normand Première maison de Salerne: 2 filles identifiées, une mariée à un préfet d’Amalfi Seconde maison de Salerne: 6 filles de prince: 4 sont mariées: 3 à des Normands, une quatrième probablement à un duc d’Amalfi. Il est à noter que 4 nièces du prince Gaimar IV épousent également des Normands. Ducs de Naples: 20 filles connues: trois épousent les successeurs de leurs pères, trois autres se marient avec des ducs de Gaète ; deux autres convolent avec des cadets des gastalds de Capoue, deux autres s’unissent à des princes de Capoue et deux autres à des fils d’un prince de Capoue ; 8 enfin épousent des nobles du duché. Ducs de Gaète: 20 filles: 12 sont mariées: trois épousent des princes de Capoue Bénévent, une un petit fils d’un prince de Salerne, une autre le fils d’un duc de Naples, une un gastald d’Aquino, une sixième un comte Lombard, une septième un noble napolitain, les quatre dernières avec des nobles gaétans. Ducs d’Amalfi: 5 filles connues, dont 4 se marient: une épouse un prince de Bénévent, une autre le successeur de son frère, la troisième un Normand, la dernière un noble lombard. On a donc dénombré 92 filles dans les branches aînées. 67 sont mariées: parmi celles-ci 32 épousent des membres des autres lignées régnantes, 6 épousent des nobles « extérieurs « (c’est à dire hors des limites du cadre géographique fixé), 25 des nobles locaux, 4 des Normands.
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Comparaison des sources L’examen des sources a conduit à proposer certaines révisions de généalogies, et l’identification de nouveaux personnages. On donnera ici un exemple: le dédoublement de la princesse Purpura. Un acte de l’abbaye de la Cava nous fait connaître une princesse Purpura, épouse d’un prince Gaimar de Salerne. Cet acte, daté du mois de juillet de la 17e année du prince Gaimar, indiction III, avait été attribué par les éditeurs du Codex diplomaticus Cavensis à l’année 1035. Le prince était donc Gaimar IV, et Sanfelice de Monteforte lui attribuait donc 2 épouses, une Purpura en 1035, puis Gemma qui lui survécut. Maria Galante a révisé cette datation et daté ce diplôme de 1005, qui correspond à la 17e année de Gaimar III et à l’indiction 3. C’est donc Gaimar III qui se trouve alors nanti de 2 épouses, Purpura d’abord, puis Gaitelgrima, fille de Pandulf III de Capoue, et mère du futur Gaimar IV. Il est certain que le diplôme de La Cava n’est pas de 1035, car dès 1032, Gaimar IV était marié à Gemma. On possède en effet un document de mai 1032 où Gaimar IV est accompagné de Gemma, et un autre diplôme de mars de la même année fait intervenir un comte Laidulf, beau père du prince. On sait par d’autres documents du même monastère que ce Laidulf était le père de Gemma, et on sait également que cette dernière vivait encore en 1070. Donc, Gaimar IV ne pouvait pas être marié à une Purpura en 1035, et la princesse de ce nom était bien une première épouse de Gaimar III. Cependant, un acte de janvier 1087 émanant d’une comtesse Gaitelgrima nous fait connaître sa famille: elle cite son père le prince Gaimar, sa mère Purpura, ses époux les comtes Drogo, Robert et Affred. Or, Aimé du Mont Cassin nous apprend de son côté que Gaimar IV donna sa fille en mariage à Drogo de Hauteville. Cette comtesse Gaitelgrima est donc la fille de Gaimar IV et si sa mère se nomme Purpura, c’est que Gaimar IV a bien eu une épouse de ce nom. L’union de la fille de Gaimar et de Drogo peut être datée des environs de 1046, quand Drogo succéda à son frère aîné Guillaume. Elle naquit sans doute aux environs de 1030, et sa mère décéda peu après, puisqu’en mars 1032 Gaimar IV était déjà remarié à la fille du comte Laidulf. On pourrait objecter qu’Aimé s’est trompé et ait confondu la fille de Gaimar avec une demi sœur, née de la première union de Gaimar III et de Purpura. Mais une demi sœur de Gaimar IV aurait eu en 1046 plus de 30 ans, car Gaimar III était remarié avant 1018 à Gaitelgrima de Capoue, leur fils Gaimar IV intervient dès 1019 et était déjà majeur et marié en 1032 (et sans doute avant). Après l’assassinat de son époux en 1052, la veuve de Drogo se remaria à Robert de Lucera, dont elle eut 4 enfants, puis avec le comte Affred, dont elle eut 2 autres fils. Il est peu vraisemblable qu’elle ait vu le jour vers 1010. Il s’agit donc bien d’une fille de Gaimar IV et on peut dès lors concéder à ce dernier 2 épouses, Purpura, mère de Gaitelgrima et de Jean IV, fils aîné associé à son père, et Gemma, fille du comte Laidulf, mère de Gisulf et de 8 autres enfants. Ces quelques exemples montrent que grâce à l’onomastique, la transmission des biens et des titres, la chronologie comparative et l’étude des stratégies matrimoniales, il est possible d’étoffer nos connaissances des femmes des familles régnantes en Italie méridionale avant 1100.
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Onomastique, liens de parenté et pouvoir: Les vicomtes de Châtellerault et leurs parents au Xe siècle
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Jan Prell<1
1. Onomastique et Leitnamen: Toute recherche prosopographique à l’époque post-carolingienne qui se fonde sur des sources diplomatiques se heurte à des obstacles majeurs: une indigence – relative il est vrai – des sources. La quantité de sources diplomatiques varie considérablement de région à région. L’aire géographique et l’entité politique sur laquelle j’entends me fonder dans cet exposé, le Poitou, est, au moins pour ce qui est du Xe et le début du XIe siècles, caractérisé par une abondance assez spectaculaire des sources diplomatiques, dont une proportion assez élevée s’est même conservée en original ; à la quasi-absence de tout cognomen pour la très grande majorité des personnes. Celui qui doit se fonder sur des sources diplomatiques pour mener à bien une recherche prosopographique voit sa tâche compliquée surtout par la profusion de noms ne comportant aucun titre ni cognomen. Cela lui interdit, à priori, d’identifier de manière sûre des personnes de nom identique. Cependant, toute étude d’ordre prosopographique pendant cette haute époque n’est pas impossible, car la recherche historique a mis en évidence, depuis un peu plus d’une cinquantaine d’années, les caractères spécifiques des noms de personnes et de leur attribution au Haut-Moyen-Age. En effet, les noms de personnes avaient, au Haut Moyen-Age, une signification bien différente qu’à une époque plus basse, à partir du XIIIe siècle. Comme l’ont établi une série de chercheurs au milieu de ce siècle, tout particulièrement K. F. Werner, Tellenbach et Schmid, ils peuvent indiquer, pour ce qui est des membres de la haute noblesse, des liens de parenté, car l’onomastique est affaire de patrimoine. Propriété d’une famille, un nom, y inclus ses variantes, est transmis de génération en génération. Une famille de la haute noblesse disposait d’un patrimoine onomastique bien précis, qui pouvait être enrichi par des alliances matrimoniales ou même par la proximité réelle ou voulue d’une famille par rapport à une famille plus haut placée. Citons, à ce propos, K. F. Werner: Dans le royaume franc et les Etats qui en sont sortis, c’est à dire du VIe au Xe siècle, les parents appartenant à l’aristocratie ne donnaient pas à leurs enfants n’importe quel nom...l’on ne pouvait normalement donner que des noms déjà employés dans la famille du père ou de la mère, c’est à dire des noms dont la famille était le propriétaire légitime. ... [Il] convient de souligner ici le caractère juridique du nom, qui est propriété du porteur et de sa famille, ce qui correspond aux aspirations sociales, comme nous les voyons exprimées...dans le monde des traditions romaines, qui ont pu renforcer un élément déjà contenu dans les traditions germaniques.1
1 Sadly Dr Prell died in January 2004. This paper, originally given to a session at Leeds International Medieval Congress in 2000, is printed here in tribute to him. A translation of his doctoral thesis, Prosopographie, Pouvoir et Politique en Poitou (fin IXe -début XI siècles), will be published posthumously in Prosopographica et Genealogica [http://users.ox.ac.uk/~prosop/publications.htm] hereafter. 1 Karl Ferdinand Werner, ‘Liens de parenté et noms de personne. Un problème historique et méthodologique’, dans Famille et parenté dans l'occident médiéval, edd. Georges Duby and Jacques Le Goff, Collection de l'école française de Rome, 30 (Rome, 1977), pp. 13-18 et 25-34 (pp. 25-26). 76
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Karl Ferdinand Werner a étudié, dans les années cinquante, les familles nobles apparentées aux Robertiens dans la région ligérienne et il est arrivé à des résultats intéressants. Grâce à des études onomastiques, il a pu confirmer, entre autre, les résultats des recherches du XIXe siècle sur l’origine des Robertiens. Le fait que certains noms se transmettent de génération en génération au sein de familles de la haute noblesse est l’un des éléments qui permettent de suivre les membres de cette famille. Il est évident que la plus grande prudence est de mise, car une homonymie seule ne suffit jamais pour procéder à une identification: d’autres éléments, tels l’aire géographique de l’apparition et les dates doivent entrer en ligne de compte. En même temps, dans la mesure où l’on s’appuie sur des listes de témoins, des regroupements de noms récurrents doivent concourir à l`identification. Ainsi, s’il n’est pas toujours possible d’identifier avec certitude des personnes, le système des Leitnamen permet de retracer des groupes de personnes. Comme l’a écrit Karl Schmid, c’est une chance, que l’historien doit mettre à profit.
2. la période: fin du IXe jusqu’au milieu du XIe L’on étudiera un exemple dont les débuts remontent à la fin, voire au milieu du IXe siècle et l’on ne descendra pas plus bas que les années trente du XIe siècle. En me fondant sur cette méthode, j’examinerai un cas précis, celui des vicomtes de Châtellerault et leur assise au sein de la noblesse. Cet exemple démontrera l’utilité de la démarche onomastique, car, à cette haute époque, elle est, face à une indigence plus ou moins grande des sources, souvent la seule qui s’avère possible.
3. La situation en Poitou Le comté de Poitiers est l’un des plus grands comtés de la Francia de l’Ouest et de la France. Contrairement à la plupart des comtés de la Francia de l’Ouest, qui comprenaient une seule civitas, le comté de Poitiers comprenait plusieurs civitates, notamment celle de Poitiers, l’Aunis dès le début du Xe siècle, très probablement celle de Saintes et, depuis le début du Xe siècle celle de Limoges. A partir de la fin du IXe siècle, ce comté fut gouverné par une famille dont les origines sont carolingiennes et dont le prestige fut tel que l’un de ses membres, Ramnulfe II, a failli devenir, à la fin du IXe siècle, roi de la Francia de l’Ouest. Disposant d’une assise extrêmement solide dans le comté de Poitiers, il sut acquérir une certaine primauté dans le regnum d’Aquitaine. Les comtes de Poitiers se succédèrent de père en fils entre 902 et 1137. A partir des années soixante du Xe siècle, ils commencèrent à émettre des prétentions sur le titre de duc d’Aquitaine, titre qui leur fut pleinement reconnu à partir de 987, date de l’accession au trône de France d’Hugues Capet. Dans son ensemble, la noblesse de cette vaste entité que constitue le comté de Poitiers est très largement inexplorée, on connaît assez mal les groupements, clans et familles qui la composent. Cela n’est pas tellement le fait d’une absence ou d’un manque de sources, mais bien plus la conséquence de la qualité des sources. En effet, il s’agit quasiment exclusivement de chartes et de notices de dons comportant des listes de souscripteurs. Les listes de souscripteurs sont souvent l’unique endroit où l’on trouve des renseignements d’ordre prosopographique, car, dans le ‘texte’ même des chartes, il est assez rare qu’on trouve des noms autres que ceux des auteurs. Dans les listes de souscripteurs, les indications de filiation sont, dans l’ensemble, 77
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) extrêmement rares, trop rares pour en tirer suffisamment de renseignements pour reconstituer des parentés, des clientèles, etc... C’est uniquement un dépouillement du matériel patronymique qui permet, dans ces conditions, d’aboutir à quelques résultats, sans que – conséquence logique de ce qui a été remarqué plus haut – l’on arrive à identifier toujours ces personnes d’une manière certaine. Ce travail a permis, par contre, la mise en évidence de groupes de personnes aux contours assez précisément délimités. J’ai été amené à étudier la noblesse poitevine des Xe/début du XIe siècle et je voudrais présenter ici un exemple où l’onomastique et plus précisément la théorie des noms leaders a contribué à débusquer, en plus de l’existence de groupes de nobles, quelques relations de parenté. Je me fonde, dans le présent exposé, sur un dépouillement des listes de témoins d’environ trois cents actes et notices poitevins datant de l’époque allant du début du Xe au début du XIe siècles. Je voudrais ici présenter un exemple particulièrement intéressant qui démontre l’intérêt de la méthode onomastique. L’étude de la place des vicomtes de Châtellerault au sein de la noblesse poitevine et ses implications au niveau ‘géopolitique’ par le moyen de l’onomastique va démontrer surtout, je l’espère du moins, que la prosopographie n’est pas une fin en soi, bien au contraire. Si les comtes, dans la Francia de l’Ouest, disposaient, en général, d’un seul vicomte, les comtes de Poitiers en disposaient, de plusieurs, aux compétences et ressorts variés. Cette situation résulte probablement de l’étendue extraordinaire du comté de Poitiers. Si, au début du Xe siècle, on trouve deux vicomtes aux compétences restreintes, à Melle et à Thouars, il existe aussi un vicomte, Maingaudus, dont le ressort n’est jamais précisé dans les sources: il s’étendit très probablement au comté tout entier. Cette impression est confirmée par le fait que ses possessions sont dispersées tout autant que ses interventions comme témoins dans les actes de tiers. Sa place prééminente entre toutes est soulignée par la position de son signum sur les chartes: constamment, on le voit suivre immédiatement celui du comte Eble. La situation change des les années trente du Xe siècle. C’est alors que les comtes Eble Manzer puis son fils Guillaume Tête d’Etoupe, procèdent à un remaniement en profondeur de la structure administrative du Poitou. Le vicomte Maingaudus, mort vers 925, n’est pas vraiment remplacé. Eble ou peut-être son fils Guillaume Tête d’Etoupe, instituent deux nouveaux vicomtes qui avaient pour siège des localités situés à la lisière du comté, à savoir Aulnay (à la frontière méridionale du Poitou) et Châtellerault (situés sur la frontière nord du Poitou). L’origine des vicomtes poitevins reste, du moins de la plupart d’entre eux, obscure. Pour ce qui est des vicomtes de Châtellerault, mentionnées pour la première fois en 936 environ, l’onomastique est susceptible de fournir des renseignements précieux, parfois hypothétiques. Depuis le Xe siècle, on voit bien figurer un Adraldus dans l’entourage du comte Eble Manzer, que l’on pourrait identifier avec le vicomte du même nom apparaissant vers 936, mais cela reste assez largement du domaine de la spéculation. Cependant, à bien regarder les possessions tout comme les interventions en tant que témoins des vicomtes de Chatellerault au Xe et au début du XIe siècle, on constate que leur influence se concentre sur deux aires nettement distinctes et bien 78
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) délimitées situées l’une à une trentaine de kilomètres au nord de Poitiers, aux alentours de la ville de Chatellerault, l’autre à une vingtaine de kilomètres au sud de Poitiers, autour de la ville de Gençay. Cette bipolarisation peut suggérer que les vicomtes de Chatellerault ne sont pas d’origine poitevine, mais qu’ils ont été ‘parachutés’ dans ce comté à un moment difficile à préciser, mais antérieur aux années trente du Xe siècle et qu’on leur a attribué des biens dans ces deux aires. En l’absence de renseignements précis sur les ancêtres de ces nobles, ce sont les noms leaders des vicomtes de Châtellerault qui pourraient - éventuellement - apporter quelques éléments de réponse à cette question. Le premier vicomte de Châtellerault, Adraldus, qui donna peut-être son nom au castrum (Castellum Adraldi) - attesté comme siège des vicomtes de Chatellerault seulement dans la seconde moitié du XIe siècle - mourut, semble-t-il, sans laisser de descendance. Il apparaît pour la dernière fois en 937. Un autre vicomte du nom d’Adraldus apparaît entre 955 et 988 au plus tard. On ignore s’il existe des liens de parenté entre ces deux vicomtes, d’autant plus qu’il n’est pas attesté entre 937 et 959. Le successeur d’Adraldus [II] s’appelle Hacfredus et l’on ignore, à encore, quels liens de parenté l’unissent à son prédecesseur. Un vicomte Hacfredus intervient par contre en 954/955 comme témoin dans un acte du comte Guillaume-Tête d’Etoupe qui agit, en l’occurence, comme abbé de l’abbaye de Saint-Hilaire de Poitiers. On ignore tout de ce personnage. On sait par contre que le vicomte Hacfredus apparaissant après 988 environ avait un fils du nom de Boso. Les noms Hacfredus et Boso sont parmi les plus usités dans cette famille vicomtale jusque dans une époque qui s’étend bien au delà du Xe siècle. Il s’agit ici de noms qui font partie du patrimoine onomastique des ducs d’Aquitaine du début du Xe siècle, issus de Bernard Plantevelue. En effet, le fils cadet du duc d’Aquitaine Guillaume le Pieux, mort avant 918, porta le nom de Boso, et le neveu de ce duc s’appela Hacfredus (il est le fils d’Adelinde, sœur de Guillaume le Pieux et d’Hacfredus, comte de Carcassonne et du Razès et fut duc d’Aquitaine entre 926 et octobre 927). Nous voilà donc en présence de deux Leitnamen importants des vicomtes de Châtellerault que l’on retrouve dans la famille de Guillaume le Pieux. En revanche, le nom du duc d’Aquitaine lui-même, Willelmus, n’entre pas pas directement dans le patrimoine onomastique de la famille des vicomtes de Châtellerault. Cependant, à y regarder de plus près, on constate que ce nom est porté par une personne qui est un proche parent des vicomtes de Châtellerault. En effet, un Ingelelmus attesté entre 975 et le début du XIe siècle comme ‘consanguineus’ (‘S. Ingelelmi consanguinei [Hacfredi vicecomitis]’) du vicomte Hacfredus a un frère du nom de Willelmus. Cela ressort d’une notice de donation du cartulaire de Saint- Cyprien datée entre 986 et 987 qui relate le don par Ingelelmus de son alleu situé dans la viguerie de Civaux, notamment pars que michi accidit ex parte fratris mei Willelmi.2 Ingelelmus est vraisemblablement un des premiers châtelains de Mortemer, localité située au sud de Poitiers et en même temps un endroit placé au milieu de l’aire d’influence des vicomtes de Châtellerault.
2 Cartulaire de Saint-Cyprien, no. 365. 79
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Il faut souligner que les familles en question se situent à un niveau social élevé et qu’ils font partie d’un cercle assez restreint. En effet, on trouve, au début du XIe siècle, un Willelmus miles, qui est fort probablement soit le Willelmus qu’on vient de voir, soit un de ses proches parents. L’étude onomastique suggère donc une parenté, ou du moins une proximité des vicomtes de Châtellerault avec la descendance du duc d’Aquitaine Guillaume le Pieux. Une étude onomastique supplémentaire tenant compte des éléments de géographie historique fait apparaître la place importante dévolue à ces vicomtes et permet d’aboutir à des résultats d’ordre institutionnel importants. Pendant une bonne partie du Xe siècle, plusieurs membres du chapitre cathédral de Poitiers portent des noms leaders des vicomtes de Châtellerault, notamment Hacfredus et Boso. Ces noms apparaissent dans toute une série d’actes datant des années 930 et suscrits au nom de l’archevêque de Tours Teotelo ainsi qu’à celui des évêques de Poitiers Frothaire et Alboinus. Dans les listes de souscripteurs de ces notices, leurs noms apparaissent au milieu de ceux de dignitaires attestés du chapitre cathédral de Poitiers. Cela devrait permettre de voir en eux des chanoines de ce chapitre. Ils n’ont pas - à ce qu’on sache - de relations de parenté avec les premiers vicomtes de Châtellerault. Une personne du nom de Boso, assez probablement un parent proche du chanoine Boso attesté au début du Xe siècle, apparaîtra au plus tard dans les années soixante-dix dans la haute charge d’archidiacre de Poitiers. Plusieurs éléments permettent de rattacher ce dignitaire aux vicomtes de Châtellerault. D’abord, si l’on étudie la topographie de ses interventions comme témoin, on constate qu’il est attesté dans l’une des zones d’influence des vicomtes de Châtellerault (à proximité immédiate de leur siège), ensuite, fait plus significatif encore, on observe qu’il souscrit la notice de donation d’Ingelelmus qu’on a mentionnée plus haut. D’autres éléments, d’ordre onomastique et topographique, viennent renforcer notre hypothèse: le Boso canonicus, très probablement identique à notre archidiacre, est attesté comme neveu d’un Seguinus, futur abbé de la collégiale de Notre-Dame-la- Grande de Poitiers. Ce Seguinus, attesté à seize reprises entre 962 et l’an Mil, est possessionné, comme le démontre sa donation en faveur de l’abbaye de Saint-Cyprien de Poitiers datée de 962/963, quasiment au siège même des vicomtes de Châtellerault, et il intervient comme témoin à plusieurs reprises dans les zones d’influence des vicomtes de Châtellerault. L’hypothèse d’une proximité de ce haut dignitaire ecclésiastique avec les vicomtes de Châtellerault se fonde donc à la fois sur des éléments onomastiques et sur la géographie du patrimoine. Ce Seguinus, qui fut abbé de Notre-Dame-la-Grande, était proche de la famille des Ingelelmi, seigneurs de Mortemer et parents des vicomtes de Chatellerault. On constate en effet qu’ultérieurement, Seguinus est l’un des Leitnamen de cette famille. Les indices onomastiques tendant à rapprocher cet archidiacre des vicomtes de Châtellerault sont renforcés par l’existence avérée de relations de parenté: nous avions
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Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) déjà mentionné que Ingelelmus, le futur châtelain de Mortemer, est un consanguineus direct du vicomte Hacfredus.3 Ce nom de Segoinus nous permettra avec une assez grande vraisemblance de confirmer le rattachement de Boso archidiaconus à la parentèle, sinon à la famille des vicomtes de Châtellerault et en même temps, à la famille des futurs seigneurs de Mortemer. Très probablement, comme nous l’avons vu, l’archidiacre Boson est identique au canonicus attesté en 962/963 comme étant le neveu d’un levita du nom de Segoinus et les liens entre Segoinus et l’archidiacre ont été assez étroits, puisqu’on retrouve, parmi les souscripteurs d’une donation faite par Ingelelmus dans les années 980 en faveur de Saint-Cyprien de Poitiers, l’archidiacre Boson, l’abbé Segoinus et d’autres dignitaires du chapitre cathédral. Ces résultats se trouvent par ailleurs confirmés par le fait que Segoinus se trouve possessionné à des endroits qui font partie du patrimoine de membres influents du clergé séculier ainsi que d’Ingelelmus. En effet, il intervient fréquemment comme témoin dans la villa Disnet (Dienné) située dans la vicaria de Civaux. Par ailleurs, il est possessionné dans la villa Arciacus.
Conclusion: Les indices que l’on vient d’exploiter démontrent l’existence de liens entre les vicomtes de Châtellerault et de membres influents du chapître cathédral de Saint- Pierre de Poitiers ; ces liens, toutefois, ne peuvent être détectés, point qui mérite, je crois, d’être souligné, qu’en se fondant sur des éléments onomastiques. Les liens de parenté, rarement établies mais souvent présumées, prennent une nouvelle dimension si l’on tient compte d’une liste de témoins qui présente l’abbé Segoinus comme consanguineus de l’évêque de Poitiers Giselbertus (S. Gisleberti episcopi. S. Segoini abbatis, consanguinei sui).4 Cela constitue la preuve non seulement qu’une partie du haut clergé séculier du diocèse de Poitiers est apparentée à l’évêque de Poitiers, mais encore et c’est là que réside le principal intérêt au point de vue des institutions, que, au moins dans la deuxième moitié du Xe siècle, le vicomte de Châtellerault se trouve apparenté plus au moins directement à l’évêque de Poitiers et à un groupe très influent du clergé séculier poitevin, dont des membres détenaient des honores aussi important que l’archidiaconé de Poitiers et l’abbatiat de la puissante collégiale Notre-Dame la Grande, subordonnée au chapitre cathédral de Saint-Pierre de Poitiers. Face à cette constellation, le comte de Poitiers eut certainement fort à faire pour se maintenir. On constate en tout cas que ce cercle puissant de noble poitevins reste largement à l’extérieur de l’entourage du comte, sur lequel celui-ci s’appuie pour gouverner, sauf, curieusement, aux alentours de l’an mil. Nous sommes alors aux dernières années du règne de Guillaume Fier-à- Bras et aux débuts de celui de son fils, Guillaume le Grand. Pendant une vingtaine d’années environ, l’évêque de Poitiers Giselbertus et de nombreux membres du clergé séculier du chapitre cathédral de Poitiers fréquentent assidument, parfois constamment, la cour du comte-duc. Or cette période voit le comte de Poitiers afficher ses prétentions au ducatus en Aquitaine. Dans ces conditions, on peut interpréter la
3 Cartulaire de Saint-Cyprien, no. 341. 4 Cartulaire de Saint-Cyprien, no. 341, notice datée entre 987 et 990. 81
Prosopon: The Journal of Prosopography 1 (2006) présence de ce groupe très influent dans l’entourage comtal (qui devient ducal) comme le signe de l’adhésion de l’église du diocèse de Poitiers aux aspirations politiques du comte de Poitiers. Il reste cependant qu’on a bien du mal à cerner les raisons du départ de ce groupe, aux alentours des années 1010 au plus tard.
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