Patriation and Its Consequences Constitution Making in Canada
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Chretien Consensus
End of the CHRÉTIEN CONSENSUS? Jason Clemens Milagros Palacios Matthew Lau Niels Veldhuis Copyright ©2017 by the Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. The authors of this publication have worked independently and opinions expressed by them are, therefore, their own, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Fraser Institute or its supporters, Directors, or staff. This publication in no way implies that the Fraser Institute, its Directors, or staff are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill; or that they support or oppose any particular political party or candidate. Date of issue: March 2017 Printed and bound in Canada Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data End of the Chrétien Consensus? / Jason Clemens, Matthew Lau, Milagros Palacios, and Niels Veldhuis Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-88975-437-9 Contents Introduction 1 Saskatchewan’s ‘Socialist’ NDP Begins the Journey to the Chrétien Consensus 3 Alberta Extends and Deepens the Chrétien Consensus 21 Prime Minister Chrétien Introduces the Chrétien Consensus to Ottawa 32 Myths of the Chrétien Consensus 45 Ontario and Alberta Move Away from the Chrétien Consensus 54 A New Liberal Government in Ottawa Rejects the Chrétien Consensus 66 Conclusions and Recommendations 77 Endnotes 79 www.fraserinstitute.org d Fraser Institute d i ii d Fraser Institute d www.fraserinstitute.org Executive Summary TheChrétien Consensus was an implicit agreement that transcended political party and geography regarding the soundness of balanced budgets, declining government debt, smaller and smarter government spending, and competi- tive taxes that emerged in the early 1990s and lasted through to roughly the mid-2000s. -
HANSARD) Published Under the Authority of the Honourable P
FIRST SESSION - TWENTY-FIFTH LEGISLATURE of the Legislative Assembly of Saskatchewan ____________ DEBATES and PROCEEDINGS ____________ (HANSARD) Published under the authority of The Honourable P. Myron Kowalsky Speaker N.S. VOL. XLVII NO. 34A FRIDAY, MAY 7, 2004, 10 a.m. MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF SASKATCHEWAN Speaker — Hon. P. Myron Kowalsky Premier — Hon. Lorne Calvert Leader of the Opposition — Brad Wall Name of Member Political Affiliation Constituency Addley, Graham NDP Saskatoon Sutherland Allchurch, Denis SP Rosthern-Shellbrook Atkinson, Hon. Pat NDP Saskatoon Nutana Bakken, Brenda SP Weyburn-Big Muddy Beatty, Hon. Joan NDP Cumberland Belanger, Hon. Buckley NDP Athabasca Bjornerud, Bob SP Melville-Saltcoats Borgerson, Lon NDP Saskatchewan Rivers Brkich, Greg SP Arm River-Watrous Calvert, Hon. Lorne NDP Saskatoon Riversdale Cheveldayoff, Ken SP Saskatoon Silver Springs Chisholm, Michael SP Cut Knife-Turtleford Cline, Hon. Eric NDP Saskatoon Massey Place Crofford, Hon. Joanne NDP Regina Rosemont D’Autremont, Dan SP Cannington Dearborn, Jason SP Kindersley Draude, June SP Kelvington-Wadena Eagles, Doreen SP Estevan Elhard, Wayne SP Cypress Hills Forbes, Hon. David NDP Saskatoon Centre Gantefoer, Rod SP Melfort Hagel, Glenn NDP Moose Jaw North Hamilton, Doreen NDP Regina Wascana Plains Harpauer, Donna SP Humboldt Harper, Ron NDP Regina Northeast Hart, Glen SP Last Mountain-Touchwood Heppner, Ben SP Martensville Hermanson, Elwin SP Rosetown-Elrose Higgins, Hon. Deb NDP Moose Jaw Wakamow Huyghebaert, Yogi SP Wood River Iwanchuk, Andy NDP Saskatoon Fairview Junor, Judy NDP Saskatoon Eastview Kerpan, Allan SP Carrot River Valley Kirsch, Delbert SP Batoche Kowalsky, Hon. P. Myron NDP Prince Albert Carlton Krawetz, Ken SP Canora-Pelly Lautermilch, Eldon NDP Prince Albert Northcote McCall, Warren NDP Regina Elphinstone-Centre McMorris, Don SP Indian Head-Milestone Merriman, Ted SP Saskatoon Northwest Morgan, Don SP Saskatoon Southeast Morin, Sandra NDP Regina Walsh Acres Nilson, Hon. -
The Patriation and Quebec Veto References: the Supreme Court Wrestles with the Political Part of the Constitution 2011 Canliidocs 443 Peter H
The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference Volume 54 (2011) Article 3 The aP triation and Quebec Veto References: The Supreme Court Wrestles with the Political Part of the Constitution 2011 CanLIIDocs 443 Peter H. Russell Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Russell, Peter H.. "The aP triation and Quebec Veto References: The uS preme Court Wrestles with the Political Part of the Constitution." The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference 54. (2011). http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr/vol54/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The uS preme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. The Patriation and Quebec Veto References: The Supreme Court Wrestles with the Political Part of the Constitution 2011 CanLIIDocs 443 Peter H. Russell* I. THE SUPREME COURT OF CANADA’S ROLE IN CONSTITUTIONAL POLITICS Several times in Canada’s history the turbulent waters of constitu- tional politics have roared up to the Supreme Court, when for a moment the political gladiators in a constitutional struggle put down their armour, don legal robes and submit their claims to the country’s highest court. September 1981 was surely such a moment. Indeed, it is difficult to find any other constitutional democracy whose highest court has been called upon to render such a crucial decision in the midst of a mega constitutional struggle over the future of the country. -
Allan Blakeney: Deftly Navigating Thunderstorms
ALLAN BLAKENEY: DEFTLY NAVIGATING THUNDERSTORMS Brian Topp Saskatchewan Premier Allan Blakeney was one of Canada’s greatest premiers, and there is much for us to learn from his approach to issues ranging from managing a resource dependent economy and the Charter, to how to run a fiscally responsible, economically literate and socially progressive social democratic government. Premier ministre de la Saskatchewan, Allan Blakeney a été l’un des meilleurs chefs provinciaux du pays et aurait beaucoup à nous apprendre aujourd’hui sur la gestion d’une économie tributaire des ressources naturelles, sur la Charte des droits et libertés tout comme le fonctionnement d’un gouvernement social-démocrate qui est à la fois financièrement responsable, économiquement compétent et socialement progressiste. first met Allan Blakeney, one of Canada’s greatest pre- CEOs; constitutional issues; national unity; trade issues. It is miers, during a high-risk aeronautics experiment. not the easy problems that make it onto a premier’s desk. It I Specifically, in the 1990s the Government of is the toughest problems — and it was the very toughest Saskatchewan wanted to see what would happen when a ones that Romanow discussed with Blakeney. couple of Cessna airplanes purchased in the 1960s contin- ued to be flown as the government’s “executive air” fleet to lakeney approached each issue like a fascinating little ferry ministers and officials around the sprawling province. B chess puzzle. What if we did this? What if we did that? Would the planes stay in the air? Or would one of them Did you think of this? What would it mean if that were so? finally break up after decades of loyal service, tumbling with All with a cheerful, wry humour and the slightest undertone some of the province’s most senior people into a wheat field of skepticism about the high principles invoked by princi- 10,000 feet below? The planes spent more time being serv- pals making their cases, usually at high decibels, before the iced than they did flying — they were the last planes of their premier. -
If We Could All Be Peter Lougheed” Provincial Premiers and Their Legacies, 1967-2007 1
“If we could all be Peter Lougheed” Provincial premiers and their legacies, 1967-2007 1 J.P. Lewis Carleton University [email protected] Paper for Presentation at The Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association Concordia University, Montreal June 2010 Introduction For a variety of reasons, the careers of Canadian provincial premiers have escaped explicit academic attention. Premiers are found frequently in Canadian political science literature, but more for direct roles and actions – in questions of the constitution, federalism, public policy and electoral and legislative studies – instead of longitudinal study and analysis. This fits a pattern of neglect in the field; some academics have lamented the lack of direct attention to provincial politics and history (Brownsey and Howlett 2001). The aggregate imprints of premiers are relatively ignored outside of regional and provincial treatments. No pan- Canadian assessment of premiers exists, and probably for good reason. The theoretical and methodological concerns with asking general research questions about premiers are plenty; leadership theory and historical approaches provide some foundations but any approach is going to confront conceptual challenges. This is where this study is found – in a void of precedents but a plethora of qualitative data. 2 Regardless of methodological challenges, some historians, political scientists and members of the media have not shied away from ranking and assessing national leaders. Some of the more popular treatments (from the popular culture version to the more academic approach) include Ferguson’s Bastards and Boneheads , Granatstein and Hillmer’s Prime Ministers: Ranking Canada’s Leaders , and Bliss’s Right Honourable Men . Bliss (xiv), the esteemed historian, is skeptical of such endeavours, “While this is Canadian history from Parliament Hill, I am not a Hegelian and I do not believe that political leaders, least of all prime ministers of Canada, are personifications of the world spirit. -
New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan Election Review Panel Report
Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Osgoode Digital Commons Commissioned Reports, Studies and Public Policy Documents Faculty Scholarship 4-2021 Saskatchewan 2024: Making Change Happen - New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan Election Review Panel Report Gerry Scott Judy Bradley Modeste McKenzie Craig M. Scott Brian Topp Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/reports Part of the Election Law Commons Repository Citation Scott, Gerry; Bradley, Judy; McKenzie, Modeste; Scott, Craig M.; and Topp, Brian, "Saskatchewan 2024: Making Change Happen - New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan Election Review Panel Report" (New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan, 2021). Commissioned Reports, Studies and Public Policy Documents. Paper 217. https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/reports/217 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Commissioned Reports, Studies and Public Policy Documents by an authorized administrator of Osgoode Digital Commons. Saskatchewan 2024: Making Change Happen New Democratic Party of Saskatchewan Election Review Panel Report April 2021 This page has been intentionally left blank. Index Introduction and Executive Summary ........................................................................page 3 Part 1: Our Results 1. Eligible voter turnout in Saskatchewan has declined .............................................page 8 2. The NDP is struggling to rebuild its caucus ...........................................................page 9 3. A regional breakdown tells a more complex story ...............................................page 10 4. Conservatives enjoy a massive fundraising advantage.........................................page 11 5. Party membership has steadily declined since its peak in 1991 ...........................page 12 Part 2: Why These Results? Political issues: 1. The so-called “Saskatchewan Party” proved to be a loyal pupil of the NDP .......page 14 2. -
A History of Hydroelectric Development in Labrador's
Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada Power Politics and Questions of Political Will: A History of Hydroelectric Development in Labrador’s Churchill River Basin, 1949-2002 By: Cleo Research Associates/ Jason L. Churchill, Principal March 2003 The views expressed herein are solely those of the author and do not necessarily refl ect those of the Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada Power Politics and Questions of Political Will: A History of Hydroelectric Development in Labrador’s Churchill River Basin, 1949-2002 Abstract This report studies the history of attempts to develop Labrador’s hydroelectricity from 1949 to 2002, analyses the information, and draws three main lessons from that history. Firstly, Newfoundland has not been able to match Hydro-Quebec’s direct and indirect infl uence in the energy markets. Secondly, the Quebec utility, when directly suited to its immediate needs, has proven sensitive to Newfoundland’s demands for redress of the 1969 Churchill Falls contract. Thirdly, there has been a substratum shift in the North American energy markets, which has created new opportunities. The report then gives a detailed assessment of federal passive and active participation in issues related to hydroelectric development in Labrador. It concludes by making specifi c recommendations arguing that more effort has to go into capitalising upon the new opportunities in the North American energy markets. Power Politics and Questions of Political Will: A History of Hydroelectric Development -
Saskatchewan Elections: a History December 13Th, 1905 the Liberal Party Formed Saskatchewan’S First Elected Government
SaSkatcheWan EleCtIonS: A History DecemBer 13th, 1905 The Liberal Party formed Saskatchewan’s first elected government. The Liberals were led by Walter Scott, an MP representing the area of Saskatchewan in Wilfred Laurier’s federal government. Frederick Haultain, the former premier of the Northwest Territories, led the Provincial Rights Party. Haultain was linked to the Conservative Party and had advocated for Alberta and Saskatchewan to be one province named Buffalo. He begrudged Laurier for creating two provinces, and fought Saskatchewan’s first election by opposing federal interference in provincial areas of jurisdiction. RESultS: Party Leader Candidates elected Popular vote Liberal Walter Scott 25 16 52.25% Provincial Rights Frederick Haultain 24 9 47.47% Independent 1 - 0.28% Total Seats 25 AuguST 14th, 1908 The number of MLAs expanded to 41, reflecting the rapidly growing population. The Liberals ran 40 candidates in 41 constituencies: William Turgeon ran in both Prince Albert City and Duck Lake. He won Duck Lake but lost Prince Albert. At the time it was common for candidates to run in multiple constituencies to help ensure their election. If the candidate won in two or more constituencies, they would resign from all but one. By-elections would then be held to find representatives for the vacated constituencies. This practice is no longer allowed. RESultS: Party Leader Candidates elected Popular vote Liberal Walter Scott 41 27 50.79% Provincial Rights Frederick Haultain 40 14 47.88% Independent-Liberal 1 - 0.67% Independent 2 - 0.66% Total Seats 41 July 11th, 1912 The Provincial Rights Party morphed into the Conservative Party of Saskatchewan, and continued to campaign for expanding provincial jurisdiction. -
New Directions in Saskatchewan Public Policy
The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 20(1), 2015, article 7. __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Review Essay McGrane, David P. (Ed.). New Directions in Saskatchewan Public Policy. Regina, Canada: CPRC Press, University of Regina, 2011 David McGrane Remaining Loyal: Social Democracy in Quebec and Saskatchewan Montreal & Kingston, London, Ithaca: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014 Reviewed by Eleanor D. Glor David McGrane is an associate professor of political studies at St. Thomas More College, University of Saskatchewan in Saskatoon, Canada. Over the course of three years, he published two books on Saskatchewan and Quebec (Canadian provinces) social democratic politics in the (McGrane, 2011, 2014), a considerable accomplishment. This research on Saskatchewan and Quebec social democratic governments is important to students of public sector innovation because these provinces have often been the most innovative in Canada (see also, for example, Glor, 1997, 2002 in which I identify 159 innovations of the Saskatchewan government of 1971- 82). This suggest ideology may be important to innovation. McGrane’s Remaining Loyal: Social Democracy in Quebec and Saskatchewan examines the ideology of social democratic parties and governments in Quebec and Saskatchewan. He argues (1) that the Saskatchewan Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and its successor, the -
Institutional Legitimacy, Strategic Decision Making and the Supreme Court of Canada
Between Activism and Restraint: Institutional Legitimacy, Strategic Decision Making and the Supreme Court of Canada by Vuk Radmilovic A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto Copyright by Vuk Radmilovic (2011) Between Activism and Restraint: Institutional Legitimacy, Strategic Decision Making and the Supreme Court of Canada Vuk Radmilovic Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2011) ABSTRACT: Over the last couple of decades or so, comparative public law scholars have been reporting a dramatic increase in the power and influence of judicial institutions worldwide. One obvious effect of this “judicialization of politics” is to highlight legitimacy concerns associated with the exercise of judicial power. Indeed, how do courts attain and retain their legitimacy particularly in the context of their increasing political relevance? To answer this question I develop a novel theory of strategic legitimacy cultivation. The theory is developed through an application of the institutionalist branch of the rational choice theory which suggests that institutional structures, rules, and imperatives provide behavioural incentives and disincentives for relevant actors who respond by acting strategically in order to attain favourable outcomes. The theory shows that courts cultivate legitimacy by exhibiting strategic sensitivities to factors operating in the external, political environment. In particular, legitimacy cultivation requires courts to devise decisions that are sensitive to the state of public opinion, that avoid overt clashes and entanglements with key political actors, that do not overextend the outreach of judicial activism, and that employ politically sensitive jurisprudence. The theory is tested in the context of the Supreme Court of Canada through a mixed-method research design that combines a quantitative analysis of a large number of cases, case-study approaches, and cross- policy comparisons. -
June 2011 Remembering a Leader Mr. Allan Blakeney
Community FREE Community Connection June 2011 Newspaper Honouring our Neighbours by Taylor Bendig Remembering a Leader Allan Blakeney DOB: 1925 Lived: 800-block King St. Mr. Allan Blakeney (1968-1988) ack home in Canada after two years at servant until 1958. Then, with an eye toward BBritain’s Oxford University, young Allan running in the 1960 election, and preferring Blakeney knew there was no place he’d not to run as a government employee, he rather be than Regina. returned to practising private law. “I wanted to see what the (Tommy) Blakeney earned his seat during an election Douglas government, which was then a that “was fought on medicare, and little pioneering government, might be doing else,” as he put it. The CCF was returned in Saskatchewan,” he recalled “I wouldn’t to power, and he was quickly appointed have gone to work for any other provincial Minister of Education, then shuffled into government.” a new post as the provincial treasurer. As the debate over medicare heated But at the time, Douglas’ Co-operative up, Blakeney was heavily involved in Commonwealth Federation government introducing free health care despite public had no place for Blakeney. His application protests and a determined doctors’ strike. for a job – any job – was turned down, and he headed for Edmonton and a private But the controversy over medicare took its law firm instead. But four months later, in toll on the CCF’s popularity, and the party spring 1950, Blakeney’s luck changed: was defeated in 1964. Following a second a position opened up as legal advisor to defeat in 1967, party leader Woodrow Lloyd Saskatchewan’s Crown corporations. -
Constitutional Conventions and the Legacy of the Patriation Reference Adam M
The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference Volume 54 (2011) Article 5 Courting Constitutional Danger: Constitutional Conventions and the Legacy of the Patriation Reference Adam M. Dodek Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Dodek, Adam M.. "Courting Constitutional Danger: Constitutional Conventions and the Legacy of the Patriation Reference." The Supreme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference 54. (2011). http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/sclr/vol54/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The uS preme Court Law Review: Osgoode’s Annual Constitutional Cases Conference by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. Courting Constitutional Danger: Constitutional Conventions and the Legacy of the Patriation Reference Adam M. Dodek* I. INTRODUCTION As election results came in on the night of May 2, 2011, the justices of the Supreme Court of Canada likely breathed a collective sigh of relief. This suspected judicial solace would not have been due to any particularly political allegiance along the lines of that reported on election night in the United States in 2000, when Bush seemed to be sliding by Gore by a chad.1 Rather, it is because the election of a majority government swept aside the possibility that the courts — and eventually the high court itself — could be called upon to adjudicate a host of highly contentious political issues.