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The Right to Existence Antonio Callari

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The Right to Existence Antonio Callari A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism of accumulation finds itself in relation to the Trump presidency, the crisis has emerged as an existential threat. The Black Lives Matter move- The great recession that the “financial” collapse ment has highlighted the existential terror of a of 2008 set off did not lead to any successful racist policing apparatus, which is easily visible transformative reform of capitalism. While it led at work over diverse racial and ethnic territories; to enough pain to crack the bourgeois aspira- not coincidentally, clear similarities have been tional appeal and to create openings for socialist 1 popularly recognized between that terror and the Occupy and the Sand- politics,1 those politics nowhere broke through ers movement in the terror that COVID-19 (in both its conditions and United States; Syriza the hegemony of the capitalist order. The chal- effects) has differentially imposed along lines of in Greece; Podemos in lenge that COVID-19 class and gender (but also of Spain; Corbyn in the and the uprising against UK; and, in a global-or- age and sexuality). The con- der context, the Arab police brutalities, working densation of varied forms Spring. together, currently repre- The Right to and modes of inequality sent for the reproduction Existence and injustice into the sys- of that hegemony may be temic existential threat felt of a different order. They by some—and sympathized have arguably precipitated with by many—is what gen- a general crisis of civil and erates the revolutionary political society poten- potential of the moment. tially more dangerous to Since the 1950s, the politi- bourgeois and capitalist cal landscape has decreas- hegemony than any typi- ingly taken the form of tra- cal economic crisis, even a ditional class struggles and protracted one, would by Antonio Callari increasingly the form of itself be able to generate. social-movement (citizen- The popular sentiment ship) struggles engaged in they have spawned is per- what could be called a dia- haps best captured by the expression “the right 2 lectic of separation and solidarity. This conden- I borrow the expression to existence,”2 typical of the rallying cries with from Soboul (1980). sation that we are witnessing, into a recognized which the popular masses have historically sus- condition of systemic terror, has now created the tained revolutionary moments. most intense moment of potential revolutionary Coming out of a confluence of predictable transcendence of that dialectic since the 1960s. sparks and within the time of dangerous politi- Understood in these terms (of admittedly Hege- cal impasse (teetering, at the edge of landscapes lian flavor), the revolutionary potential of the of inequality and insecurity, between savagery moment has perhaps emerged most clearly in and despair) in which the neoliberal regime the United States. It has, however, remarkable 18 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism global resonances that are poised to feed into a inevitability. But, given these long duré prospects, great chorus of anger and despair, with global we can still say with confidence that our crisis revolutionary potential, following the prospec- period (2008 to 2030–40, depending on the erup- tive states of widening and deepening poverty, tion date of the climatic crisis) does place the including famine, across the world. Whether bourgeois-capitalist mode of humanity on the this potential is realized (in varied intensities chess board, reasonably anticipating that a need and national and global configurations) will for an epochal transformation will impress itself depend on if and how the “right to existence” on the consciousness of humanity with increas- will come to assert itself over the right (i.e., the ing clarity through the crisis. logic) of capital. The specific question for this essay is how Marx- Revolutionary prospects emerge more clearly ism can see itself as a force for such an epochal if we consider that we are now in the midst and transformation, through the evolution of this not at the end of a long duré crisis. Together, COVID- of crisis and struggles. The Revolutionary prospects emerge 19 and the explosion of life-threatening conditions more clearly if we consider that pent-up anger at mur- the capitalist regime of we are now in the midst and not derous police brutality accumulation has created at the end of a long duré of crisis have gashed through the are not likely to be ade- and struggles. The life-threatening bourgeois dermis deeply quately addressed in any conditions the capitalist regime of enough that all but the timely manner. On the one accumulation has created are not most recalcitrant of the rul- side, capitalist ruling cir- likely to be adequately addressed ing circles have acknowl- cles, if not as ideologically in any timely manner. edged the systemic nature and socially and politically of the precarity of life for at secure as they were prior to 2008, are far from least some, even linking it to general sensitivities being dethroned, and they will work to limit about “inequality” that the great recession had whatever reforms that will have to be made to already begun to generate. Of course, by itself, types and terms of reform unlikely to eliminate this acknowledgement will not lead to radi- the patterns of insecurity and exclusion that cally transformative policies, and possibly not have brought civil society to this latest boiling even any reformist policies with teeth: the rul- point. On the other side, even if the intensity of ing circles have long practiced the art of chang- underlying terror-inducing conditions were to ing some surface relationships, when the times 3 3 be attenuated, the sense of need for a revolu- require it, so as to forestall fundamental change. See The Leopard, by Giuseppe Tomasi di tionary transformation of society and economy But, as we also know, the ruling classes do not Lampedusa (1958). is likely to be reenergized by the depth and dif- get to determine the course of history on their ferential impact of the great global ecological own. The longer the insecurities of life perdure, crisis already visible on the horizon. Certainly, and the greater the resulting increase of affective we have long shed an episteme of historical (anger, despair, mistrust, etc.) balances, the more 19 A RETHINKING Pandemic and MARXISM the Crisis of Conjuncture of Insurrection Dossier Capitalism the likelihood that popular forces, in whatever not be analytically defined (given finite parame- 4 combinations of organized and spontaneous ters) if the “real”4 is to have its effects (i.e., keep- The “real” is where that which is repressed or actions into which they coalesce through the ing alive the possibility of a traversal from a foreclosed—as, e.g., the long duré of the crisis, will push beyond the limits crisis-ridden mode of existence to a new mode relations of production of the existing social formation—revolutionary of being). are unacknowledged in bourgeois economics— consciousnesses are always baked by the heat of continues to operate. repeated moments of crisis and instability. What For Marx, the “real” agents who could cut through the veneer of bourgeois moral, juridi- kind of history (i.e., transformations, more or 5 cal, and economic forms were “workers.”5 I will Workers as producers less radical) is produced by crises has always and of surplus value—in the everywhere been a conjunctural result of varied turn later to a particular aspect of the power- form, that is, in which economic-and-cultural conditions and political ful analytical framework through which Marx Marx described them (and others after him) conceptualized the role of in those parts of Capital interventions. Marxism has always seen itself as dedicated to an analysis a force (along a spectrum ranging from the real labor in the processes of capitalist surplus-value of the labor process and to the aspirational) for shaping these conditions production while conceptualizing workers as the objective condition agents of revolution. Here, two meta-analyti- of expanded repro- and interventions toward socio-communism. So duction, and not in the I now turn to how we might see Marxism play- cal observations seem specifically valuable for form of simple sellers of “labor” in which bour- ing a role in this long duré crisis of our time. reflecting on the relationship of Marxism to the crisis of these our times. geois ideology presents them. * * * The first observation is that Marx—and this is Marx himself worked toward such an interven- well known—came to the centrality of workers tion in his time, moving to strengthen a political before analytically producing it. He came to it from force capable of effecting an epochal transfor- his (and Engels’s) observations of “worker” strug- mation. His intellectual biography may therefore gles (both artisans and waged workers, Lyon silk hold some still useful guideposts as we consider producers and Silesian workers, each in their a Marxist intervention in our times of crisis. own precarity). The analysis of the relations and processes of surplus-value production and Marx never produced a thorough analysis of the distribution remains powerful and indeed con- political: his contribution was thorough, analyt- stitutive of Marxism. But it is important to take ically; powerfully suggestive, ideologically; but some distance from that analysis, its compelling only fragmentary, politically. But rather than force notwithstanding, in order to remember diminishing the importance of “the political” for another equally constitutive element of Marx- Marx, this absence of a thorough analysis on his ism: namely, the primacy of activity (activism) part has a positive value for us, serving as a sign over the concept; a primacy we know by the term of the undecidability of the political: it is the space “materialism” (in whatever version, dialectical of a “real” (in the Lacanian sense) to which the or aleatory, we might use the term); a primacy legacy of Marxism must forever return, never to reaffirmed, time and again at moments of social- resolve it.
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