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The Leningrad Connection: Oriental Projects of Source Editions UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Settling the past: Soviet oriental projects in Leningrad and Alma-Ata Bustanov, A.K. Publication date 2013 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Bustanov, A. K. (2013). Settling the past: Soviet oriental projects in Leningrad and Alma-Ata. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:28 Sep 2021 Chapter I: The Leningrad Connection: Oriental Projects of Source Editions 1.1 Classical Oriental Studies and Soviet Politics With the establishment of the Asiatic Museum in St. Petersburg (1818) a new center of Russian Oriental Studies emerged which became famous for its rich manuscript collection and for its historical and philological studies of written sources. Even after the transfer of the academic Institute of Oriental Studies from Leningrad to Moscow (1950), the center of manuscript studies remained in its former place as the Leningrad Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies, which continued to be regarded by foreign and native observers as a school of classical, non-political, philological Oriental Studies. The supposed distance from politics is the common feature for Leningrad Orientalists. The perceived ‘non- politicization’ of classical Orientalists is connected to the image of the Leningrad intelli- gentsia in general, which has been described as devoted to high ideals and values and not interested in politics. In his account of the history of the Leningrad intelligentsia in Soviet times, philologist Sergei Averintsev (1937-2004) remarked in 2004 that Leningrad was characterized by “the strongest [in comparison with Moscow] repressive-ideological at- mosphere… The optimal stability of cultural values guaranteed a special pathos of profes- sional honesty of the best members of the oppositional Leningrad intelligentsia… In Len- ingrad it was possible to meet real priests of science (zhretsy nauki ) which seemed to be a special kind of people; the last citizens of Atlántida…” 40 However, my argument is that since the 1917 Revolution, the Leningrad intelligentsia and the Orientalists among them found themselves in a situation in which involvement into politics became unavoidable. In the given chapter I will study several philological projects conducted mostly by Leningrad Orientalists in the 1930s-70s. These projects deservedly became a matter of pride for Soviet research. At the same time, they clearly demonstrate the mechanism of 40 S. Averintsev, “Opyt peterburgskoi intelligentsii v sovetskie gody – po lichnym vpechatleniiam”, Novyi mir 6 (2004). In Soviet Oriental Studies the most evident example of fidelity to principles is Arabic scholar I.Iu. Krachkovskii (1883-1951). See: I.Iu. Krachkovskii, “Ispytanie vremenem. Mysli k 45-letiiu nauchnoi raboty”, ed. by A.A. Dolinina, Peterburgskoe vostokovedenie 8 (St. Petersburg, 1996), 564-596; A.A. Dolinina, Nevol’nik dolga (St. Petersburg, 1994). 35 involvement of Oriental philologists into politics. My thesis is the following: even though the source studies of Leningrad Orientalists remained remote from the most vulgar ideolo- gy of the state and party, the publication projects in the field of Oriental Studies were insti- gated and directed by political demand, and were later used as the main sources for the official historical narratives, especially in the new Soviet meta-histories of the individual Soviet republics of Central Asia. As for the Leningrad source publications of the 1930s, after WWII they were taken as the basis for comprehensive republican histories meant to demonstrate continuity from ancient times to the mid-20th century. Traditionally, scholars explain the allegedly non-political image of the St. Peters- burg/ Leningrad school of Oriental Studies through the obvious influence of German Orientology, supposedly less connected to colonial politics than Oriental studies in Britain and France. Many great Russian Orientalists of the early 20 th century were of German origin and represented the German model of textological Oriental studies, 41 mainly focused on ancient texts. 42 David Schimmelpenninck van der Oye underlines the idea that in 19th - century Russia a sophisticated scholarly approach dominated in St. Petersburg (sure, with some exceptions), while in the Kazan school priority was given to the practical needs for educating translators in state service. 43 This supposed German neglect of politics is for example reflected in the words of Dutch Arabist J.J. Witkam, who remarked about his fa- mous colleague Carl Brockelmann (1868-1956): “He survived the [Second World] war as a private scholar, and was never compromised in any official capacity before, during or after the war.” 44 Did the Orientalists-philologists manage to keep distance from the current Soviet politics? How did they behave in the new system of scholarship created by the Bolsheviks? In what extend did the prerevolutionary traditions of classical Orientology in St Petersburg 41 Tolz, Russia’s Own Orient , 73-79. 42 B. Lewis, Islam and the West (New York, 1993), 108-18; E. Said, Orientalism , 19. 43 D. Schimmelpenninck van der Oye, Russian Orientalism: Asia in the Russian Mind from Peter the Great to the Emigration (New Haven & London, 2010), 121, 175 44 J.J. Witkam, “Brockelmann’s Geschichte Revisited”, in: C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Lite- ratur (GAL) (Leiden; New-York; Köln, 1996), vol. 1, ix. See, however, Ursula Wokoeck’s book about in- volvement of German Orientalists: U. Wokoeck, German Orientalism, The Study of the Middle East and Islam from 1800 to 1945 (London, 2009); cf. also J. Jenkins, “German Orientalism: Introduction,” in: Com- parative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 (2004), 97-100; G. Hagen, “German Heralds of Holy War: Orientalists and Applied Oriental Studies,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 24:2 (2004), 145-162. 36 continued, or one can speak of a radical break with the past? Is there a link between source editions and nation-building in Central Asia? What was the fate of Islamic scholarship in the field of source studies? Did the Islamic scholars cooperate with the new system or did they try to escape from any contacts with the Bolsheviks? How different were source stud- ies in different centres of scholarship: Leningrad, Almaty and Tashkent? Is it possible to see the very language and methods of classical Oriental philology implemented in Central Asian republics as colonial? These are the questions which I seek to answer in this chapter. 1.2 Towards the New Scholarship: Planning and Collective Work Throughout the 1920s, the Soviet government paid serious attention to the foreign Orient which was regarded as an object of exporting the Bolshevik revolution. 45 Already at that time also the study of the Soviet Orient received the attention of the government, but the Civil war, the anarchy of institutions, and difficult relations with the Tsarist intelligentsia made serious and large-scale investigation programs impossible. The Bolsheviks decided to intervene directly in scientific structures and management. They understood the power of institutions and of large-scale research organizations through which it is possible to or- ganize solid and broad investigations. The problem was that there were many scientific institutions of the Tsarist time in Leningrad that had very few employees and were unable to solve the issues which the Bolsheviks liked to see addressed. In response, the govern- ment tried to organize its own, parallel institutional network. The significance accorded to the Soviet Orient as a scientific topic of state priority resulted in the establishment of the Communist University of the Workers of the East (Kommunisticheskii universtitet trudiashchikhsia Vostoka , KUTV) in Moscow in 1921. Four years later, on 18 May 1925, Joseph Stalin formulated the main tasks of this teaching institution as a University which united students from the Soviet and foreign Ori- ent. According to Stalin, the KUTV had to prepare specialists from among the Oriental peoples in order to develop the “socialist construction” in the republics as well as the culti- vation of national culture; the latter had to be “proletarian in its content and national in its 45 For a detailed study of personalities, scientific institutions, and research journals about the foreign Orient see: M. Kemper, “Red Orientalism: Mikhail Pavlovich and Marxist Oriental Studies in Early Soviet Russia,” Die Welt des Islams 50 (2010), 435-476. 37 form.” 46 This idea was further elaborated in May 1930 when the Institute of the Peoples of the Soviet Orient at the Scientific Committee of the Central Executive Committee (TsIK) of the Communist Party of the USSR was set up in Moscow. Most probably this was just a bureaucratic office, but the fact that TsIK – one of the two parallel governmental structures of the early USSR – created an institute of this kind shows how important research on the Soviet Orient was for the Bolsheviks. The main task of the Institute was “to study the actu- al problems of socialist development of the peoples of the Soviet Orient and to train scien- tific and practical workers from among the local population.” 47 Curiously, the Bolsheviks’ turn to the study of the Soviet Orient clearly resembled the call of Arabist Viktor R.
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