Promoting Practical Alternatives to Preventive Force in the Wake of Operation Iraqi Freedom
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The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
Geopolitics of the Iranian Nuclear Energy Program
Geopolitics of the Iranian Nuclear Energy Program But Oil and Gas Still Matter CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES A Report of the CSIS Energy and National Security Program 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 author Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Robert E. Ebel E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org March 2010 ISBN 978-0-89206-600-1 CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy066001zv*:+:!:+:! CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Geopolitics of the Iranian Nuclear Energy Program But Oil and Gas Still Matter A Report of the CSIS Energy and National Security Program author Robert E. Ebel March 2010 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decision- makers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world. -
2005 ANNUAL REPORT CONTENTS 6 Economic 10 Studies Global Economy and Development 27 Katrina’S Lessons in Recovery
QUALITY IMPACT AND INDEPENDENCE ANNUAL REPORT THE 2005 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036 www.brookings.edu BROOKINGSINSTITUTION 2005 ANNUAL REPORT CONTENTS 6 Economic 10 Studies Global Economy and Development 27 Katrina’s Lessons in Recovery 39 Brookings Institution Press 14 40 Governance Center for Executive Education Studies 2 About Brookings 4 Chairman’s Message 5 President’s Message 31 Brookings Council 18 36 Honor Roll of Contributors Foreign 42 Financial Summary Policy Studies 44 Trustees 24 Metropolitan Policy Editor: Melissa Skolfield, Vice President for Communications Copyright ©2005 The Brookings Institution Writers: Katie Busch, Shawn Dhar, Anjetta McQueen, Ron Nessen 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW 28 Design and Print Production: The Magazine Group, Inc. Washington, DC 20036 Jeffrey Kibler, Virginia Reardon, Brenda Waugh Telephone: 202-797-6000 Support for Production Coordinator: Adrianna Pita Fax: 202-797-6004 Printing: Jarboe Printing www.brookings.edu Cover Photographs: (front cover) William Bradstreet/Folio, Inc., Library of Congress Card Number: 84-641502 Brookings (inside covers) Catherine Karnow/Folio, Inc. Broadcast reporters zoom in for a forum on a new compact for Iraq THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION featuring U.S. Sen. Joseph Biden of Delaware. he Brookings Institution is a pri- vate nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and innovative policy solutions. Celebrating its 90th anniversary in 2006, Brookings analyzes current and emerging issues and produces new ideas that matter—for the nation and the world. ■ For policymakers and the media, Brookings scholars provide the highest-quality research, policy recommendations, and analysis on the full range of public policy issues. ■ Research at the Brookings Institution is conducted to inform the public debate, not advance a political agenda. -
Ministerial Appointments, July 2018
Ministerial appointments, July 2018 Department Secretary of State Permanent Secretary PM The Rt Hon Theresa May MP The Rt Hon Brandon Lewis MP James Cleverly MP (Deputy Gavin Barwell (Chief of Staff) (Party Chairman) Party Chairman) Cabinet Office The Rt Hon David Lidington The Rt Hon Andrea Leadsom The Rt Hon Brandon Lewis MP Oliver Dowden CBE MP Chloe Smith MP (Parliamentary John Manzoni (Chief Exec of Sir Jeremy Heywood CBE MP (Chancellor of the MP (Lord President of the (Minister without portolio) (Parliamentary Secretary, Secretary, Minister for the the Civil Service) (Head of the Civil Duchy of Lancaster and Council and Leader of the HoC) Minister for Implementation) Constitution) Service, Cabinet Minister for the Cabinet Office) Secretary) Treasury (HMT) The Rt Hon Philip Hammond The Rt Hon Elizabeth Truss MP The Rt Hon Mel Stride MP John Glen MP (Economic Robert Jenrick MP (Exchequer Tom Scholar MP (Chief Secretary to the (Financial Secretary to the Secretary to the Treasury) Secretary to the Treasury) Treasury) Treasury) Ministry of Housing, The Rt Hon James Brokenshire Kit Malthouse MP (Minister of Jake Berry MP (Parliamentary Rishi Sunak (Parliamentary Heather Wheeler MP Lord Bourne of Aberystwyth Nigel Adams (Parliamentary Melanie Dawes CB Communities & Local MP State for Housing) Under Secretary of State and Under Secretary of State, (Parliamentary Under Secretary (Parliamentary Under Secretary Under Secretary of State) Government (MHCLG) Minister for the Northern Minister for Local Government) of State, Minister for Housing of State and Minister for Faith) Powerhouse and Local Growth) and Homelessness) Jointly with Wales Office) Business, Energy & Industrial The Rt Hon Greg Clark MP The Rt Hon Claire Perry MP Sam Gyimah (Minister of State Andrew Griffiths MP Richard Harrington MP The Rt Hon Lord Henley Alex Chisholm Strategy (BEIS) (Minister of State for Energy for Universities, Science, (Parliamentary Under Secretary (Parliamentary Under Secretary (Parliamentary Under Secretary and Clean Growth) Research and Innovation). -
Missed Opportunities: the 9/11 Commission Report and US Foreign Policy
Missed Opportunities: The 9/11 Commission Report and US Foreign Policy Ted Galen Carpenter The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States (better known as the 9/11 Commission) released its report to much media fanfare in late July 2004.1 The massive (567-page) report covered an array of issues and offered extensive recommendations to reform the bureaucratic apparatus responsible for intelligence gathering, intelligence evaluation, and counterter- rorism measures. It was cautious, thoughtful, and eminently bipartisan. Many of the organizational reforms were soon widely endorsed, although Senator John Kerry, the Democratic Party’s 2004 presidential nominee, went much further than most members of the political establishment when he pledged to implement all of the recommendations in the report if he became president. President George W. Bush praised the commissioners and expressed general support for their product but refrained from committing to a wholesale adop- tion of the recommendations. Much of the document analyzes the failures of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Central Intelligence Agency, and other agencies to antici- pate and thwart the devastating attacks that al Qaeda launched on 11 Sep- tember 2001. Some of the criticisms (the lack of communication between key agencies, the absence of effective screening mechanisms at the borders, and the missing of key clues that a major attack on American soil was imminent) 1. The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States (New York: W. W. Norton, 2004). Ted Galen Carpenter is vice president for defense and foreign policy at the Cato Institute and is the author or editor of sixteen books on international affairs, including Peace and Freedom: Foreign Policy for a Constitutional Republic. -
The United Nations at 70 Witness Seminar 3
The United Nations at 70 witness seminar 3 The UN and international peace and security: navigating a divided world? ~British perspectives and experiences~ Wednesday 13 January 2016, Hoare Memorial Hall, Church House, Westminster INTRODUCTION TO SEMINAR SERIES To mark the UN’s 70th anniversary this year, the British Association of Former UN Civil Servants (BAFUNCS) and United Nations Association – UK (UNA-UK) are organising three witness seminars to draw on the experience of British citizens who have worked for the UN over the past seven decades. The purpose of the seminar series is to provide recommendations for UK action to increase the effectiveness of the UN, at a time when the need for the UN is more urgent but the international system is under increasing strain. Our partners for the seminar series are: All Souls College, Oxford; the Bodleian Library, Oxford; Institute of Development Studies, Sussex; King’s College London; and the Overseas Development Institute. The UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) and Department for International Development (DFID) have generously provided funding for the series. The events take the form of ‘witness seminars’ that will capture the experiences of senior individuals, in particular British citizens, who have worked for or with the UN system at the headquarters and country level. They will serve as a record of testimony, providing a long-term perspective on UN issues and contributing to knowledge and understanding of the UK’s evolving role within the Organisation. UN scholars, practitioners, policy-makers, civil servants and students will be invited to attend and contribute. The first two seminars have already taken place: Witness seminar 1; The UK and the UN in development cooperation, held at the Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University of Sussex on 13-14th May 2015; Witness seminar 2; The UK and the UN in humanitarian action, held at the Weston (Bodleian) Library, University of Oxford, on 16 October 2015. -
Witness Seminar 3: Peace and Security B.3.1 Overview Michael Askwith 1,2
B.3 Witness Seminar 3: Peace and Security B.3.1 Overview Michael Askwith 1,2 WS3 took place at in the Hoare Room, Church House, Westminster, on 13 January 2016 to commemorate the 70th Anniversary of the first preparatory meeting of the UN Security Council, which took place in the same room on 17 January 1946. Organised by the United Nations Association-UK (UNA-UK), with support from the British Association of Former United Nations Civil Servants (BAFUNCS), King’s College London and the Bodleian Library, Oxford, with funding from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), it sought to collect testimony from current and former British professionals who have worked in or with the UN System throughout the organisation’s lifespan. The anniversary provided an opportunity for those involved in or with the UN System to reflect how the organisation had stood up to the fluid and diverse political, economic and social challenges of the latter half of the twentieth century and the early twenty-first century. Specifically, the seminar considered the UK’s record on the UN Security Council and the council’s activities to prevent and resolve conflict, as well as to keep peace. It proceeded in four sessions that were designed to draw on participants’ insights and provide lessons and recommendations for the future: ● Session 1: The UK on the Security Council: assessing the record after 70 years ● Session 2: Prevention and early action ● Session 3: Peacekeeping and peace-building ● Session 4: Lessons and recommendations from seven decades in international -
Witness Seminar 3 the United Nations and International Peace and Security
The United Nations at 70 - Witness seminar 3 The United Nations and international peace and security: Navigating a divided world? British perspectives Programme 1000-1015 Welcome and introduction Mr Edward Mortimer CMG, President of the British Association of Former United Nations Civil Servants (BAFUNCS) 1015-1130 Session 1: The UK on the Security Council: Assessing the Record after 70 Years Chair: Dame Glynne Evans Panellist 1: Ambassador Matthew Rycroft, UK Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York Panellist 2: Mr Andrew Whitley, Policy and Advocacy Director, The Elders Respondent 1: Mr Sam Daws, Director, Project on UN Governance and Reform, Centre for International Studies, Oxford University Respondent 2: Mr Yves Doutriaux, former Deputy Permanent Representative of France to the UN 1130-1145 Refreshment break 1145-1300 Session 2: Prevention and early action Chair: Professor Dominik Zaum, University of Reading Panellist 1: Lord Williams of Baglan, Distinguished Visiting Fellow, Chatham House Panellist 2: Sir Kieran Prendergast Respondent 1: Dr Jennifer Welsh, UN Special Adviser for the Responsibility to Protect Respondent 2: Dr Francesc Vendrell, former UN Mediator at the Department of Political Affairs 1 The United Nations at 70 - Witness seminar 3 13 January 2016, Church House, London 1300-1400 Lunch 1400-1515 Session 3: Peacekeeping and peacebuilding Chair: Professor Mats Berdal, King's College London Panellist 1: Dr Babu Rahman, Deputy Head of Research Analysts, Multilateral Policy Directorate, Foreign and Commonwealth -
The Uk and Un Peace Operations: a Case for Greater Engagement
May 2016 THE UK AND UN PEACE OPERATIONS: A CASE FOR GREATER ENGAGEMENT David Curran and Paul D. Williams OxfordResearchGroup | The UK and UN Peace Operations: A Case for Greater Engagement May 2016 Executive Summary In mid-1995, Britain provided over 10,000 United Nations (UN) peacekeepers, more than any other country in the world. By 1996 this number had plummeted to a few hundred and has been consistently below 400 since 2005. In September 2015 Prime Minister David Cameron announced that the UK would deploy up to 370 British troops to UN-mandated peace operations in Somalia and South Sudan, more than doubling the UK’s personnel commitment to UN- mandated operations. Combined with the withdrawal of UK forces from Afghanistan, the release of the 2015 Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR), and the UK’s hosting of the next Leaders’ Summit on Peacekeeping in September 2016, this decision has intensified debates about whether and how the UK should increase its participation in UN peace operations. This report reflects on how UN peace operations could be integrated into UK foreign policy and makes a case for why Britain should enhance its participation in UN peace operations. Currently, the UK contributes to UN peace operations in four main ways: It influences the strategic direction of operations through its permanent membership of the UN Security Council; It is one of the largest financial contributors to the UN peacekeeping budget; It helps build the capacity of other troop- and police-contributing countries; and It deploys a small number of its own uniformed personnel to UN missions. -
Human Rights and the Rule of Law
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee Global Britain: Human rights and the rule of law Thirteenth Report of Session 2017–19 HC 874 House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee Global Britain: Human rights and the rule of law Thirteenth Report of Session 2017–19 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 5 September 2018 HC 874 Published on 11 September 2018 by authority of the House of Commons The Foreign Affairs Committee The Foreign Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and its associated public bodies. Current membership Tom Tugendhat MP (Conservative, Tonbridge and Malling) (Chair) Ian Austin MP (Labour, Dudley North) Chris Bryant MP (Labour, Rhondda) Ann Clwyd MP (Labour, Cynon Valley) Mike Gapes MP (Labour (Co-op), Ilford South) Stephen Gethins MP (Scottish National Party, North East Fife) Ian Murray MP (Labour, Edinburgh South) Priti Patel MP (Conservative, Witham) Andrew Rosindell MP (Conservative, Romford) Mr Bob Seely MP (Conservative, Isle of Wight) Royston Smith MP (Conservative, Southampton, Itchen) The following Members were also members of the Committee during the Parliament: Ms Nusrat Ghani MP and Nadhim Zahawi MP Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication Committee reports are published on the Committee’s website at www.parliament.uk/facom and in print by Order of the House. -
Libya? Bruce W. Jentleson and Christopher A
Who “Won” Libya? Who “Won” Libya? Bruce W. Jentleson and Christopher A. The Force-Diplomacy Debate and Its Whytock Implications for Theory and Policy Having promoted glo- bal radicalism and regional rejectionism, engaged in terrorism, and pursued weapons of mass destruction (WMD) for years, Libya has shifted away from its “rogue state” policies, most especially by settling the Pan Am 103 Lockerbie terrorism case and by abandoning its programs for the development of nu- clear, chemical, and biological weapons.1 The key policy changes started in 1999, when Libya surrendered two Lockerbie suspects for trial in The Hague, and culminated in 2003 with the settlement of the Lockerbie case that August and particularly Libya’s December 19 announcement that it had agreed to abandon its WMD programs and allow international inspections. The debate over who deserves credit for these important changes in Libyan policy is a lively one politically and a challenging one analytically.2 Among the questions that analysts have sought to answer are: To what extent was Libyan leader Muammar Qaddaª intimidated by the George W. Bush administration’s decision to invade Iraq and the broader Bush doctrine of preemptive force? How important was diplomacy, especially the secret talks between Libya and the United States that started late in Bill Clinton’s administration and contin- ued into the Bush administration, with the British playing a signiªcant role? What other factors, including Libya’s internal politics and economy, came into play? And what are the lessons for dealing with other terrorism-supporting, WMD-seeking, and otherwise aggressive states? Positions in this debate have been sharply staked out. -
Anatomy of a National Security Fiasco: the George W. Bush Administration, Iraq, and Groupthink Phillip G
Anatomy of a National Security Fiasco: The George W. Bush Administration, Iraq, and Groupthink Phillip G. Henderson The Catholic University of America These were people who were selectively picking and then emphasizing pieces of intelligence, I believe, in order to support their larger purpose, which was to bring in a way that they thought possible, to bring democracy to Iraq, and through Iraq to transform the Middle East. I thought that was far-fetched. I didn’t think it was going to happen, but that was their real purpose. They thought that this was going to be a transforming event in history. My frustration is that there was never a national security decision- making process in the administration where people such as me really had a chance to take that on. Richard Haass, Director of Policy Planning at the State Department 2001-2003, Interview with Chris Matthews on “Hardball,” May 6, 2009 In February 2002, one year before the U.S. military intervention in Iraq began, neoconservative writer Ken Adelman predicted that demolishing Saddam Hussein’s regime and liberating Iraq would be a “cakewalk.”1 At a town hall meeting at the Ameri- PHILLIP G. HENDERSON is Associate Professor of Politics at The Catholic University of America. Work on this article was supported by a research grant from the Center for the Study of Statesmanship. 1 Ken Adelman, “Cakewalk in Iraq,” The Washington Post, 13 February 2002, A27. 46 • Volume XXXI, Nos. 1 and 2, 2018 Phillip G. Henderson can air base in Aviano, Italy, on February 7, 2003, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld added that, if force were to be used in Iraq, the war “could last six days, six weeks.