Some Observations on the Queen, the Crown, the Constitution, and the Courts Warren J Newman*
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Who Is Queen Elizabeth II?
Who is Queen Elizabeth II? Elizabeth Alexandra Mary, later to become Queen Elizabeth II, was born on 21 April 1926 in Mayfair, London. She was the first child of The Duke and Duchess of York, who later became King George VI and Queen Elizabeth. The Queen’s birthday is officially celebrated in Britain on the second Saturday of June each year. This special day is referred to as ‘The Trooping of the Colour’. The Queen is also known as the British Sovereign. Trooping of the Colour Elizabeth’s Family In 1936, King Edward VIII stepped down from the throne. Elizabeth’s father was crowned King George VI. Her mother became Queen Elizabeth, and Elizabeth and her sister Margaret were now Princesses. Elizabeth’s Childhood Princess Elizabeth was taught at home, not at school. • She studied art and music and enjoyed drama and swimming. • When she was 11, she joined the Girl Guides. • Elizabeth undertook her first public engagement on her 16th birthday, when she inspected the soldiers of the Grenadier Guards. The Royal Family Elizabeth got married in Westminster Abbey on 20th November 1947, when she was 21 years old. Her husband Prince Philip, also known as the Duke of Edinburgh, was the son of Prince Andrew of Greece. In 1948, the Queen’s first child Prince Charles was born. Two years later Princess Anne was born. Elizabeth would go on to have two more children, Prince Andrew and Prince Edward in 1960 and 1964. Elizabeth Becomes Queen In 1952, when she was just 25, Elizabeth’s father King George VI died. -
The Constitutional Requirements for the Royal Morganatic Marriage
The Constitutional Requirements for the Royal Morganatic Marriage Benoît Pelletier* This article examines the constitutional Cet article analyse les implications implications, for Canada and the other members of the constitutionnelles, pour le Canada et les autres pays Commonwealth, of a morganatic marriage in the membres du Commonwealth, d’un mariage British royal family. The Germanic concept of morganatique au sein de la famille royale britannique. “morganatic marriage” refers to a legal union between Le concept de «mariage morganatique», d’origine a man of royal birth and a woman of lower status, with germanique, renvoie à une union légale entre un the condition that the wife does not assume a royal title homme de descendance royale et une femme de statut and any children are excluded from their father’s rank inférieur, à condition que cette dernière n’acquière pas or hereditary property. un titre royal, ou encore qu’aucun enfant issu de cette For such a union to be celebrated in the royal union n’accède au rang du père ni n’hérite de ses biens. family, the parliament of the United Kingdom would Afin qu’un tel mariage puisse être célébré dans la have to enact legislation. If such a law had the effect of famille royale, une loi doit être adoptée par le denying any children access to the throne, the laws of parlement du Royaume-Uni. Or si une telle loi devait succession would be altered, and according to the effectivement interdire l’accès au trône aux enfants du second paragraph of the preamble to the Statute of couple, les règles de succession seraient modifiées et il Westminster, the assent of the Canadian parliament and serait nécessaire, en vertu du deuxième paragraphe du the parliaments of the Commonwealth that recognize préambule du Statut de Westminster, d’obtenir le Queen Elizabeth II as their head of state would be consentement du Canada et des autres pays qui required. -
The Crown As Corporation Frederic William Maitland 1901
The Crown as Corporation Frederic William Maitland 1901 Law Quarterly Review 17 (1901) pp. 131-46. The greatest of artificial persons, politically speaking, is the State. But it depends on the legal institutions and forms of every commonwealth whether and how far the State or its titular head is officially treated as an artificial person. In England we now say that the Crown is a corporation: it was certainly not so when the king's peace died with him, and "every man that could forthwith robbed another."(1*) I quote these words from Sir F. Pollock's First Book of Jurisprudence. They may serve to attract a little interest to that curious freak of English law, the corporation sole. In a previous paper I have written something concerning its history.(2*) I endeavoured to show that this strange conceit originated in the sixteenth century and within the domain of what we may call "church property law". It held out a hope, which proved to be vain, that it would provide a permanent "subject" in which could be reposed that fee simple of the parochial glebe which had been slowly abstracted from the patron and was not comfortable in those clouds to which Littleton had banished it. Then, following in the steps of Sir William Markby, I ventured to say that this corporation sole has shown itself to be no "juristic person", but is either a natural man or a juristic abortion. If the corporation sole had never trespassed beyond the ecclesiastical province in which it was native, it would nowadays be very unimportant. -
The Obsolete Theory of Crown Unity in Canada and Its Relevance to Indigenous Claims
Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Osgoode Digital Commons Articles & Book Chapters Faculty Scholarship 2015 The Obsolete Theory of Crown Unity in Canada and Its Relevance to Indigenous Claims Kent McNeil Osgoode Hall Law School of York University, [email protected] Source Publication: (2015) 20 Review of Constitutional Studies 1-29 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/scholarly_works Part of the Indian and Aboriginal Law Commons Repository Citation McNeil, Kent, "The Obsolete Theory of Crown Unity in Canada and Its Relevance to Indigenous Claims" (2015). Articles & Book Chapters. 2777. https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/scholarly_works/2777 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles & Book Chapters by an authorized administrator of Osgoode Digital Commons. The Obsolete Theory of Crown Unity in Canada and Its Relevance to Indigenous Claims Kent McNeil* This article examines the application of the L'uteur de cet article examine l'pplication theory ofthe unity ofthe Crown in Canada in de la theorie de Punite de la Couronne the context of Indigenous peoples. It reveals a au Canada dans le contexte des peuples consistent retreat by the courtsfrom acceptance autochtones. I rivile une retraite constante of the theory in the late nineteenth century to de la part des tribunaux de lipprobation de rejection ofit in the secondhalfofthe twentieth la theorie a la fin du dix-neuvidme sicle a century. This evolution ofthe theory' relevance, son rejet au cours de la deuxidme moiti du it is argued, is consistent with Canada federal vingtidme sidcle. -
The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada
Osgoode Hall Law Journal Volume 31 Issue 1 Volume 31, Number 1 (Spring 1993) Symposium: Towards the 21st Century Article 2 Canadian/Australian Legal Perspectives 1-1-1993 The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada Peter W. Hogg Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Special Issue Article This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Hogg, Peter W.. "The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 31.1 (1993) : 41-61. https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/vol31/iss1/2 This Special Issue Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Osgoode Hall Law Journal by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada Abstract The Charlottetown Accord of 1992 was a set of proposals for amendments to the Constitution of Canada. These proposals were designed to achieve a national settlement of a variety of constitutional grievances, chiefly those arising from Quebec nationalism, western regionalism, and Aboriginal deprivation. The Accord was defeated in a national referendum. In the case of Quebec, the defeat of the Charlottetown Accord, following as it did on the defeat of the Meech Lake Accord, has made the option of secession relatively more attractive, but there are sound pragmatic reasons to hope that Quebec will not make that choice. -
United Kingdom - Queen Elizabeth II” of the National Security Adviser’S Presidential Correspondence with Foreign Leaders Collection at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 5, folder “United Kingdom - Queen Elizabeth II” of the National Security Adviser’s Presidential Correspondence with Foreign Leaders Collection at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 5 of the NSA Presidential Correspondence with Foreign Leaders Collection at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library I~ ·! ! ,_ I! THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON ! I .i May 27, 1975 Your Majesty: . ; ' ' On behalf of the people of the United States of America, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you and to the Duke of Edinburgh a cordial invitation to make a State Visit to the United States on July 7 to 11, 1976, on the I I occasion of our 200th anniversary celebrations. I i Your visit, I know, will serve to underscore the very I close ties of friendship which unite our peoples. There could be no more fitting observance of this friendship on this iniportant occasion ti-.a.a.n a visit by Your ~.. -
Queen's Diamond Jubilee 2012
Queen’s Diamond Jubilee 2012 Background word ‘Yobel’, which refers to the ram or ram’s Queen Elizabeth ll has reigned over the United horn with which jubilee years were proclaimed. Kingdom and her Commonwealth countries for In Leviticus it states that such a horn or trumpet 60 years. 2012 and the Diamond Jubilee brings is to be blown on the tenth day of the seventh about many opportunities to celebrate, focus and month after the lapse of ‘seven Sabbaths of years’ give thanks for her Majesty’s faithful, gracious and (49 years) as a proclamation of liberty through - devoted service to the nations. out the land of the tribes of Israel. The year of jubilee was a consecrated year of ‘Sabbath- The Queen reached her 60th anniversary on the rest’ and liberty. During this year all debts were throne on 6 February 2012. On 12 March the cancelled, lands were restored to their original Queen attended Westminster Abbey to celebrate owners and family members were restored to one Commonwealth Day. Main celebrations will take another. place during an extended Bank Holiday weekend from 2 to 5 June. Coronation Day was on 2 June The year of jubilee was also central to the ministry 1953, and there are many stories of how people of of Jesus. In the Gospel of Luke Jesus makes the all ages remember spending that wonderful day. A claim to the fulfillment of Isaiah’s prophecy in few homes had televisions and the BBC broadcast Isaiah 61:1–2. Jesus states that he has come to the Coronation to over 20 million viewers. -
What the Crown May Do
WHAT THE CROWN MAY DO 1. It is now established, at least at the level of the Court of Appeal (so that Court has recently stated)1, that, absent some prohibition, a Government minister may do anything which any individual may do. The purpose of this paper is to explain why this rule is misconceived and why it, and the conception of the “prerogative” which it necessarily assumes, should be rejected as a matter of constitutional law. 2. The suggested rule raises two substantive issues of constitutional law: (i) who ought to decide in what new activities the executive may engage, in what circumstances and under what conditions; and (ii) what is the scope for abuse that such a rule may create and should it be left without legal control. 3. As Sir William Wade once pointed out (in a passage subsequently approved by the Appellate Committee2), “The powers of public authorities are...essentially different from those of private persons. A man making his will may, subject to any rights of his dependants, dispose of his property just as he may wish. He may act out of malice or a spirit of revenge, but in law this does not affect his exercise of power. In the same way a private person has an absolute power to release a debtor, or, where the law permits, to evict a tenant, regardless of his motives. This is unfettered discretion.” If a minister may do anything that an individual may do, he may pursue any purpose which an individual may do when engaged in such activities. -
The Governor Genera. and the Head of State Functions
The Governor Genera. and the Head of State Functions THOMAS FRANCK* Lincoln, Nebraska In most, though by no means all democratic states,' the "Head o£ State" is a convenient legal and political fiction the purpose of which is to personify the complex political functions of govern- ment. What distinguishes the operations of this fiction in Canada is the fact that the functions of head of state are not discharged by any one person. Some, by legislative enactment, are vested in the Governor General. Others are delegated to the Governor General by the Crown. Still others are exercised by the Queen in person. A survey of these functions will reveal, however, that many more of the duties of the Canadian head of state are to-day dis- charged by the Governor General than are performed by the Queen. Indeed, it will reveal that some of the functions cannot be dis- charged by anyone else. It is essential that we become aware of this development in Canadian constitutional practice and take legal cognizance of the consequently increasing stature and importance of the Queen's representative in Canada. Formal Vesting of Head of State Functions in Constitutional Governments ofthe Commonnealth Reahns In most of the realms of the Commonwealth, the basic constitut- ional documents formally vest executive power in the Queen. Section 9 of the British North America Act, 1867,2 states: "The Executive Government and authority of and over Canada is hereby declared to continue and be vested in the Queen", while section 17 establishes that "There shall be one Parliament for Canada, consist- ing of the Queen, an Upper House, styled the Senate, and the *Thomas Franck, B.A., LL.B. -
Institute of Commonwealth Studies
University of London INSTITUTE OF COMMONWEALTH STUDIES VOICE FILE NAME: The Hon. Michael Kirby SO: Sue Onslow (Interviewer) MK: Michael Kirby (Respondent) SO: This is Sue Onslow talking to the Honourable Michael Kirby in Sydney on Friday, 28th March, 2014. Mr Kirby, thank you very much indeed for agreeing to take part in this oral history project. I wonder if you could begin by reflecting, Sir, on the establishment of the Eminent Persons’ Group of 2009-2010? Obviously, this came out of the Port of Spain affirmation in 2009, but I wondered if you could lay some background of how you came to be appointed to that group? MK: I’m not sure how the appointment came about. Sometimes it’s better not to know how appointments to national or international bodies occur. However, I was approached, first, I think, by a representative of the Australian government to ask if I would serve; then I received a letter from the Secretary- General, Mr Sharma, and he invited me to serve. I then accepted, and I served. But I’m not aware of the steps that were taken to secure my appointment. They may have arisen out of the fact that I had taken quite an active part over the years in the work of the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Division of the Commonwealth. I had contributed repeatedly to the Commonwealth Law Bulletin. I had gone repeatedly to Commonwealth Law conferences, and presented papers at them. I had not been a member of the political activities of the Commonwealth, but of basically the legal and support systems of the Commonwealth, which is often where it does its best work. -
Language Planning and Education of Adult Immigrants in Canada
London Review of Education DOI:10.18546/LRE.14.2.10 Volume14,Number2,September2016 Language planning and education of adult immigrants in Canada: Contrasting the provinces of Quebec and British Columbia, and the cities of Montreal and Vancouver CatherineEllyson Bem & Co. CarolineAndrewandRichardClément* University of Ottawa Combiningpolicyanalysiswithlanguagepolicyandplanninganalysis,ourarticlecomparatively assessestwomodelsofadultimmigrants’languageeducationintwoverydifferentprovinces ofthesamefederalcountry.Inordertodoso,wefocusspecificallyontwoquestions:‘Whydo governmentsprovidelanguageeducationtoadults?’and‘Howisitprovidedintheconcrete settingoftwoofthebiggestcitiesinCanada?’Beyonddescribingthetwomodelsofadult immigrants’ language education in Quebec, British Columbia, and their respective largest cities,ourarticleponderswhetherandinwhatsensedemography,languagehistory,andthe commonfederalframeworkcanexplainthesimilaritiesanddifferencesbetweenthetwo.These contextualelementscanexplainwhycitiescontinuetohavesofewresponsibilitiesregarding thesettlement,integration,andlanguageeducationofnewcomers.Onlysuchunderstandingwill eventuallyallowforproperreformsintermsofcities’responsibilitiesregardingimmigration. Keywords: multilingualcities;multiculturalism;adulteducation;immigration;languagelaws Introduction Canada is a very large country with much variation between provinces and cities in many dimensions.Onesuchaspect,whichremainsacurrenthottopicfordemographicandhistorical reasons,islanguage;morespecifically,whyandhowlanguageplanningandpolicyareenacted -
Translating the Constitution Act, 1867
TRANSLATING THE CONSTITUTION ACT, 1867 A Legal-Historical Perspective by HUGO YVON DENIS CHOQUETTE A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Law in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Laws Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada September 2009 Copyright © Hugo Yvon Denis Choquette, 2009 Abstract Twenty-seven years after the adoption of the Constitution Act, 1982, the Constitution of Canada is still not officially bilingual in its entirety. A new translation of the unilingual Eng- lish texts was presented to the federal government by the Minister of Justice nearly twenty years ago, in 1990. These new French versions are the fruits of the labour of the French Constitutional Drafting Committee, which had been entrusted by the Minister with the translation of the texts listed in the Schedule to the Constitution Act, 1982 which are official in English only. These versions were never formally adopted. Among these new translations is that of the founding text of the Canadian federation, the Constitution Act, 1867. A look at this translation shows that the Committee chose to de- part from the textual tradition represented by the previous French versions of this text. In- deed, the Committee largely privileged the drafting of a text with a modern, clear, and con- cise style over faithfulness to the previous translations or even to the source text. This translation choice has important consequences. The text produced by the Commit- tee is open to two criticisms which a greater respect for the prior versions could have avoided. First, the new French text cannot claim the historical legitimacy of the English text, given their all-too-dissimilar origins.