Sabah Elections 2020: Sentiments Trending on Social Media
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The Fall of Warisan in Sabah's Election
ISSUE: 2021 No. 8 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 29 January 2021 The Fall of Warisan in Sabah’s Election: Telltale Signs, Causes and Salient Issues Arnold Puyok* President of the Sabah Heritage Party (Warisan) Shafie Apdal (centre), shows his inked finger after casting his vote at a polling station during state elections in Semporna, a town in Malaysia's Sabah state on Borneo island, on September 26, 2020. Photo: AFP * Arnold Puyok is Senior Lecturer in Politics and Government Studies at the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS). 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 8 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Public opinion polls conducted prior to the 16th Sabah state election provided telltale signs of Warisan’s loss of support and impending electoral defeat. • Warisan’s fall from power was mostly due to the party’s inability to address the priority needs of the largely rural Muslim Bumiputera and Kadazandusun voters. • Research fieldwork during the election campaign and post-election analysis reveal that rural Sabah voters are more concerned with bread-and-butter issues, while their partisan loyalties are not steadfast. They are willing to trade their political support for programmes and policies that yield tangible benefits. • The new state government led by Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) will face the twin challenges of appeasing increasingly demanding voters and delivering public goods effectively. • As GRS navigates these politically uncertain times, its future in Sabah looks unpromising. 2 ISSUE: 2021 No. 8 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION In the recent Sabah state election, GRS (Gabungan Rakyat Sabah), comprising BN (Barisan Nasional), PN (Perikatan Nasional) and PBS (Parti Bersatu Sabah), won 38 seats in the state legislative assembly, prevailing over a Warisan-led coalition by a six-seat margin. -
Politik Dimalaysia Cidaip Banyak, Dan Disini Sangkat Empat Partai Politik
122 mUah Vol. 1, No.I Agustus 2001 POLITICO-ISLAMIC ISSUES IN MALAYSIA IN 1999 By;Ibrahim Abu Bakar Abstrak Tulisan ini merupakan kajian singkat seJdtar isu politik Islam di Malaysia tahun 1999. Pada Nopember 1999, Malaysia menyelenggarakan pemilihan Federal dan Negara Bagian yang ke-10. Titik berat tulisan ini ada pada beberapa isupolitik Islamyang dipublikasikandi koran-koran Malaysia yang dilihat dari perspektifpartai-partaipolitik serta para pendukmgnya. Partai politik diMalaysia cidaip banyak, dan disini Sangkat empat partai politik yaitu: Organisasi Nasional Malaysia Bersatu (UMNO), Asosiasi Cina Ma laysia (MCA), Partai Islam Se-Malaysia (PMIP atau PAS) dan Partai Aksi Demokratis (DAP). UMNO dan MCA adalah partai yang berperan dalam Barisan Nasional (BA) atau FromNasional (NF). PASdan DAP adalah partai oposisipadaBarisanAltematif(BA) atau FromAltemattf(AF). PAS, UMNO, DAP dan MCA memilikipandangan tersendiri temang isu-isu politik Islam. Adanya isu-isu politik Islam itu pada dasamya tidak bisa dilepaskan dari latar belakang sosio-religius dan historis politik masyarakat Malaysia. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ <•'«oJla 1^*- 4 ^ AjtLtiLl jS"y Smi]?jJI 1.^1 j yLl J J ,5j^I 'jiil tJ Vjillli J 01^. -71 i- -L-Jl cyUiLLl ^ JS3 i^LwSr1/i VjJ V^j' 0' V oljjlj-l PoUtico-Islnndc Issues bi Malays bi 1999 123 A. Preface This paper is a short discussion on politico-Islamic issues in Malaysia in 1999. In November 1999 Malaysia held her tenth federal and state elections. The paper focuses on some of the politico-Islamic issues which were pub lished in the Malaysian newsp^>ers from the perspectives of the political parties and their leaders or supporters. -
Islamic Revivalism and Democracy in Malaysia
University of Denver Undergraduate Research Journal Islamic Revivalism and Democracy in Malaysia Ashton Word1 and Ahmed Abd Rabou2 1Student Contributor, University of Denver, Denver, CO 2Advisor, Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver, Denver, CO Abstract The paper examines democracy and secularism in Malaysia, a state rooted in Islam, and how it has been implemented in a country with a majority Muslim population. It briefly outlines how Islam was brought to the region and how British colonialism was able to implement secularism and democratic practices in such a way that religion was not wholeheartedly erased. Indeed, peaceful decolonization combined with a history of accommodating elites served to promote a newly independent Malaysia, to create a constitutional democracy which declares Islam as the religion of the Federation, and simultaneously religious freedom. Despite the constitution, the United Malays National Organization, UMNO, Malaysia’s ruling party for 61 years, managed to cap democracy through a variety of methods, including enraging ethnic tensions and checking electoral competitiveness. Growing public discontent from such actions resulted in Islamic Revivalist movements and increased Islamization at the expense of secular values. UMNO’s 2018 electoral loss to the Alliance of Hope party (PH) suggests a new commitment to democracy and reform, which if carried out, will likely result in a return to secular norms with Islamic elements that still maintain religious freedom rights and democratic practices that have, over the last two decades, been called into question. Keywords: Malaysia – democracy – Political Islam – secularism – modernity 1 INTRODUCTION dependent state that kept intact many of the demo- cratic processes and ideologies implemented under There exists a widespread belief that Islam and democ- colonial rule, specifically secularism. -
The Alliance Party and the Process of Political Integration in Malaysia
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 8-1974 The Alliance Party and the Process of Political Integration in Malaysia Etty Zainab Ibrahim Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Ibrahim, Etty Zainab, "The Alliance Party and the Process of Political Integration in Malaysia" (1974). Master's Theses. 2556. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/2556 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ALLIANCE PARTY AND THE PROCESS OF POLITICAL INTEGRATION IN MALAYSIA ■by Etty Zainab Ibrahim A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan August 1974 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Throughout the preparation of the following thesis, I was privi- ledged with the suggestions, advice and encouragement of Dr. C.I. Eugene Kim. Without his ideas, there would have been no thesis, and without his faith, I would not have had the confidence to pursue the project to fruition. To him, I wish to express my deepest gratitude. I would also like to thank Dr. Jack Plano and Dr. John Gorgone who spared me their valuable time to read my work and offer some much appreciated criticisms. -
Title Establishing an Islamic State : Ideals and Realities in the State of Kelantan, Malaysia (<Special Issue>Islam In
Establishing an Islamic State : Ideals and Realities in the State Title of Kelantan, Malaysia (<Special Issue>Islam in Southeast Asia) Author(s) Muhammad Syukri Salleh Citation 東南アジア研究 (1999), 37(2): 235-256 Issue Date 1999-09 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/56717 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 37, No.2, September 1999 Establishing an Islamic State: Ideals and Realities in the State of Kelantan, Malaysia MUHAMMAD SYUKRI SALLEH* Abstract This paper observes an experience in establishing an Islamic State in the State of Kelantan, Malaysia, undertaken by the Malaysian Pan-Islamic Party (PAS) -led government. From the outset of its establishment, PAS holds to the ideals that political and governing power, hence an Islamic State, is indeed an important means in executing a complete law of Allah. Without political power, PAS believes, not only an establishment of an Islamic State is impossible, but the execution of the laws of Allah that binds the complete Islamic way of life would also be unachievable. In the State of Kelantan, the ideal of having the governing and political power has already been accomplished. But this is inadequate. The PAS-led government is facing with two unfavourable realities. Firstly, the realities that are related to external factors, from outside the Party, and secondly to internal factors, from within the Party and the PAS-led government themselves. In the former, one witness the role of the Federal Barisan Nasional government, especially through its Federal Development Department established in the State, in interrupting the endeavours undertaken by the PAS-led government. -
Case Study Women in Politics: Reflections from Malaysia
International IDEA, 2002, Women in Parliament, Stockholm (http://www.idea.int). This is an English translation of Wan Azizah, “Perempuan dalam Politik: Refleksi dari Malaysia,” in International IDEA, 2002, Perempuan di Parlemen: Bukan Sekedar Jumlah, Stockholm: International IDEA, pp. 191-202. (This translation may vary slightly from the original text. If there are discrepancies in the meaning, the original Bahasa-Indonesia version is the definitive text). Case Study Women in Politics: Reflections from Malaysia Wan Azizah Women constitute half of humanity, and it follows that any decision-making, whether at the personal, family, societal or public levels, should be mindful of and involve the participation of women in the making of those decisions. Women’s political, social and economic rights are an integral and inseparable part of their human rights. Democracy is an inclusive process, and therefore in a functioning democracy, the points of view of different interest groups must be taken into account in formulating any decision. The interest and opinions of men, women and minorities must be part of that decision-making process. Yet far from being included in the decision-making process, women find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Numerous challenges confront women entering politics. Among them are lack of party support, family support and the "masculine model" of political life. Many feel that Malaysian society is still male dominated, and men are threatened by the idea of women holding senior posts. In the political sphere this is compounded by the high premium placed on political power. This makes some men even less willing to share power with women. -
Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia in Johor: New Party, Big Responsibility
Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia in Johor: New Party, Big Responsibility By Wan Saiful Wan Jan EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) was officially launched on 14 January 2017, led by prominent personalities including former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, former Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, and former Kedah Chief Minister Mukhriz Mahathir. • Upon establishment, the party immediately announced that they are aiming to win the southern state of Johor in the upcoming general election. Historically, UMNO splinter parties have never been able to threaten UMNO in this state. Since independence, Johor has always been seen as an UMNO bastion. • PPBM has moved quickly to establish themselves in all parliamentary and state constituencies in Johor, however, and it has been rather successful in attracting support from those aged below 35. Their key challenge remains the rural and female voters. • Identity politics is a major hurdle for PPBM. The presence of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) in the Pakatan Harapan coalition — of which PPBM is a member — is a hurdle in attracting Malay support. Among Malay voters, DAP is perceived as a threat to Malay privileges. • At the same time, PPBM leaders in Johor believe that their contribution towards the coalition is not yet fully recognized by their coalition partners who insist that PPBM contests only in constituencies with a large Malay population. Areas with a high percentage of Malay voters are difficult for PPBM to win because UMNO tends to enjoy huge support in such constituencies, and PPBM leaders argue that they deserve more mixed seats to run in as well. -
The Lahad Datu Incursion and Its Impact on Malaysia's Security
THE LAHAD DATU INCURSION its Impact on MALAYSIA’S SECURITY by JASMINE JAWHAR & KENNIMROD SARIBURAJA “Coming together is a beginning. Keeping together is progress. Working together is success.” - Henry Ford - Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia Cataloguing-in Publication Data Jasmine Jawhar THE LAHAD DATU INCURSION AND ITS IMPACT ON MALAYSIA’S SECURITY ISBN: 978-983-44397-8-1 1. National security--Malaysia 2. Territorial waters--Sabah (Malaysia(. 3. Internal security-- Malaysia-- Lahad Datu (Sabah). 4. Security clearances-- Malaysia -- Lahad Datu (Sabah). 5. Lahad Datu (Sabah, Malaysia)-- emigration and immigration. I. Sariburaja, Kennimrod, 1983-.II. Title. 959.52152 First published in 2016 SEARCCT is dedicated to advocating the understanding of issues pertaining to terrorism and counter-terrorism and contributing ideas for counter- terrorism policy. The Centre accomplishes this mainly by organising capacity building courses, research, publications and public awareness programmes. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted or disseminated in any form or by any means without the prior written permission of the publisher. All statements of facts, opinions and expressions contained in this work are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Government of Malaysia. The Government of Malaysia assume no responsibility for any statements of facts or opinions expressed in this work. PUBLISHER The Southeast Asia Regional Centre for Counter-Terrorism (SEARCCT), Ministry -
The Kimanis By-Election: a Much-Needed Sweet (Manis) Victory for Warisan
ISSUE: 2020 No. 3 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore |16 January 2020 The Kimanis By-election: A Much-needed Sweet (Manis) Victory for Warisan Lee Poh Onn and Kevin Zhang*1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • On 18 January 2020, a by-election will be held for the parliamentary seat of Kimanis in Sabah. The Federal Court has upheld the Election Court's ruling that Anifah Aman's victory in the 14th General Elections (GE14) was nullified by election discrepancies. • This by-election is seen as a referendum on the Warisan state government’s performance over the past 18 months since replacing the Barisan Nasional (BN) after GE14, and the outcome would have some impact on Sabah Chief Minister Shafie Apdal’s standing. Warisan-PH and BN had won an equal number of state seats, but Warisan formed the state government only after the defection of some BN state assemblymen. At the Federal level, the Pakatan Harapan government sorely needs a victory in Kimanis to reverse the trend of by-election defeats it has suffered over the past year. • Warisan began the election contest on a stronger footing but it is shaping up to be a close fight. Both candidates, Warisan’s Karim Bujang and UMNO’s Mohamad Alamin, have strong political experience in Kimanis. • Bread and butter issues matter greatly to Kimanis residents who mostly suffer from low incomes and poor infrastructure. Warisan is on the defensive against the BN’s claims that the state government has failed to bring economic uplift to the area. -
The Securitization of Sabah's Threat Challenges
International Journal of Arts Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 4 Issue 2 ǁ February 2019. www.ijahss.com The Securitization of Sabah’s Threat Challenges SuhailiAbdul Rahman Kamarulnizam Abdullah (PhD candidate, Ghazali Shafie Graduate School (School of International Studies, of Government, Universiti Utara Malaysia) UniversitiUtara Malaysia) ABSTRACT: One of the salient characteristics of developing countries’ security is that threats not only drivenby the externalbut also internal sources. Furthermore, security in these developing countries has always being perceived and defined from the state’s perspective.But, since the end of the Cold War, threats to security have affected the whole structure of the system, be it state, society, or individual. Security, therefore, needs to be looked at from comprehensive angle. Hence, by using the National security theory of developing countries and Securitization theory as the basis for discussion, the article explores and discusses how state and its society manage their threats. Furthermore, this paper analyses how Malaysia manages it security threat. Sabah, one of the states in the Federation of Malaysia, is used as a case study on how Malaysia has managed its security predicaments. Managing security threats in Sabah has been influenced by several variables such as local political influences, federal-state relations, and societal understanding of national identity. The article concludes that Sabah’s security threats have been securitized by local political and community leaders. But, the successes of securitizing the threats depend on how security actors at the federal level are convinced with the omnipresent threats. KEYWORDS: Malaysia, national security, Sabah, sectoral security, securitization. I. Introduction Since the Treaty of Westphalian 1648, the concepts of sovereignty, territorial integrity, border, regime and political survival have become an integral part of state‟s security management. -
The Political Economy of Federal-State Relations: How the Centre Influences Resource Distribution to the Periphery Policy Ideas NO
Policy Ideas № 63 May 2020 Tricia Yeoh is a Fellow at IDEAS and also PhD Candidate in Politics at the School of Politics, History and International Relations, University of Nottingham Malaysia. She is researching opposition subnational politics in dominant party authoritarian regimes. The author thanks Kai Ostwald, Liew Chin Tong, Ali Salman and Aira Azhari for feedback to this paper, Laurence Todd, Lim Mah Hui, and Wei Zhang for their insights on state and local fundraising. 2 The Political Economy of Federal-State Relations: How the centre influences resource distribution to the periphery Policy Ideas NO. 63 Introduction This is the second in a series of three policy papers on contemporary challenges surrounding federalism in Malaysia today, the first of which was Policy Ideas No. 59, titled “Restoring the Spirit of Federalism: Policy Options for a New Malaysia”. This paper will explore more exclusively the political influences stemming from the federal government and how to mitigate for such effects for a more well-functioning, sustainable fiscal regime of the country’s states. The changes in Malaysia’s recent political landscape are meaningful and consequential on the country’s complex dynamics of federal-state relations. Historically a contested relationship where the centre influences much of the resource allocation and distribution to the periphery, this policy paper traces how this took shape during the early years of Malaysia’s formation and brings to the fore current developments. It argues that the federal government has strategically determined resource allocation through a number of means including through party-centred state administrations, administrative encroachment for greater political control, constitutional and legal requirements and by use of the politico-bureaucratic complex. -
The Vulnerability of Bajau Laut (Sama Dilaut) Children in Sabah, Malaysia
A position paper on: The vulnerability of Bajau Laut (Sama Dilaut) children in Sabah, Malaysia Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network (APRRN) 888/12, 3rd Floor Mahatun Plaza, Ploenchit Road Lumpini, Pratumwan 10330 Bangkok, Thailand Tel: +66(0)2-252-6654 Fax: +66(0)2-689-6205 Website: www.aprrn.org The vulnerability of Bajau Laut (Sama Dilaut) children in Sabah, Malaysia March 2015 Background Statelessness is a global man-made phenomenon, variously affecting entire communities, new-born babies, children, couples and older people, and can occur because of a bewildering array of causes. According to UNHCR, at least 10 million people worldwide have no nationality. While stateless people are entitled to human rights under international law, without a nationality, they often face barriers that prevent them from accessing their rights. These include the right to establish a legal residence, travel, work in the formal economy, access education, access basic health services, purchase or own property, vote, hold elected office, and enjoy the protection and security of a country. The Bajau Laut (who often self-identify as Sama Dilaut and are referred to by others as ‘Pala’uh’) are arguably some of the most marginalised people in Malaysia. Despite records of their presence in the region dating back for centuries, today many Bajau Laut have no legal nationality documents bonding them to a State, are highly vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. The Bajau Laut are a classic example of a protracted and intergenerational statelessness situation. Children, the majority of whom were born in Sabah and have never set foot in another country, are particularly at risk.