A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism of accumulation finds itself in relation to the Trump presidency, the crisis has emerged as an existential threat. The Black Lives Matter move- The great recession that the “financial” collapse ment has highlighted the existential terror of a of 2008 set off did not lead to any successful racist policing apparatus, which is easily visible transformative reform of capitalism. While it led at work over diverse racial and ethnic territories; to enough pain to crack the bourgeois aspira- not coincidentally, clear similarities have been tional appeal and to create openings for socialist 1 popularly recognized between that terror and the Occupy and the Sand- politics,1 those politics nowhere broke through ers movement in the terror that COVID-19 (in both its conditions and United States; Syriza the hegemony of the capitalist order. The chal- effects) has differentially imposed along lines of in Greece; Podemos in lenge that COVID-19 class and gender (but also of Spain; Corbyn in the and the uprising against UK; and, in a global-or- age and sexuality). The con- der context, the Arab police brutalities, working densation of varied forms Spring. together, currently repre- The Right to and modes of inequality sent for the reproduction Existence and injustice into the sys- of that hegemony may be temic existential threat felt of a different order. They by some—and sympathized have arguably precipitated with by many—is what gen- a general crisis of civil and erates the revolutionary political society poten- potential of the moment. tially more dangerous to Since the 1950s, the politi- bourgeois and capitalist cal landscape has decreas- hegemony than any typi- ingly taken the form of tra- cal economic crisis, even a ditional class struggles and protracted one, would by Antonio Callari increasingly the form of itself be able to generate. social-movement (citizen- The popular sentiment ship) struggles engaged in they have spawned is per- what could be called a dia- haps best captured by the expression “the right 2 lectic of separation and solidarity. This conden- I borrow the expression to existence,”2 typical of the rallying cries with from Soboul (1980). sation that we are witnessing, into a recognized which the popular masses have historically sus- condition of systemic terror, has now created the tained revolutionary moments. most intense moment of potential revolutionary Coming out of a confluence of predictable transcendence of that dialectic since the 1960s. sparks and within the time of dangerous politi- Understood in these terms (of admittedly Hege- cal impasse (teetering, at the edge of landscapes lian flavor), the revolutionary potential of the of inequality and insecurity, between savagery moment has perhaps emerged most clearly in and despair) in which the neoliberal regime the United States. It has, however, remarkable 18 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism global resonances that are poised to feed into a inevitability. But, given these long duré prospects, great chorus of anger and despair, with global we can still say with confidence that our crisis revolutionary potential, following the prospec- period (2008 to 2030–40, depending on the erup- tive states of widening and deepening poverty, tion date of the climatic crisis) does place the including famine, across the world. Whether bourgeois-capitalist mode of humanity on the this potential is realized (in varied intensities chess board, reasonably anticipating that a need and national and global configurations) will for an epochal transformation will impress itself depend on if and how the “right to existence” on the consciousness of humanity with increas- will come to assert itself over the right (i.e., the ing clarity through the crisis. logic) of capital. The specific question for this essay is how Marx- Revolutionary prospects emerge more clearly ism can see itself as a force for such an epochal if we consider that we are now in the midst and transformation, through the evolution of this not at the end of a long duré crisis. Together, COVID- of crisis and struggles. The Revolutionary prospects emerge 19 and the explosion of life-threatening conditions more clearly if we consider that pent-up anger at mur- the capitalist regime of we are now in the midst and not derous police brutality accumulation has created at the end of a long duré of crisis have gashed through the are not likely to be ade- and struggles. The life-threatening bourgeois dermis deeply quately addressed in any conditions the capitalist regime of enough that all but the timely manner. On the one accumulation has created are not most recalcitrant of the rul- side, capitalist ruling cir- likely to be adequately addressed ing circles have acknowl- cles, if not as ideologically in any timely manner. edged the systemic nature and socially and politically of the precarity of life for at secure as they were prior to 2008, are far from least some, even linking it to general sensitivities being dethroned, and they will work to limit about “inequality” that the great recession had whatever reforms that will have to be made to already begun to generate. Of course, by itself, types and terms of reform unlikely to eliminate this acknowledgement will not lead to radi- the patterns of insecurity and exclusion that cally transformative policies, and possibly not have brought civil society to this latest boiling even any reformist policies with teeth: the rul- point. On the other side, even if the intensity of ing circles have long practiced the art of chang- underlying terror-inducing conditions were to ing some surface relationships, when the times be attenuated, the sense of need for a revolu- require it, so as to forestall fundamental change.3 3 See The Leopard, by Giuseppe Tomasi di tionary transformation of society and economy But, as we also know, the ruling classes do not Lampedusa (1958). is likely to be reenergized by the depth and dif- get to determine the course of history on their ferential impact of the great global ecological own. The longer the insecurities of life perdure, crisis already visible on the horizon. Certainly, and the greater the resulting increase of affective we have long shed an episteme of historical (anger, despair, mistrust, etc.) balances, the more 19 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism the likelihood that popular forces, in whatever not be analytically defined (given finite parame- 4 combinations of organized and spontaneous ters) if the “real”4 is to have its effects (i.e., keep- The “real” is where that which is repressed or actions into which they coalesce through the ing alive the possibility of a traversal from a foreclosed—as, e.g., the long duré of the crisis, will push beyond the limits crisis-ridden mode of existence to a new mode relations of production of the existing social formation—revolutionary of being). are unacknowledged in bourgeois economics— consciousnesses are always baked by the heat of continues to operate. repeated moments of crisis and instability. What For Marx, the “real” agents who could cut through the veneer of bourgeois moral, juridi- kind of history (i.e., transformations, more or 5 cal, and economic forms were “workers.”5 I will Workers as producers less radical) is produced by crises has always and of surplus value—in the everywhere been a conjunctural result of varied turn later to a particular aspect of the power- form, that is, in which economic-and-cultural conditions and political ful analytical framework through which Marx Marx described them (and others after him) conceptualized the role of in those parts of Capital interventions. Marxism has always seen itself as dedicated to an analysis a force (along a spectrum ranging from the real labor in the processes of capitalist surplus-value of the labor process and to the aspirational) for shaping these conditions production while conceptualizing workers as the objective condition agents of revolution. Here, two meta-analyti- of expanded repro- and interventions toward socio-communism. So duction, and not in the I now turn to how we might see Marxism play- cal observations seem specifically valuable for form of simple sellers of “labor” in which bour- ing a role in this long duré crisis of our time. reflecting on the relationship of Marxism to the crisis of these our times. geois ideology presents them. * * * The first observation is that Marx—and this is Marx himself worked toward such an interven- well known—came to the centrality of workers tion in his time, moving to strengthen a political before analytically producing it. He came to it from force capable of effecting an epochal transfor- his (and Engels’s) observations of “worker” strug- mation. His intellectual biography may therefore gles (both artisans and waged workers, Lyon silk hold some still useful guideposts as we consider producers and Silesian workers, each in their a Marxist intervention in our times of crisis. own precarity). The analysis of the relations and processes of surplus-value production and Marx never produced a thorough analysis of the distribution remains powerful and indeed con- political: his contribution was thorough, analyt- stitutive of Marxism. But it is important to take ically; powerfully suggestive, ideologically; but some distance from that analysis, its compelling only fragmentary, politically. But rather than force notwithstanding, in order to remember diminishing the importance of “the political” for another equally constitutive element of Marx- Marx, this absence of a thorough analysis on his ism: namely, the primacy of activity (activism) part has a positive value for us, serving as a sign over the concept; a primacy we know by the term of the undecidability of the political: it is the space “materialism” (in whatever version, dialectical of a “real” (in the Lacanian sense) to which the or aleatory, we might use the term); a primacy legacy of Marxism must forever return, never to reaffirmed, time and again at moments of social- resolve it. That is, the terms of the political can- ist revolution, in the history of Marxism. 20 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism The second observation is that Marx made agents ing itself culturally as a better representative of of historical transformation of workers by virtue the interests of humanity as a whole (Marx and of their function as representatives of humanity. Engels 1970). I do not mean to suggest any kind of return to a Marxism as Humanism here, certainly not in the Now, we know that for about a century the nar- terms in which that formation has come to be rative of worker agency was incredibly power- criticized (a Marxism grounded in any abstract, ful as a condition for resistance to and trans- ideological/philosophical concept of humanity; gression against capitalism. But we are also e.g., Althusser 1970). The function of workers as cognizant that the terms this narrative set up representatives of humanity is what Marx and for resisting capitalism and creating socialism Engels (1998) produced in became problematic in the twentieth century: 6 After Marx’s (1964) the 1848 Manifesto,6 where in the West, as capitalism “break” from the Since the 1970s, with the weak- they formulated workers as moved both to colonize the humanism of the Eco- ening of labor movements and nomic and Philosophic agents of an epochal trans- consciousness of swaths Manuscripts of 1844. formation on the basis of socialist movements connected of the working classes and the dialectical contradic- to them, bourgeois interests and to normalize—extending tion of their condition of inclinations have pursued the accu- antecedents Polanyi (2001) absolute dispossession in a mulation of capital effectively— had presciently outlined regime that had cultur- though not, of course, without in the 1940s—a biopolit- ally and juridically boxed stresses and contradictions—and ical management of the conditions (upstream) and humanity into property have overcome forms of resistance stresses (downstream) of relations—a formulation relatively easily with prophylac- that, nota bene, Marx never the processes of capitalist tic and policing actions at both the accumulation; in the area found necessary to dispute national and international levels. or even qualify in his later of “really existing social- writings. Why, we may ask, ism”—the USSR and its did the beyond-human- Eastern European satel- ism Marx so link the working class to the fate lites, but also socialist formations elsewhere— of humanity? The answer to this question is as socialist instincts and hopes were replaced not that he slipped back into the 1844 zone. It is by social forms that, designed to “manage” the rather that he and Engels needed this formula- economic logic Marx had described in Capital, tion in order to enact a concept of epochal strug- ended up instead mostly reproducing it; and gle that they had already, even if only broadly, elsewhere, too, as old forms of dependency were presented in the post-“break” German Ideology of reproduced and new ones created through con- 1846: namely, that modes of production change tinuing savage global processes of primitive and through the political leadership of a class capa- capitalist accumulation. ble of ideologically/philosophically position- Since the 1970s, with the weakening of labor 21 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism movements and socialist movements connected ist practice of theory help visualize and concret- to them, bourgeois interests and inclinations ize those elements? have pursued the accumulation of capital effec- tively—though not, of course, without stresses * * * and contradictions—and have overcome forms Here, recall the two elements of historical mate- of resistance relatively easily with prophylactic rialism I introduced above: namely, the idea of and policing actions at both the national and the primacy of activity over the concept and the international levels. Even when announced idea that the contention for political leadership under a banner of socialism, the resistance has, in matters of epochal transformation requires in the West, often only arced back to capitalist ideas standing for the interests of humanity. In welfare-state forms of governance. The birth of line with these two elements, we can ask whether a more radical socialist project—local worker the activism that our long duré crisis is energizing cooperatives in articulation with other forms of might be forming ideas that have the potential of cooperatives, experiments in social ecology and expressing the force of humanity (i.e., activist anarcho-communalism, forms of mutual aid and masses as representatives of humanity) to break solidarity economies, experiments in planning through the limits of capitalist value relations from below as well as revisiting the potential for and propel us into a new mode of life.7 7 Marx (1970) identified planning from above in the age of artificial intel- “theory” itself as consti- Our crisis presents itself immediately as a set of tuting a “material force” ligence—seems to me to be still in an embryonic when it grips the masses. form—still in need, that is, of the synergistic mat- violations of a right to existence. Transgressing uration necessary to eventuate the birth of a new ideologically accepted norms of justice and gen- epoch. erating mass popular movements of anger and protest, the crisis thus presents itself as a failure And we? Since the 1970s, we have been trying to of the biopolitical conditions of life under the understand, not so much the nature and logic of aegis of professed bourgeois rights: even estab- the more or less brutal processes of disposses- lishment media figures are asking whether the sion and accumulation we have witnessed, for promises of equality can be kept, whether the the broad outlines of that nature and that logic skepticism of the masses and their embrace of were already familiar to Marxist theory, but street power might be not only understandable more so how to harness more effective forms of but also necessary. It would certainly be prob- resistance to and transcendence of these pro- lematic to overestimate the revolutionary poten- cesses. tial of the moment’s demand for the right to Might the long duré crisis of these our times not existence: even if the demand raises questions contain within it (evidence of) the elements for about capitalism, we know the strength of the such more effective forms of resistance and for bourgeois project to contain popular aspirations a maturation of the embryonic state of a new within certain juridical and cultural boundaries grand socialist project? If so, how might a Marx- (e.g., equality of opportunities). But it would be 22 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism equally problematic to underestimate the revo- struggles can thus now be seen more directly lutionary potential of the moment. as forms of the class struggle against the rule of capital than they could earlier (e.g., Brown The transformative potential of the crisis is 2015). Taking many forms, more radical in some clearly visible in the widening popular under- cases (e.g., Italian operaismo, radical feminism, standing of the systemic ways in which the black Marxism) and less so in others (liberal inequalities of capitalism undermine the right versions of feminism and civil rights), this dif- to existence of “some” (a violation of the ideo- fusion of struggles has arguably become a defin- logically powerful promise of an “all”) and in the ing characteristic of bourgeois societies (capital- resultant requests for systemic change encompass- ist social formations) after World War II. Even ing all realms of life, including class or class-prox- in their character as social-movement struggles, imate dimension of the economy. It is true that this the struggles of our day moment thus situates itself can thus be understood as primarily in the arena of Yet the conceptual value appara- tus through which the workings of struggles at the front line social movements and cit- of an always latent epochal capitalism are laid out remains— izenship-rights struggles confrontation between cap- even in the nonessentialist philo- rather than in the arena of italism and socialism and, the traditional class strug- sophical framework in which Res- thus, as containing within gle, and that the struggle nick and Wolff have embedded them the elements of the remains open to maneu- it—marked by (and thus cannot class struggle understood vers of absorption within but carry the traces of) the histor- in terms of such a confron- the bourgeois imagination ical conditions of the property or tation (which is how Marx (equal opportunity, per- propertylessness of Capital’s fully understood it to the end of sonal responsibility, etc). juridically enabled commodity pro- his life). But, as we know, worker struggles have themselves ducers. Only history will answer if not been immune to bour- the struggles for the right geois strategies of absorption. It is also the case, to existence that we are now witnessing will be and this is the crucial point to consider, that the contained within or be able to transgress the very evolution of capitalism (from a formation limits of the bourgeois order. But history is made in which the rule of capital imposed itself imme- on the ground. How might Marxism see itself as diately at the point of production to a formation a part of this history making? How might it pro- in which the rule of the bourgeoisie came to take duce a unity from the powerful energy and per- the form of a state managing the biopolitical sonality of the current struggles, even in their conditions of the processes of capital accumula- social-movement form, both with the healthy tion) has, for a long time now, worked to diffuse parts of the socialist vision it has crucially sus- the operation of the class struggle from points of tained historically and with the newly embry- production to spheres of citizenship. Citizenship onic (see above) form of a grand socialist proj- 23 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism ect? Can Marxism’s analytic apparatus speak to the capitalism of his times, or what other Marx- the current struggles for the right to existence ists did a century ago (e.g., Hilferding on finance on their own terms, giving them its own energies capital, or Lenin on the schema of reproduction) while drawing from theirs in the process of forg- in the face of the (different) processes and strug- ing a common (socialist) struggle against forms gles they were seeing in their times. of injustice and inhumanity? The analytical framework Marx (1977) himself I want to argue that, if Marxism can be a force produced was that of Capital’s volume 1 (volumes in unity with the activists of the day, it will not 2 and 3 bear the imprints of developments and be via any explanation of what class is or how movements after Marx). There Marx laid out the class works, which rests on analytical categories logic of commodity relations and extended this that were appropriate for the period of indus- logic into processes of surplus value, and he then, trial capitalism, when struggles were carried out in the section on primitive accumulation, traced at the point of production. It will not be via any out the historical conditions whereby workers— designation of the forms of identity and struggle agents who, although they could juridically func- (gender, race, sexuality, and environment, pri- tion as independent producers/buyers/sellers marily, but others too) around which the social of commodities—had become actually dispos- movements are organized as “conditions” of the sessed and reduced to mere sellers of “labor class process that it continues to conceptualize in power.”8 In Capital, then, both analytically and 8 N.b., that none of terms appropriate to workers’ struggles around historically, the question of exploitation became Capital’s analyses are possible without the surplus-value production: the rhetoric of “condi- (as was the question of socialism to become) a presumption of full tions” continues to make gender and race (and matter of the ownership (or lack thereof) of the and unimpeded jurid- other) practices and identities secondary and to means of production. It is true that the theoreti- ical property rights of commodity buyers and devalue their socialist revolutionary potential. If cal apparatus of Capital has been, in some ways, sellers. Marxism can be a force in the struggles of the qualified and extended considerably; Resnick current (long duré) crisis, this will have to instead and Wolff (1987) in particular have made a pow- be via the development of an analytical frame- erful case for separating the question of surplus work that, even as it coalesces around processes value from the question of ownership (and from of surplus value, speaks directly and organically other questions as well, such as the question (and not only methodologically) to the identities of power). Yet the conceptual value apparatus and struggles of social movements—much as it through which the workings of capitalism are spoke directly and organically to the identities laid out remains—even in the nonessentialist and struggles of “workers” during the time of philosophical framework in which Resnick and industrial capitalism. This revision of its analyti- Wolff have embedded it—marked by (and thus cal apparatus, then, is what Marxism has to produce cannot but carry the traces of) the historical today. In producing this revision, it would only conditions of the property or propertylessness be doing what Marx did close to two centuries of Capital’s fully juridically enabled commodity ago in the face of the processes and struggles of producers. 24 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism Can this conceptual apparatus—which all by included elements that either limited the jurid- itself, and in the terms in which it was first devel- ical “value” claims of some producers (as in the oped, served the struggle for socialism so well case of women’s work) or negated these claims during the times of industrial capitalism—can altogether (as in the case of the work of slaves). it serve the struggle for socialism just as well Along with changing the historical narrative in the period of the biopolitical rule of capital? of the formation of capitalism, this work has The answer is that it does not. And I think that enriched the historiography of related aspects 9 it cannot without revisions deeper than the ones of capitalism.9 It has consequently enriched E.g., the analysis of the influence of slave-labor already introduced to date. our vision of socialism (beyond the idea of a practices on the shaping planned economy and toward weaving forms of of capitalist labor prac- * * * solidarity and community tices (Roediger 2017). Intellectuals associated It is thus only when and if it recon- economies into the quilt with the social movements ceptualizes its analytical apparatus of socialism—e.g., Gor- that have been at the fore- to embed constitutively its value don Nembhard 2014) and front of activism have done categories in processes of repres- thus also our understand- much work to expand the sion or foreclosures of rights and ing of the social forces and human drives on which to conceptual horizon framing identities (as opposed to simply draw in reenergizing that the operation of capitalism applying its given categories to the beyond that of agents jurid- vision of socialism (e.g., cases of such identities) that Marx- Davis 1983; Kelley 1996). ically constituted as com- ism will be able to enter into dia- modity owners (buyers and logue with the movements that But, while the work of sellers). Both within leftist are today at the forefront of the reconfiguring historical feminism (e.g., Silvia Fed- conditions of primitive erici 2014) and black Marx- struggle for epochal transforma- tions and work to shape a common accumulation in a way ism (e.g., Cedric Robinson that can link Marxism to socialist vision. 2000), much work has been social-movement forms of done to rethink the histor- struggle in the age of biopolitics has thus been ical conditions of primitive accumulation as not done (a gift of the social movements to Marxism), only the conditions of property and property- the work of reconfiguring the character of value lessness of juridically constituted commodity relations along those same lines has, I think, producers but also, and more broadly and deeply, lagged (Marxism, that is, has not yet returned as conditions for inclusion in or exclusion from the gift). It is indeed a great advance over tradi- the very realm of juridical ownership in itself. We tional Marxism that the analyses of processes of thus now understand better that, while the pro- surplus extraction and distributions have been cess of primitive accumulation worked to cleave extended to include sites (both class and non- the right of the product of labor from juridically class) other than sites of capitalist surplus-value free but actually dispossessed producers, it also production and distribution. But, to the degree 25 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism that these analyses have only applied the tra- tual apparatus of Lacanian analysis11 in order 11 Adopting it where appropriate, as has been ditional conceptualization of “value” as labor to rethink the value processes of capitalism in done in, e.g., Madra and time, as inherited from traditional Marxism, terms that map the repressions and foreclosures Özselçuk (2005) and they reproduce, in the epistemic subtext that of some as elements in constitution of (and not Tomšič (2015), but also transforming it where sustains them, the conception of industrial capi- simply conditions of) the regime of the idea of necessary—much as talism and of the class struggle (with only agents value with which the bourgeoisie has played its Marx did with the appa- inscribed in the juridical norms of property and cards in history. That mapping could serve not ratus of classical politi- propertylessness) that Marx produced for the only to enrich the critical analysis of the rhetoric cal economy. activist workers of his times. As we have seen, of value but also to reset the terms of econom- this epistemic subtext excludes from the imagi- ic-theory analyses of money-value-price rela- nation of historical agency those who were, and tions. The outcome will be a deontologizing of 10 11 By virtue of patriarchy continue to be, precluded from a full recogni- labor values, a rejection of the universal ratio- or race, or in relation to tion of their juridical rights in the regime(s) of nality that bourgeois thought assigned to its cal- the status of “land” as an object of possession the bourgeoisie. culation of value, and an understanding of the that pertains to the form constitution of the regime of value, including of foreclosure partic- It is thus only when and if it reconceptualizes its quantitative accounting, as a condensation ular to native popula- its analytical apparatus to embed constitutively of the conditions of repression and foreclosure tions in settler societ- its value categories in processes of repression or ies, as discussed in, e.g., through which capitalism was born and works, Coulthard (2014). foreclosures of rights and identities (as opposed as well as of the conditions of exploitation at the to simply applying its given categories to the point of production that capitalism set up and cases of such identities) that Marxism will be works to enforce and reproduce. Then it would able to enter into dialogue with the movements be possible to visualize (and be energized by) a that are today at the forefront of the struggle for condensation of social movements and socialist epochal transformations and work to shape a struggles. For the right to existence. common socialist vision. Can Marxism perform the reconceptualization that the form of strug- Hic Rhodus, hic salta! gle in the age of the biopolitical rule of capital requires? If what is true for “mankind” (namely, Antonio Callari is an economist at Franklin and Mar- that it presents itself only with problems it can shall College. He has written on Marxian economics solve) is also true for Marxism, then this is a task and on intellectual history as it pertains to econom- Marxism can (and must) solve. ics, Marxism, and critical social theory. He has also engaged, practically and theoretically, in community I conclude by suggesting a hypothesis about activism on issues of poverty and economic justice. how Marxism can restructure its discourse on value so as to be able to contribute to the right-to-existence struggle that social move- ments have been waging, insofar as they can be struggles for socialism: by using the concep- 26 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism References Ed. C. J. Arthur. New York: International Publishers. Althusser, L. 1970. For Marx. Trans. B. Brewster. New ———. 1998. The Communist Manifesto. London: York: Vintage. Verso.

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