A New Zimbabwe? Assessing Continuity and Change After Mugabe
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V V TH E HU1 The President of Zimbabwe, Joshua Nkomo CONTENTS: SMIT- REINFO CED BY SOUT AFRICA - p.1 BIG BID FOR RECOGNITION - p.2 ZIM BABWE Printed and Published by The Publicity Bureau of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union, P.O. Box 1657, Lusaka (tPhone 72700) Zambia, OcIEW Official Oragn of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union Registered at the GPO as a newspaper. ZI11BB.BE PEVIEWT EDITORIAL MARCH 25, 1967 NEW TENDENCIES ON THE AFRICAN SCENE The last few. eeks have witnessed very interesting events on the African scene. These events have a bearing on Africa's course towards total political and economic independence as well as its eventual political unity. The French are known, throughout history,'for thei Ocntnental profession of the ideals of fraternity, equality and liberty. It is under thijsentiment that they devised the sophisticated but subtle method of a referendum in French Somaliland. To Africa in particular, and to the world in general, France wanted to present a facade of a French people towering above the filth of colonialist methods by leaving it to the people to choose their own direction by referendum. But deep down the Fiench were caught in the realities of their contradictory elements. French Somaliland is a springboard for their markets along the z East Coast of Africa and far afield across the Indian ocean. It is only convinient for them to keep French Somaliland under their firm control in the face of competition from other trading powers. This ensures a margin of French economic survival. Hence the blackmail of our African brothers in that color7. -
Get Statement
Debating Zimbabwe’s Land Reform IAN SCOONES This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivs 3.0 Unported License. Correct citation: Scoones, I. (2014). Debating Zimbabwe’s Land Reform. Brighton: Institute of Development Studies Photo credits: Photography is by B.Z. Mavedzenge. Front cover: Ruchanyu garden. Back cover: Rwafa maize crop ISBN: 978-1-4936-8062-7 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword vii About the author x Acronyms xi Section A: Agricultural and livestock production 1 1 Small farms, big farms 4 2 The golden leaf: boom time in Zimbabwe 9 3 The sweet smell of success: the revival of Zimbabwe’s 12 sugar industry 4 Farming under contract 17 5 Zimbabwe’s beef industry 21 6 Zimbabwe’s poultry industry: rapid recovery, but major 24 challenges 7 Mechanising Zimbabwean agriculture 27 8 Appropriate technologies? 30 Section B: The economy 33 9 Resource nationalism’: a risk to economic recovery? 36 10 Growth in jeopardy? Re!ections on Zimbabwe’s 2013 39 budget statement 11 An unbalanced economy 41 12 The new farm workers: Changing agrarian labour 44 dynamics 13 Transforming Zimbabwe’s agrarian economy 48 14 Credit and "nance 53 15 The whites who stayed in agriculture 55 iv Section C: Political dimensions 58 16 Robert Mugabe… what happened? 61 17 Missing politics? 65 18 Class and rural di#erentiation after land reform 71 19 Know your constituency: a challenge for all of 73 Zimbabwe’s political parties 20 Transforming the state: building security from below 77 21 Why nations fail: perspectives on Zimbabwe 81 -
University of St. Thomas Presents Morgan Tsvangirai and Roy Bennett Walk with Me: ‘The Struggle for Freedom and Hope in Zimbabwe’
News Release Contact: Sandra Soliz 713-906-7912 [email protected] University of St. Thomas presents Morgan Tsvangirai and Roy Bennett Walk with Me: ‘The Struggle for Freedom and Hope in Zimbabwe’ WHAT: University of St. Thomas presents two of the most effective opposition leaders in Zimbabwe today, Morgan Tsvangirai and Roy Bennett, discussing the current political and social situation in Zimbabwe. WHEN: 7:30 p.m. Tuesday, Oct. 9 WHERE: Cullen Hall, 4001 Mt. Vernon University of St. Thomas Parking available in the Moran Center, Graustark and West Alabama BACKGROUND: • Zimbabwe, 10 years ago the breadbasket of Africa, now faces mass starvation. Land seizures, slum “clearance” and price controls have left fields brown, stores empty and cities dark. People have no jobs, no transport, and no food. • Life expectancy for men has fallen from 60 to 37, lowest in the world. For women, it is lower, 34. Twelve million people once lived in Zimbabwe; more than three million have fled. • The Movement for Democratic Change, led by former union leader Morgan Tsvangirai, opposing these policies, won 58 of the 120 elected seats in Parliament in the last largely free elections of 2000. The Government of President Robert Mugabe closed newspapers, banned political meetings, arrested its opponents. • Today Zimbabwe’s African neighbors, as well as the nations of Europe and America are calling for free and fair elections, but Mugabe stubbornly clings to power. more University of St. Thomas… A Shining Star in the Heart of Houston since 1947 3800 Montrose Blvd. Houston, TX 77006 713.522.7911 www.stthom.edu University of St. -
Dealing with the Crisis in Zimbabwe: the Role of Economics, Diplomacy, and Regionalism
SMALL WARS JOURNAL smallwarsjournal.com Dealing with the Crisis in Zimbabwe: The Role of Economics, Diplomacy, and Regionalism Logan Cox and David A. Anderson Introduction Zimbabwe (formerly known as Rhodesia) shares a history common to most of Africa: years of colonization by a European power, followed by a war for independence and subsequent autocratic rule by a leader in that fight for independence. Zimbabwe is, however, unique in that it was once the most diverse and promising economy on the continent. In spite of its historical potential, today Zimbabwe ranks third worst in the world in “Indicators of Instability” leading the world in Human Flight, Uneven Development, and Economy, while ranking high in each of the remaining eight categories tracked (see figure below)1. Zimbabwe is experiencing a “brain drain” with the emigration of doctors, engineers, and agricultural experts, the professionals that are crucial to revitalizing the Zimbabwean economy2. If this was not enough, 2008 inflation was running at an annual rate of 231 million percent, with 80% of the population lives below the poverty line.3 Figure 1: Source: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4350&page=0 1 Foreign Policy, “The Failed States Index 2008”, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4350&page=0, (accessed August 29, 2008). 2 The Fund for Peace, “Zimbabwe 2007.” The Fund for Peace. http://www.fundforpeace.org/web/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=280&Itemid=432 (accessed September 30, 2008). 3 BBC News, “Zimbabwean bank issues new notes,” British Broadcasting Company. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/7642046.stm (accessed October 3, 2008). -
The 2020 National Budget Speech
Embargoed till end of delivery ZIMBABWE THE 2020 NATIONAL BUDGET SPEECH “Gearing for Higher Productivity, Growth and Job Creation” Presented to the Parliament of Zimbabwe on November 14, 2019 By The Hon. Prof. Mthuli Ncube Minister of Finance & Economic Development MOTION 1. Mr Speaker Sir, I move that leave be granted to present a Statement of the Estimated Revenues and Expenditures of the Republic of Zimbabwe for the 2020 Financial Year and to make Provisions for matters ancillary and incidental to this purpose. INTRODUCTION 2. Mr Speaker Sir, allow me to start by thanking the President –His Excellency, E. D. Mnangagwa, and the Honourable Vice Presidents, Cde Kembo Mohadi and Cde Constantino Chiwenga, for their valuable leadership and guidance as we advance the necessary reforms geared towards achieving Vision 2030. The President’s vision and political will has facilitated the implementation of a number of bold policy measures, under a challenging economic environment. This was clear from the State of the Nation Address by His Excellency on 1 October 2019. 3. Concurrently, I wish to appreciate the cooperation and contributions received from my colleagues, Honourable Ministers in Cabinet and look forward to their continued engagement as we implement this 2020 Budget. 3 4. Mr Speaker Sir, allow me to also express my indebtedness for the support I have received from this August House through its oversight functions. In particular, I have benefited immensely from the contributions of the Budget, Finance and Investment Portfolio Committee, Public Accounts Committee as well as other Portfolio Committees. 5. The recent engagement with all the Portfolio Committees of this August House during the 2020 Parliamentary Pre Budget Seminar, held in Victoria Falls over the period 31st October – 3rd November, 2019, facilitated very useful in-depth discussions and recommendations. -
We Marched, Now What?
By Monica Cheru-Mpambawashe 18 November 2017. A day that polarised Zimbabweans. The majority of Harareans heeded the call to march for Robert Gabriel Mugabe to resign after 37 years in power. People who had never attended a single political gathering came out from the suburbs, the ghettos, everywhere. “I had to play my part in putting paid to the ever increasing horrific prospect of his loose cannon mouthed wife, Grace becoming our next president,” said Tatenda Shava (27) of Highlands, one of the affluent areas of Harare. This was the “Walk” crew. Zimbabwe had been simmering for some time. The economic downturn was worsening by the day. But the ruling party leadership was focused on its own factional fights instead of looking at the plight of the people. In a perfect world no one would have wanted the army to step in. But they did and there was no turning back. Rumours of the regional block Southern African Development Community (SADC) intervention to prop Mugabe’s continued rule galvanised the people. Anything, even the army, had to be better than that. But even then, there was a small number who were warning that unwary citizens were celebrating a military coup and would soon live to yearn for the return of Mugabe. Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, the deposed Vice President, and his miltary handlers would turn on the citizens and cause us untold suffering. Someone quickly labelled these naysayers the “Woke Brigade”. ‘Why join ZANU in their rejuvenation?’one of them, a Zimbabwean writer, asked. Despite this, Mugabe was toppled and Mnangagwa is now the interim President. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
How South Africa Can Nudge Zimbabwe Toward Stability
How South Africa Can Nudge Zimbabwe toward Stability Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°164 Johannesburg/Nairobi/Brussels, 17 December 2020 What’s new? As Zimbabwe’s political and economic crises worsen, South Africa is moving beyond its policy of “quiet diplomacy” with its northern neighbour and apply- ing more pressure on Harare to open up political space and reform its economy. Why does it matter? With Zimbabwe’s people slipping further into destitution, crackdowns fostering a growing sense of grievance within the opposition, and politi- cal divisions pitting ruling-party members against one another, the country could tip into even greater crisis through mass unrest or another coup. What should be done? Pretoria should press Harare to halt repression and start dialogue with the political opposition to address Zimbabwe’s economic woes. It should work with Washington on a roadmap for reforms that the U.S. and others can use to guide decisions on reversing sanctions and supporting debt relief for Zimbabwe. I. Overview Three years after a coup ended Robert Mugabe’s rule, the situation in Zimbabwe has gone from bad to worse, as political tensions mount, the economy falls apart and the population faces hunger and COVID-19. Having signalled a desire to stabilise the economy and ease repression, President Emmerson Mnangagwa has disappointed. The state is arresting opponents who protest government corruption and incompe- tence. Meanwhile, government-allied businessmen are tightening their grip on what is left of the economy, while citizens cope with austerity measures and soaring infla- tion. Violence and lawlessness are on the rise. -
China ‘Threatens Zimbabwe President for Looking West’
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/20/2019 1:14:11 PM hePrm Resign or face action — China ‘threatens Zimbabwe President for looking West’ Beijing has reportedly asked Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa to hand over power to China-leaning Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga. SRIJAN SHUKLA 14 November, 2019 7:12 pm 1ST New Delhi: The Chinese government has told Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa to either “resign or retire” from office or face “political action” from Beijing, according to a report in Spotlight Zimbabwe, an online media publication. The report said Beijing has also asked Mnangagwa to hand over power to China-leaning Vice-President General Constantino Chiwenga (Retd), who has been in China since July for medical treatment. Reports suggest that China was responsible for promoting Mnangagwa as Vice-President in 2015 during the presidency of the late Robert Mugabe, who was deposed in 2017 after nearly four decades in power. Now, Beijing is said to be displeased with Mnangagwa for slowly walking away from Zimbabwe’s “Look East Policy” and refusing to grant several development projects to Chinese firms. DISSEMINATED BY MERCURY PUBLIC AFFAIRS, LLC, A REGISTERED FOREIGN AGENT, ON BEHALF OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND INTERNATIONAL TRADE OF ZIMBABWE. MORE INFORMATION IS ON FILE WITH THE DEPT. OF JUSTICE, WASHINGTON, DC Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/20/2019 1:14:11 PM Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/20/2019 1:14:11 PM For a long time, smaller nations have been anxious about China’s “debt-trap diplomacy”, especially through its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative, but such overt interference by the Asian giant in another country’s domestic politics is unheard of. -
Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?
Notes de l’Ifri Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame? Vittoria MORETTI January 2017 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-663-2 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 Cover: © Barry Tuck/Shutterstock.com How to quote this document: Vittoria Moretti, “Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, January 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Brussels Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Vittoria Moretti holds a BA in Politics and International Relations and a MSc in Global Politics from London School of Economics. -
Zimbabwe's Political Transition: Issues for Congress
CRS INSIGHT Zimbabwe's Political Transition: Issues for Congress November 22, 2017 (IN10826) | Related Authors Nicolas Cook Katherine Z. Terrell | Nicolas Cook, Specialist in African Affairs ([email protected], 7-0429) Katherine Z. Terrell, Fellow in African Affairs ([email protected], 7-5050) In mid-November 2017, spurred by an intra-party rivalry within the ruling Zimbabwe National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party to succeed President Robert Mugabe, 93, the Zimbabwe Defense Forces (ZDF) seized control of key national political and military facilities. The ZDF then initiated efforts to force Mugabe to resign, reverse Mugabe's recent dismissal of Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa in favor of Mugabe's wife, Grace Mugabe, and halt ZANU-PF's purge of Mnangagwa's supporters. (See CRS Insight IN10819, Zimbabwe: A Military-Compelled Transition?, and for further Zimbabwe background, CRS Report R44633, Zimbabwe: Current Issues and U.S. Policy.) ZANU-PF removed Mugabe as party leader, appointed Mnangagwa as his interim successor, and expelled Grace Mugabe and several of her allies. Preempting an impeachment vote, Mugabe resigned November 21. Zimbabweans' initial reactions to the ZDF intervention appeared broadly positive. They turned out for large, peaceful demonstrations, and, after the resignation, celebrations. International responses to the military intervention have been cautious: the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the United States—which generally oppose coups—initially called for constitutional -
Situation Report C U R I T Y
Institute for Security Studies T E F O U R T I T S S E N I I D U S T E S Situation Report C U R I T Y Date Issued: 3 May 2004 Author: Chris Maroleng1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Zimbabwe’s Movement for Democratic Change: Briefing notes Introduction Since attaining its independence from Britain in 1980, Zimbabwe has been ruled by one party, the Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), led by the president, Robert Mugabe. Even though this country is considered a de jure democracy, credible opposition to ZANU-PF did not begin to emerge until the early 1990s, in a context of growing poverty and unemployment. The nationalist project represented by ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe has failed to provide the broad masses of its people with either human security or social peace. This deficiency is well treated by Patrick Bond and Masimba Manyanya in their most recent, comprehensive book, Zimbabwe’s plunge: Exhausted nationalism, neoliberalism, and the search for social justice, in which they observe that two decades after independence, fatigue associated with the ruling ZANU-PF’s misgovernment and economic mismanagement has clearly reached its nadir.2 The fact that Zimbabwe has reached a breaking point is also implied by Amanda Hammar and Brian Raftopoulos in their recent publication, Unfinished business: Rethinking land, state and citizenship in Zimbabwe. These authors note that the dramatic changes in Zimbabwe’s economic, political and social landscape since early 2000 have come to be known as the “Zimbabwe Crisis”.3 The steady decline in living standards throughout the 1990s is identified generally as one of the main reasons for the growing dissatisfaction with the government that in September 1999 galvanised civic groups and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) into forming a political party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), currently led by Morgan Tsvangirai.