Law, Natural Law, and the Foundation of Morality in Francisco De Vitoria and Francisco Suárez1

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Law, Natural Law, and the Foundation of Morality in Francisco De Vitoria and Francisco Suárez1 chapter 8 Law, Natural Law, and the Foundation of Morality in Francisco de Vitoria and Francisco Suárez1 Anselm S pindler In STh I–II, q. 90, Aquinas develops a general definition of law (lex). This definition itself is of great import to the discussion of law in the 'School of Salamanca', but the underlying methodological idea has been very influential as well. The idea is that the various types of law (i.e. eternal law, natural law, human law, and divine law) must be investigated on the basis of a general con- cept of law which somehow captures what the four types of law have in com- mon or what the term “law” means for all cases. It is somehow supposed to mean the same thing, and therefore the general concept of law draws a line between things that can be called a law and things that cannot.2 Francisco de Vitoria and Francisco Suárez share this methodical idea. However, they start from quite different understandings of the general concept of law, and this has profound effects on how this concept applies to the different types of law. In this paper, I want to investigate how Vitoriaʼs and Suárezʼs concepts of law differ and how this affects their views on natural law (lex naturalis), i.e. the laws of morality. I will argue that Suárez starts from a voluntaristic con- ception of law which leads him to what Schneewind has called the “older,” 1 This paper is based on my dissertation, Das natürliche Gesetz bei Francisco de Vitoria: Warum Autonomie der einzig mögliche Grund einer universellen Moral ist (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 2015). 2 It has been argued that, for Aquinas, the four types of law do not relate to the general concept of law in the sense of species exemplifying the same genus, but rather as types of law that exemplify the general concept of law in the sense of an analogy (see e.g. Karl- Wilhelm Merks, Theologische Grundlegung der sittlichen Autonomie. Strukturmomente eines ›autonomen‹ Normenbegründungsverständnisses im lex-Traktat der Summa theologiae des Thomas von Aquin [Düsseldorf: Patmos, 1978], p. 110). This may be true, but it cannot mean that just anything that is in some respect similar to a law can be called a law (and Merks, of course, does not suggest that it does). So, even if the concept of analogy serves Aquinas as the concept by which he relates the various types of law to the general definition of law, the general definition of law still has the critical purpose of separating things that can be called a law from things that cannot. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/97890043��707_0�0 law, natural law, and the foundation of morality 173 medieval understanding of “morality as obedience,”3 according to which God is the legislator of the laws of morality. Vitoria, on the other hand, argues for a rationalistic conception of law which allows him to develop what Schneewind has called the “new,” modern understanding of “morality as self-governance” or autonomy.4 In order to do so, I will first compare Vitoriaʼs and Suárezʼs inter- pretation of Aquinasʼs definition of law (section 1). I will then reconstruct their theories of natural law (sections 2 and 3). Finally, I will explore Vitoriaʼs theory of natural law a little bit further to show why he believes a theory of the kind Suárez has in mind is inadequate to capture the universal scope of morality and in what sense his own theory can be said to be based on a concept of autonomy (section 4).5 1 Vitoria and Suárez on the Concept of Law In STh I–II, q. 90, Aquinas defines law as quaedam rationis ordinatio ad bonum commune, ab eo qui curam communitatis habet, promulgata.6 Given this defi- nition of law, Vitoria and Suárez agree on three points: They agree that this definition of law expresses a general concept of law that captures what the four types of law (i.e. eternal law, natural law, human law, and divine law) have in common or what the term “law” means in every case. They also agree that Aquinasʼs definition of law does capture the essence of law quite accurately. This, in turn, implies that they agree that natural law is a law in the sense of this general definition of law. And yet, Vitoria and Suárez develop two quite different theories of natural law, which is partly due to the fact that they work with two quite different interpretations of Aquinasʼs definition of law. Their disagreement mainly turns on the question of what the term ordinatio rationis means.7 3 Jerome Schneewind, The Invention of Autonomy: A History of Modern Moral Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 4. 4 Ibid. 5 While I believe that most commentators are correct in assuming that Suárez traces natural law back to divine legislation, I will attempt to show that Vitoria’s theory of natural law has so far been largely misinterpreted. Therefore, the discussion of Vitoriaʼs theory of natural law will take up more space than the discussion of Suárezʼs theory of natural law. 6 STh I–II, q. 90, a. 4.—All quotes from Aquinasʼs Summa theologiae are taken from http:// www.corpusthomisticum.org/iopera.html, last retrieved 7 April 2014. 7 There may well be considerable disagreement between Vitoria and Suárez with respect to other aspects of law, but I will focus on this one, because it is, in my view, the most important one with respect to their contrary views of natural law..
Recommended publications
  • Colonization of the «Indies». the Origin of International Law?
    LA IDEA DE AMERICA 25/10/10 12:15 Página 43 COLONIZATION OF THE «INDIES» THE ORIGIN OF INTERNATIONAL LAW? MARTTI KOSKENNIEMI It is widely agreed that international law has its origins in the writings of the Spanish theologians of the 16th century, especially the so-called «School of Sala- manca», who were reacting to the news of Columbus having found not only a new continent but a new population, living in conditions unknown to Europeans and having never heard the gospel. The name of Francisco de Vitoria (c. 1492- 1546) the Dominican scholar who taught as Prima Professor with the theology fa- culty at the University of Salamanca from 1526 to 1546, is well-known to interna- tional law historians. This was not always the case. For a long time, international lawyers used to draw their pedigree from the Dutch Protestant Hugo de Groot (or Grotius) (1583-1645) who wrote as advocate of the Dutch East-India company in favour of opening the seas to Dutch commerce against the Spanish-Portuguese monopoly. Still in the 18th and 19th centuries, the law of nations —ius gentium— was seen as a predominantly Protestant discipline that drew its inspiration from the natural law taught by such followers of Grotius as the Saxon Samuel Pufen- dorf (1632-1694) and the Swiss Huguenot Emer de Vattel (1714-1767), followed by a series of professors at 18th century German universities1. It was only towards the late-19th century when the Belgian legal historian Er- nest Nys pointed to the Catholic renewal of natural law during the Spanish siglo de oro that attention was directed to Vitoria and some of his successors, especially the Jesuit Francisco Suárez, (1548-1617), who had indeed developed a universally applicable legal vocabulary —something that late— 19th century jurists, including Nys himself, were trying to achieve2.
    [Show full text]
  • Francisco De Vitoria on the Ius Gentium and the American Indios
    Copright © 2012 Ave Maria Law Review FRANCISCO DE VITORIA ON THE IUS GENTIUM AND THE AMERICAN INDIOS Victor M. Salas, Jr., Ph.D. g INTRODUCTION In reading through the relections1 of Francisco de Vitoria (c. 1483– 1546), one easily conjures up the image of an author who is quintessentially Scholastic—an even-tempered and dispassionate intellectual who treats all questions with equanimity and is swayed only by the exigencies of reason itself.2 Yet, in a letter sent to his religious superior that addresses the Spanish confiscation of Peruvian property, a clearly disgusted and horrified Vitoria reacts passionately against the Spaniards’ actions and urges his superior, Miguel de Arcos, O.P., to have nothing to do with the matter. The calm and serene mood characteristic of Vitoria’s relections is replaced with fury and outrage. “I must tell you, after a lifetime of studies and long experience,” the Dominican writes, “that no business shocks me or embarrasses me more than the corrupt profits and affairs of the Indies. Their very mention freezes the blood in my veins.”3 Registering his contempt of the situation in the New World, Vitoria came to the defense of the American Indians in the only way he could, as a g Victor Salas received a Ph.D. in philosophy from Saint Louis University. He has special research interests in medieval and renaissance philosophy. Thanks are due to Robert Fastiggi for his kind invitation to present this Article at the “The Foundation of Human Rights: Catholic Contributions Conference” held at Ave Maria University, March 3–4, 2011.
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Imagination in Vitoria : the Power of Ideas
    Legal Imagination in Vitoria. The Power of Ideas Pablo Zapatero* Professor of Public International Law, Carlos III University, Madrid, Spain 1. A Man’s Ideas Legal progress is often propelled by concepts first envisioned in academia. In this light, the present article explores the ideas of a fascinating intellectual figure: Francisco de Vitoria (1483-1546),1 a man broadly recognized as one of the “founding fathers” of international law. The writings and lectures of this 16th century Dominican friar formulated innovative legal doctrines in an age of uncertainty and profound social change; an age that gave birth to the modern States that, with their centralized power, signalled the demise of medieval pluralism, the dismemberment of Christendom, and the erosion of imperial and papal aspirations to universal power. Medieval Europe, before then, had defined itself as a cultural, political and religious unity: the Res Publica Christiana. The first half of the 16th century witnessed the final breakdown of that order, the emergence of the modern sovereign state and the subsequent development of the European state system. It was also in this age that a singular event transformed con- ventional conceptions of the world and consolidated anthropocentrism: the discovery of America.2 A ‘stellar moment’ of literature, political and legal * For correspondence use [email protected]. Unless otherwise indicated, translations in this paper are by the author. 1) See Getino, L.G. El Maestro Fr. Francisco de Vitoria: Su vida, su doctrina e influencia, Imprenta Católica, 1930 and de Heredia, Beltrán. Francisco de Vitoria, Editorial Labor, 1939. 2) Pérez Luño, A.
    [Show full text]
  • FRANCISCO DE VITORIA, De Indis (1532) 15. Sixth Proposition
    FRANCISCO DE VITORIA, De Indis (1532) 15. Sixth proposition: Although the Christian faith may have been announced to the Indians with adequate demonstration and they have refused to receive it, yet this is not a reason which justifies making war on them and depriving them of their property. This conclusion is definitely stated by St. Thomas (Secunda Secundae, qu. 10, art. 8), where he says that unbelievers who have never received the faith, like Gentiles and Jews, are in no wise to be compelled to do so. This is the received conclusion of the doctors alike in the canon law and the civil law. The proof lies in the fact that belief is an operation of the will. Now, fear detracts greatly from the voluntary (Ethics, bk. 3), and it is a sacrilege to approach under the influence of servile fear as far as the mysteries and sacraments of Christ. Our proposition receives further proof from the use and custom of the Church. For never have Christian Emperors, who had as advisors the most holy and wise Pontiffs, made war on unbelievers for their refusal to accept the Christian religion. Further, war is no argument for the truth of the Christian faith. Therefore the Indians cannot be induced by war to believe, but rather to feign belief and reception of the Christian faith, which is monstrous and a sacrilege. And although Scotus (Bk. 4, dist. 4, last qu.) calls it a religious act for princes to compel unbelievers by threats and fears to receive the faith, yet he seems to mean this to apply only to unbelievers who in other respects are subjects of Christian princes (with whom we will deal later on).
    [Show full text]
  • Perceptions of the Influence of Francisco De Vitoria on the Development of International Law in 21St Century Discourse
    Perceptions of the Influence of Francisco de Vitoria on the Development of International Law in 21st Century discourse Gerrit Altena U1274635 October 2020 Tilburg Law School Supervisor: Dr. Inge van Hulle Contents: Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………2 Chapter 2: Francisco de Vitoria and the Development of Humanitarian Intervention……………9 Chapter 3: Francisco de Vitoria and the Secularization of International Law…………….………...21 Chapter 4: Francisco de Vitoria as the Founder of International Law……………………………….....27 Chapter 5: Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………………………….37 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………................................43 1 Chapter 1: Introduction The work of Francisco de Vitoria has always evoked conversation. Pufendorf and Kant could not agree on whether the work of the 16th Century Spanish clergyman and lecturer represented a defence or an attack on the native population of the Americas. Their disagreement has carried forth until this day.1 The conversation received renewed attention at the turn of the 20th Century, when American jurist James Brown Scott proclaimed Vitoria to be the founder of international law, as opposed to Hugo Grotius.2 Who was Francisco de Vitoria? Not much is known with certainty about the early life of Francisco de Vitoria. There is even disagreement over both Vitoria’s birthplace and the year of his birth. The former is said to be either Vitoria, the modern-day capital of Basque country, or Burgos.3 With regards to the year of his birth, there used to be a consensus on 1492. Vitoria, however, became a deacon in 1507, which would mean he would be 15 years old at that time. According to Hernández, it was impossible at the time to be a deacon at that age.
    [Show full text]
  • On Preaching the Gospel to People Like the American Indians
    Fordham International Law Journal Volume 15, Issue 4 1991 Article 1 Francisco Suarez:´ On Preaching the Gospel to People Like the American Indians John P. Doyle∗ ∗ Copyright c 1991 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Francisco Suarez:´ On Preaching the Gospel to People Like the American Indians John P. Doyle Abstract In this Article, I will trace Suarez’s´ thoughts on the natural equality of all men as well as the natural character and equality of their republics. Then, in a context of natural law and the limits of state power, I will consider Suarez’s´ positions on the jus gentium (law of nations) and war. Next, I will consider Suarez’s´ divisions of non-Christians and his views on preaching the Gospel to people like the American Indians. ARTICLES FRANCISCO SUAREZ: ON PREACHING THE GOSPEL TO PEOPLE LIKE THE AMERICAN INDIANS John P. Doyle* INTRODUCTION * * As is well known, the century following Columbus's dis- covery of the New World was, for Spain, El Siglo de Oro (The Century of Gold). The appellation was well deserved. In just about every area, Spain led the way. Politically, first with the Catholic sovereigns Ferdinand and Isabella, and then with the Habsburg monarchies of the Emperor Charles V (1516-1556) and his son King Philip II (1556-1598), Spanish hegemony was at its zenith.' For most of the century, Spain's military might in Western Europe was unequalled. Its ability to project that might across thousands of sea-miles to the Americas, the Phil- ippine Islands, and the Far East was astonishing even as we contemplate it today.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Article PDF , Format and Size of the File
    History of humanitarian ideas The historical foundations of humanitarian action by Dr. Jean Guillermand After nearly 130 years of existence, the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement continues to play a unique and important role in the field of human relations. Its origin may be traced to the impression made on Henry Dunant, a chance witness at the scene, by the disastrous lack of medical care at the battle of Solferino in 1859 and the compassionate response aroused in the people of Lombardy by the plight of the wounded. The Movement has since gained importance and expanded to such a degree that it is now an irreplaceable institution made up of dedicated people all over the world. The Movement's success can clearly be attributed in great part to the commitment of those who carried on the pioneering work of its founders. But it is also the result of a constantly growing awareness of the conditions needed for such work to be accomplished. The initial text of the 1864 Convention was already quite explicit about its application in situations of armed conflict. Jean Pictet's analysis in 19S5 and the adoption by the Vienna Conference of the seven Fundamental Principles in 1965 have since codified in international law what was originally a generous and spontaneous impulse. In a world where the weight of hard-hitting arguments and the impact of the media play a key role in shaping public opinion, the fact that the Movement's initial spirit has survived intact and strong without having recourse to aggressive publicity campaigns or losing its independence to the political ideologies that divide the globe may well surprise an impartial observer of society today.
    [Show full text]
  • Vitoria and Lessius on the Role of Food in the Duty to Preserve Life
    Theological Studies 69 (2008) WHEN “MEATS ARE LIKE MEDICINES”: VITORIA AND LESSIUS ON THE ROLE OF FOOD IN THE DUTY TO PRESERVE LIFE JULIA FLEMING Early Modern theologians Francisco de Vitoria and Leonardus Lessius analyzed the nature and limits of the obligation to preserve one’s life through the use of food. Vitoria described the ethical foundations of and the circumstances that might limit such an ob- ligation, while Lessius argued for a virtuous approach to nutrition that eschewed both indifference and excessive concern. Their analy- ses raise significant questions for contemporary moral theology con- cerning the scope and difficulties of nutritional ethics. OMAN CATHOLIC MORAL THEOLOGIANS commonly acknowledge that R their 16th- and 17th-century predecessors devoted significant atten- tion to the ethics of preserving human life, and that these early modern analyses eventually gave rise to a distinction between ordinary and extraor- dinary means.1 Although one usually associates this historical development with debates over the use of medicines and medical treatments, early mod- ern moral theologians also examined the role of food in preserving life, and JULIA FLEMING received her Ph.D. from The Catholic University of America and is currently associate professor of theology at Creighton University. Specializing in moral theology, she has recently published Defending Probabilism: The Moral Theology of Juan Caramuel (2006); “Juan Caramuel and the Nature of Extrinsic Probability,” Studia moralia 42 (2004); and “The Right to Reputation and the Preferential Option for the Poor,” Journal of the Society of Christian Ethics 24 (2004). She is at work on the historical origins and development of the principle regarding the choice of the “lesser evil” and on Caramuel’s Theologia praeterin- tentionalis.
    [Show full text]
  • Nonviolence As a Tradition of Moral Praxis
    [Expositions 13.2 (2019) 76–93] Expositions (online) ISSN: 1747–5376 Nonviolence as a Tradition of Moral Praxis KYLE B. T. LAMBELET Emory University The just war tradition, never formally declared as doctrine by the magisterium, has a venerable place in Catholic social thought.1 Though various other streams have animated the Church’s teaching on war and peace at different points of history—pacifism and holy war are the two alternatives most often identified—just war has taken a historic place of privilege. It has achieved this place of privilege through its development over time. It has ancient roots in the writings of Aristotle and Cicero, but was taken up first by Christians with St. Ambrose and St. Augustine and codified and developed significantly by St. Thomas Aquinas and the School of Salamanca, especially Francisco de Vitoria and Francisco de Suarez. Contemporary Catholic social teaching has reaffirmed repeatedly the principles of just war, even as the magisterium has demonstrated an ever-increasing concern about the capacity of war to attain the approbation “just.” Though contemporary just war theory is commonly regarded as a set of principles—criteria governing whether war can be licitly engaged in (jus ad bellum) and the conduct of war itself (jus in bello)— it is best understood as a tradition that draws on a long genealogy of argumentation about the possibilities and limits of pursuing justice and peace through war and violence. Charitably, the just war tradition has remained a significant part of Catholic social teaching for two reasons. First, and in continuity with its earliest elaborations, just war promises to provide a way of faithfully enacting Christ’s command to love our neighbors as ourselves, which has a special relevance to the neighbors among us who are uniquely susceptible to violent domination: the widow, the orphan, and the poor.
    [Show full text]
  • The Law of War in Francisco Suárez: the Civilizing Project of Spanish Scholasticism
    Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UERJ, V.2, n.22, jul./dez.2012 P á g i n a | 1 THE LAW OF WAR IN FRANCISCO SUÁREZ: THE CIVILIZING PROJECT OF SPANISH SCHOLASTICISM ∗ Paulo Emílio Vauthier Borges de Macedo ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the law of war in Francisco Suárez. It is not an explanation about a branch of International Law, rather it seeks to investigate the origin of International Law under a very specific point of view. It aims to reproduce the intention of one of the most important authors of the Spanish Scholasticism: that of saving an ancient Christian tradition from its destruction. Though Christian in origin, the doctrine of just war is one of the largest efforts of mankind as a whole to limit the violence of war, even before the existence of that which we call International Law. To maintain the validity of the propositions of the theory of just war – and minimize the effects of war –, Suárez had to change its foundations: from religious doctrine it became a legal one. RESUMO O presente texto analisa o direito da guerra em Francisco Suárez. Menos uma explanação sobre um ramo do direito internacional, neste trabalho, busca investigar-se a origem deste direito, sob uma ótica bastante particular. Trata-se de reconstruir o intento de um dos maiores expositores da Escolástica Espanhola para salvar uma tradição cristã muito antiga da sua destruição. A doutrina da guerra justa, embora de origem cristã, corresponde a um dos maiores esforços da humanidade como um todo para limitar a violência da guerra, mesmo antes da existência de um direito internacional.
    [Show full text]
  • Empire, Sovereignty, and Justice in Francisco De Vitoria's International
    Revista Chilena de Derecho, vol. 40 Nº 1, pp. 259 - 297 [2013] 261 EMPIRE, SOVEREIGNTY, AND JUSTICE IN FRANCISCO DE VITORIA’S INTERNATIONAL THOUGHT: A RE-INTERPRETATION OF DE INDIS (1532) IMPERIO, SOBERANÍA Y JUSTICIA EN EL PENSAMIENTO INTERNACIONALISTA DE FRANCISCO DE VITORIA: UNA RE-INTERPRETACIÓN DE DE INDIS (1532) Luis Valenzuela-Vermehren* ABSTRACT: This article attempts to offer an alternative interpretation of Francisco de Vitoria’s international thought. Much of the literature on his De Indis (1532) characterizes his view of international order as one that either opposed of justifi ed Spanish imperialism in the New World. As against such conventional interpretations, I argue that this text is not fundamentally about the condemnation or justifi cation of empire but, more importantly, a broad view of order that limits the exercise of state power and the recourse to war. Furthermore, it constructs a clear notion of sovereignty and international relations applicable to political communities based on an iusnaturalistic conceptualization of law and politics in the Spanish Renaissance. Key words: Francisco de Vitoria, International Relations, Sovereignty, Justice, International Law. RESUMEN: Este artículo ofrece una interpretación alternativa del pensamiento internacio- nalista de Francisco de Vitoria. Un segmento importante de la literatura en torno a De Indis (1532) caracteriza su visión del orden internacional como aquel que pudo ya sea oponerse o bien justifi car el imperialismo español en el Nuevo Mundo. A diferencia de tales interpreta- ciones, se argumenta que dicho tracto no constituye, en lo fundamental, una condena, así como tampoco una justifi cación, del impulso imperial, sino una amplia visión del orden in- ternacional que limita la conducta del poder estatal y el recurso a la guerra.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Francisco De Vitoria on Prudence and the Nature of Practical Reasoning the History of the Concept of Prudence in Moral Philoso
    Francisco de Vitoria on Prudence and the Nature of Practical Reasoning The history of the concept of prudence in moral philosophy is often portrayed as a history of loss. According to the classical version of this view, it is, more specifically, a loss in moral significance: On Aristotle's account, there is a constitutive link between prudence and morality. Prudence provides morality with a sense for the particularities and the contingency of the situations in which agent has to act. And morality, by way of a substantial conception of the good life for human beings, provides prudence with an ethical impregnation that sets it apart from mere cleverness or cunning.1 Aquinas and other medieval authors largely adopt this Aristotelian doctrine, though they relocate it in the wider framework of Christian moral theology.2 In the philosophy of modernity, however, the constitutive link between morality and prudence is cut off by authors like Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Kant. They take prudence to be the ability to identify the most effective means to goals set no longer by morality but by the agent's contingent desires. So for them, prudence is mere cleverness or cunning after all.3 There is, however, an alternative to this classical version of the history of the concept of prudence. It is also essentially a history of loss, but it suggests that the history of the concept of prudence must be divided in a rather different manner: not between antiquity and the Middle Ages on the one hand and modernity on the other, but rather between antiquity on the one hand and the Middle Ages and modernity on the other; and not for moral, but for epistemological reasons.4 According to this view, the overly Aristotelian interpretation of Aquinas's moral philosophy implied in the classical version of the history of prudence has been justly criticized for overlooking an important difference between the moral theories of Aristotle and Aquinas: For Aristotle, there can be no such thing as a moral or practical science.
    [Show full text]