What Is Child Marriage?
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Married Too Young? the Behavioral Ecology of 'Child Marriage'
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Review Married Too Young? The Behavioral Ecology of ‘Child Marriage’ Susan B. Schaffnit 1,* and David W. Lawson 2 1 Department of Anthropology, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16801, USA 2 Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106, USA; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: For girls and women, marriage under 18 years is commonplace in many low-income nations today and was culturally widespread historically. Global health campaigns refer to marriage below this threshold as ‘child marriage’ and increasingly aim for its universal eradication, citing its apparent negative wellbeing consequences. Here, we outline and evaluate four alternative hypotheses for the persistence of early marriage, despite its associations with poor wellbeing, arising from the theoretical framework of human behavioral ecology. First, early marriage may be adaptive (e.g., it maximizes reproductive success), even if detrimental to wellbeing, when life expectancy is short. Second, parent– offspring conflict may explain early marriage, with parents profiting economically at the expense of their daughter’s best interests. Third, early marriage may be explained by intergenerational conflict, whereby girls marry young to emancipate themselves from continued labor within natal households. Finally, both daughters and parents from relatively disadvantaged backgrounds favor early marriage as a ‘best of a bad job strategy’ when it represents the best option given a lack of feasible alternatives. The explanatory power of each hypothesis is context-dependent, highlighting the complex drivers of life history transitions and reinforcing the need for context-specific policies Citation: Schaffnit, Susan B., and addressing the vulnerabilities of adolescence worldwide. -
A Legislative and Policy Gap Analysis for Balochistan
Sustainable Development Goal 5: A Legislative and Policy Gap Analysis for Balochistan GENDER EQUALITY Sustainable Development Goal 5: A Legislative and Policy Gap Analysis for Balochistan OCTOBER 2017 Leadership for Environment and Development (LEAD) Pakistan GENDER EQUALITY Sustainable Development Goal 5 Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls. Disclaimer: The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s)—and the respondents interviewed during the research of which this report is a product—and do not necessarily represent those of the United Nations, including UNDP, or UN Member States.” www.pk.undp.org United Nations Development Programme Pakistan 4th Floor, Serena Business Complex, Khayaban-e-Suharwardy, Sector G-5/1, P. O. Box 1051, Islamabad, Pakistan. This report has been produced with technical and financial support from UNDP and UKaid in Pakistan Research conducted and report produced by: Leadership for Environment and Development (LEAD) Pakistan Design & Print: Agha Jee Printers Table of Contents Acronyms iv Acknowledgement 01 Executive Summary 03 Key Findings 05 Legislative Readiness for SDG 5 07 Legislative Gaps 10 Target 5.1: Discrimination 10 Target 5.C: Strengthen Policy and Enact Legislation 11 Target 5.2: Ending Violence against Women 11 Target 5.3: Eliminate Harmful Practices 22 Target 5.4: Recognize Unpaid Care and Domestic Work 23 Target 5.5: Ensure Effective Participation 24 Target 5.A: Economic Rights 26 Target 5.6: Access to Sexual and Reproductive Health 28 Target 5.B: Access to Enabling -
Death-Penalty-Pakistan
Report Mission of Investigation Slow march to the gallows Death penalty in Pakistan Executive Summary. 5 Foreword: Why mobilise against the death penalty . 8 Introduction and Background . 16 I. The legal framework . 21 II. A deeply flawed and discriminatory process, from arrest to trial to execution. 44 Conclusion and recommendations . 60 Annex: List of persons met by the delegation . 62 n° 464/2 - January 2007 Slow march to the gallows. Death penalty in Pakistan Table of contents Executive Summary. 5 Foreword: Why mobilise against the death penalty . 8 1. The absence of deterrence . 8 2. Arguments founded on human dignity and liberty. 8 3. Arguments from international human rights law . 10 Introduction and Background . 16 1. Introduction . 16 2. Overview of death penalty in Pakistan: expanding its scope, reducing the safeguards. 16 3. A widespread public support of death penalty . 19 I. The legal framework . 21 1. The international legal framework. 21 2. Crimes carrying the death penalty in Pakistan . 21 3. Facts and figures on death penalty in Pakistan. 26 3.1. Figures on executions . 26 3.2. Figures on condemned prisoners . 27 3.2.1. Punjab . 27 3.2.2. NWFP. 27 3.2.3. Balochistan . 28 3.2.4. Sindh . 29 4. The Pakistani legal system and procedure. 30 4.1. The intermingling of common law and Islamic Law . 30 4.2. A defendant's itinerary through the courts . 31 4.2.1. The trial . 31 4.2.2. Appeals . 31 4.2.3. Mercy petition . 31 4.2.4. Stays of execution . 33 4.3. The case law: gradually expanding the scope of death penalty . -
The Legal Framework for Child Protection in South Asia
THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR CHILD PROTECTION IN SOUTH ASIA Cover Photo: 1 2 1 © UNICEF/UN048309/Kiron Rabbi (14) engaged in recreational group activities at 3 an Adolescent Club in Chachra Modhopara, Jessore 4 Sadar, Bangladesh. 5 2 © UNICEF/UN0285283/Mohammadi 6 Zeinab, 12 years old left Qades district of Badghis 7 province due to conflict in Afghanistan. Settled in 8 Zaimati camp, she participates in the child friendly space and enjoys sometime with her friends. 3 © UNICEF/UNI28601/Haviv A boy at a camp for displaced people of the Tamil ethnic group in Eastern Province, Sri Lanka. 4 © UNICEF/UN0331393/Das The Kanyashree Club girls discuss ideas with their teacher, Karanjali Balika Vidyalaya, Kulpi, 24 Parganas, West Bengal, India. 5 © UNICEF/UNI202391/Lopez Child monks were among the most disadvantaged of Bhutan’s children alongside poor/working children and children with disabilities. 6 © UNICEF/UN0308126/Zaidi A married girl attending her class in UNICEF supported Accelerated Learning Programme (ALP) center in Hussain Buksh Jatoi village, Khairpur district, Sindh province, Pakistan. 7 © UNICEF/UNI41465/Pirozzi A girl smiles on Gan Island in Laamu Atoll, Maldives. She is from a host family that took in 13 people affected by 2004 earthquake. 8 © UNICEF/UN0118463/Shrestha A group of children walk to school on the first day of classes since floods disrupted schooling in Shitalpur Bairgania village in Rautahat Districts, Nepal. © UNICEF ROSA 2020 The material in this report has been commissioned by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Regional Office for South Asia. UNICEF accepts no responsibility for errors. The designations in this work do not imply an opinion on the legal status of any country or territory, or of its authorities, or the delimitation of frontiers. -
POLYGAMY and CHILD MARRIAGE in CANADA
FACT SHEET POLYGAMY and CHILD MARRIAGE in CANADA In Canada, child marriage is closely linked to polygamous marriage. In Bountiful, a community of about 1,000 in southern British Columbia, polygamy has been openly practiced for more than half a century. It is practiced by members of the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (FLDS). Polygamy is a central tenet of their faith. It is common among them for men to marry many wives. There are thousands of other FLDS members and members of other sects practicing polygamy in Utah, Arizona, Texas, Idaho, and Mexico. None of these sects are associated with the larger Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which disavowed polygamy in 1890. Risk Factors Associated with Polygamy • Increased chance of emotional, behavioral, and physical problems in children • Lower educational achievement and a devaluation of education • Rivalry amongst co-wives • Increased risk of health problems due to early sexual activity and pregnancy • Young men being forced out of the communities because of competition for wives and consequently having few social supports • The perpetuation of harmful gender stereotypes There are serious allegations of child sexual abuse occurring among the FLDS. Allegations have been made that girls as young as 14 and 15 have been married in the community to much older men and that these girls have been told that refusing these unions would ensure their eternal damnation. Former FLDS members also allege that girls as young as 13 are trafficked across the BC/Idaho border to become brides. Former polygamous wives contend that typical religious polygamy elevates some men above all others, and women and children are nothing more than property. -
Child Marriage Has Negative Effects on Adolescents' Health and Is a Cause
LEGAL MINIMUM AGES AND THE REALIZATION OF ADOLESCENTS’ RIGHTS MINIMUM AGE FOR MARRIAGE • International standards set the minimum age of marriage at 18. ABSOLUTE MINIMUM AGE OF MARRIAGE WITH PARENTAL OR JUDGE CONSENT OR EXCEPTIONAL CIRCUMSTANCES • Child marriage has numerous long-term negative implications on children’s rights, in particular the right to education, the right to express views, the right to be protected from violence, and the right to health, among others. Girls are particularly vulnerable to the practice, with significant impact on their development and gender equality in general. • Rates of child marriage in the Latin America and the Caribbean remain significant and close to global averages. However, they have not decreased in recent years like in other regions. • Child marriage – i.e. marriage when at least one of the intending spouses is under 18 – is generally forbidden under international standards, although recent evolutions provide for the possibility for adolescents over 16 to marry under specific circumstances and on their own consent, through judicial approval. • While providing that adolescents can fully consent to marriage on their own no data available at 18, legislations in the overwhelming majority of countries provide for the possibility for children to get married with parental and/or a judge’s consent. 12 years old 14 years old • Approximately one third of the countries have different minimum ages 15 years old for marriage for boys and girls, thus effectively featuring discriminatory 16 years old This map is stylized and it is not to scale. It does not legislation. reflect a position by UNICEF on the legal status of any 18 years old country or territory or the delimitation of any frontiers. -
WHO Background Paper Obstacles to Women Accessing Forensic Medical Exams in Cases of Sexual Violence by A. Widney Brown, Advocac
WHO Background Paper Obstacles to Women Accessing Forensic Medical Exams in Cases of Sexual Violence By A. Widney Brown, Advocacy Director, Women’s Rights Division, Human Rights Watch Final Version Introduction The international community awoke to the realization that “women’s rights are human rights” when women’s rights activists from all over the world took center stage at the World Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna in 1993. They seized the initiative at the conference by focusing on violence against women and the failure of states to provide redress for the violence suffered. At a tribunal held at the NGO parallel conference, women from numerous countries stepped forward to describe their experiences as victims of sexual and gender based violence. They also described the failure of the state to condemn the violence, to protect women from further violence and to provide redress through the criminal justice system. The pervasiveness of violence against women is breathtaking in developing and developed countries alike.1 The litany of harms inflicted is long: female genital mutilation, forced marriages, trafficking into forced labor, domestic violence, so-called honor killings, acid burning, dowry deaths, and finally, in every culture, rape and other crimes of sexual violence. The U.N. Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women adopted in 1979, called on States to “take in all fields appropriate measures, including legislation, to ensure the full development and advancement of women, for the purpose -
Child Marriage and POVERTY
Child Marriage and POVERTY Child marriage is most common in the world’s poorest countries and is often concentrated among the poorest households within those countries. It is closely linked with poverty and low levels of economic development. In families with limited resources, child marriage is often seen as a way to provide for their daughter’s future. But girls who marry young are IFAD / Anwar Hossein more likely to be poor and remain poor. CHILD MARRIAGE Is INTIMATELY shows that household economic status is a key factor in CONNEctED to PovERTY determining the timing of marriage for girls (along with edu- cation and urban-rural residence, with rural girls more likely Child marriage is highly prevalent in sub- to marry young). In fact, girls living in poor households are Saharan Africa and parts of South Asia, the approximately twice as likely to marry before 18 than girls two most impoverished regions of the world.1 living in better-off households.4 • More than half of the girls in Bangladesh, Mali, Mozam- In Côte d’Ivoire, a target country for the President’s Emer- bique and Niger are married before age 18. In these same gency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), girls in the poorest countries, more than 75 percent of people live on less than $2 a day. In Child Marriage in the Poorest and Richest Households Mali, 91 percent of the in Select Countries population lives on less 80 than $2 a day. 2 70 • Countries with low GDPs tend to have a higher 60 prevalence of child mar- riage. -
Frequently Asked Questions About Why a Minimum Age of Marriage of 18
Frequently asked questions about why a minimum age of marriage of 18 In many countries, there have been moves to strengthen legal frameworks to address child marriage, including by increasing the minimum age of marriage to 18. Civil society advocating for such legislation have come across resistance from policy-makers, often facing similar arguments across countries. We spoke to Girls Not Brides members in seven countries to find out how they respond to these arguments, and which arguments work best.1 This FAQ document lays out a set of commonly asked questions and provides suggestions for how to respond to them. It is a working document which we hope to update regularly with new insights from Girls Not Brides members and partners advocating for a minimum age of 18. Interested in sharing insights from your country on these questions? Let us know! 1. Shouldn’t there be exceptions in certain circumstances? The situations in which exceptions are used in abusive ways far outweigh the circumstances in which maybe just maybe a child marriage helps resolve a difficult situation for a girl who truly wishes to marry. 2. What about exceptions for pregnant girls? Or girls who could face risks of ‘honour killing’ if they can’t marry? Isn’t marriage then the safest option for girls? Adolescent pregnancy leads to health risks to both mother and child marrying girls off is not the solution; we should be helping girls to be able to make choices to avoid early pregnancy in the first place. A rights violation (child marriage) should never be the solution to another rights violation (statutory/forcible rape, or lack of access to contraception/abortion/family planning information and /or the risk of ‘honour killing’). -
Child Marriage: a Mapping of Programmes and Partners in Twelve Countries in East and Southern Africa
CHILD MARRIAGE A MAPPING OF PROGRAMMES AND PARTNERS IN TWELVE COUNTRIES IN EAST AND SOUTHERN AFRICA i Acknowledgements Special thanks to Carina Hickling (international consultant) for her technical expertise, skills and dedication in completing this mapping; to Maja Hansen (Regional Programme Specialist, Adolescent and Youth, UNFPA East and Southern Africa Regional Office) and Jonna Karlsson (Child Protection Specialist, UNICEF Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Office) for the guidance on the design and implementation of the study; and to Maria Bakaroudis, Celine Mazars and Renata Tallarico from the UNFPA East and Southern Africa Regional Office for their review of the drafts. The final report was edited by Lois Jensen and designed by Paprika Graphics and Communications. We also wish to express our appreciation to the global and regional partners that participated as informants in the study, including the African Union Commission, Secretariat for the African Union Campaign to End Child Marriage; Girls Not Brides; Population Council; Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency – Zambia regional office; World YWCA; Commonwealth Secretariat; Rozaria Memorial Trust; Plan International; Inter-Africa Committee on Traditional Practices; Save the Children; Voluntary Service Overseas; International Planned Parenthood Federation Africa Regional Office; and the Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum. Special thanks to the UNFPA and UNICEF child marriage focal points in the 12 country offices in East and Southern Africa (Comoros, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mozambique, South Sudan, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe) and the governmental and non-governmental partners that provided additional details on initiatives in the region. The information contained in this report is drawn from multiple sources, including interviews and a review of materials available online and provided by organizations. -
FACT SHEET: CHILD MARRIAGE in OHIO November
FACT SHEET: CHILD MARRIAGE IN OHIO November. 2017 Child marriage, or marriage in which one or both parties is under the age of 18, is a reality in the U.S., including here in Ohio. While there are laws in place that dictate the legal age of marriage, exceptions exist in every state in the U.S. that allow for those under the age of 18 to wed.1 Ohio’s marriage laws allow child marriage to continue at alarming rates, often with grave consequences overwhelmingly impacting girls and women. THE ISSUE: In Ohio, state law requires that boys be at least 18 years old to marry. For girls, however, that legal age is set at 16, as long as parental consent is given on the marriage license for minors. Yet, there are exceptions in place to allow those under the age of 16 to marry in circumstances where the teen girl is pregnant and receives parental and judicial consent. If these exceptions are met, there is no legal age “floor” at which a child cannot be married. A recent investigation into the prevalence of the issue in the state of Ohio found that between 2000 and 2015, nearly 4,400 girls 17 years and younger — some even as young as 14 — were married. This is not an issue unique to a certain part of the state; these marriages were documented in cities, rural towns, and suburban areas.2 In the United States and across the world, child marriage and forced marriage is an issue that disproportionately impacts women and girls. -
Ending Child Marriage in a Generation What Research Is Needed?
Ending Child Marriage in a Generation What Research is Needed? BY MARGARET E. GREENE, PHD Ending Child Marriage in a Generation What Research is Needed? BY MARGARET E. GREENE, PHD January 2014 Contact the author at [email protected] or at www.greeneworks.org Cover: A pregnant 15-year-old with her older husband, who is a migrant worker in Mumbai, India, meet with The Veerni Project. They were wed when she was ten in his village near Jodhpur. ©2006 Rose Reis, Courtesy of Photoshare The Problem of Child Marriage for Girls and for Development Two interrelated reasons form the central rationales for working to end the practice of child marriage: upholding the rights of girls, and achieving health and development goals. Girls’ rights, health and development are undermined by the impact of early marriage, pregnancy and childbearing on their mortality and morbidity, the early termination of their schooling, and the ripples of girls’ poor health and limited human capital on their future productivity and the lives of their children, families and their nations. In the absence of valid consent – which ‘children’ by definition are not able to give – child mar- riage may be understood as a coerced act that violates the human rights of 14.2 million girls who marry as children each year.3 Once girls are married, their status infringes upon a range of their rights. Most child brides are burdened with responsibilities as wives and mothers with little support, resources, or life experience to meet these challenges. Compared to their unmarried peers or to older women, girls who marry before the age of 18 are likely to have lower educational attainment, greater chances of experiencing unwanted pregnancies, and are at greater risk of sexual and reproductive health morbidities and maternal mortali- ty.4 They go into marriage at a disadvantage with regard to their husbands, who tend to be older and to have more experience of school, work and often, previous relationships.