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Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 1 Bama (Eble 2008)

Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 1 Bama (Eble 2008)

April 2014 Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of

Introduction climate of the region through the focuses primarily on the Creoles. tradition of Mardi Gras, ethnic food It also describes some multiracial As part of a larger project that ways, commitment to Catholicism groups with a historical presence, examines demographic and com- and culture of revelry. as well as the current trends in munity-level changes in the Gulf of & Multiracial multiracial identity in the Gulf Mexico region, we reviewed racial These eight groups emerged as sig- of Mexico region. Concentrated in and ethnicity literature for eight nificant through the existing litera- coastal , Creoles represent key groups with significant influ- Creoleture that details their unique efects one of the larger and more well- ence in part, or all, of the region. in building the culture, economic known multiracial (or mixed-race) The region is incred- stability and political climate in the groups that have long histories in ibly diverse, with more than 13.5 region, as well as their ties to the oil the region. More recently, data from million residents who trace their ori- and gas industry operating in the the 2000 and 2010 censuses show gins to scores of places in , Gulf of Mexico. For each group, we that a sizeable portion of , and (see focused our review on common ele- and Gulf Coast residents persist in Table 1). ments such as the culture, history, claiming multiracial identities. immigration, ties to the oil and gas Of these various groups, we have industry and economic standing of focused our reviews on eight specific Origins and History the group. In addition to these com- racial, ethnic and ancestry groups: Terminology mon elements, we examined other African-Americans, , Creoles, prominent themes that emerged Creole is a polysemous term, used Croatians, Latinos, Native Ameri- for particular groups. For instance, at different times and various geo- cans, Vietnamese and Other Asians the effects of on graphical areas to describe diverse (not Vietnamese). Although some the Vietnamese fishermen living in identities, languages, people, eth- of these groups may be small in southern Louisiana was widely dis- nicities, racial heritages and cultural number, their effects on the region cussed by scholars and thus became artifacts (see, for example, Bras- have been substantial (see Table 2). a prominent discussion in our review seaux 2005; DuBois and Melancon For instance, although only about of the literature on Vietnamese liv- 2000; Domínguez 1986; and Long 7.8% of the residents in the re- ing in the region. 1980). Contemporary use of Creole gion identify as Cajun/French, this in the is restricted to group has had significant effects on Below you will find the eighth in southern Louisiana and the coastal shaping the cultural and economic this series of reviews. This review portions of and Ala-

Table 1. Diversity in the Gulf of Mexico Region Table 2. Groups of Interest in the Gulf of Mexico Region

Ancestry Category Number Percentage of Racial/Ancestry Group Number Percentage of Total Population Total Population British 15.36% 2,147,789 African-American 2,568,703 19.14% French 7.81% 1,092,377 Cajun 1,092,377 7.81% German 8.71% 1,218,236 Croatian 6,422 0.05% Middle Eastern 0.49% 68,544 Latino 3,988,491 29.72% Northern/Eastern European 5.24% 733,424 Native American 85,455 0.64% Southern European 3.09% 432,724 Other Asian 396,007 2.95% Sub-Saharan African/West Indian 1.22% 170,670 Vietnamese 154,669 1.15% Total Population: 13,985,914 8,912,239 63.72% Table 1 data from ACS Five-Year Estimates. Two or More Races 305,214 2.27% Table 2 data from ACS Five-Year Estimates and 2010 Decennial Census. Numbers do not add to 100 percent because individuals can indicate more than one race, ethnic- ity or ancestry group. “Other Asian” refers to Asian groups other than Vietnamese.

LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 1 bama (Eble 2008). Precise defini- Figure 1. tions and explanations of Creole are difficult to establish because “al- most everything about the word is contested” (Mentz 2004: 14). Debate continues over the derivation of the word itself, with some crediting Por- tuguese (crioulo) while others look to Spanish (crollo) or French (créole) origins (see Brasseaux 2008; Hall 1992; Long 1980; and Tregle 1992). Uses of Creole have shifted and evolved over the time, and conse- quently the term has come to mean very different things to different people. Creole individuals typi- cally identify their ancestries back Data from U.S. Decennial Census. (Multiracial population in millions in parentheses.) to some combination of French, Spanish and/or Haitian settlers who Origins History came and lived in the area prior to Creole populations in the Gulf of Like many ethnic populations, the . Some of Mexico region trace their heritage the Creoles celebrate their rich and these early settlers coexisted with back to “” origins in Eu- complex history. To better under- Native Americans and, therefore, rope and Africa (see e.g., Edwards stand the conditions through which some Creoles also may claim a Na- 1994; Hanger 1996; Henry and Creoles came to occupy a unique po- tive American heritage (see Jolivétte Bankston 2002; and Mandelblatt litical, economic and social position 2007 or Thorne 1987). 2002). Colonial expansion of Euro- in the Gulf of Mexico region, we Although the general contempo- pean political powers throughout present an overview of how Creole rary understanding is that Creole the world, from the 16th through identity was formed – and persisted is a mixed-race identity that has at the 18th centuries, gave rise to – in the face of several shifts in state least some African ancestry, some numerous Creole languages and sovereignty. scholars distinguish between “Cre- cultures. These Creole societies oles” and “Creoles of Color,” which shared some common features such Under French Sovereignty would suggest important differences as “structured economic, and often Beginning with Jacques Cartier’s within the shared identity (e.g., political, contacts with Western exploration of the St. Lawrence Douboid and Harvath 2003; DuBois Europe, a self-image as pioneering River in 1534, France gained sov- and Melancon 2000; Dorman 1996; societies surviving or thriving in ereignty over vast geographical and Eble 2008). These distinctions nearly unlivable surroundings and territory in . Even- may have further varied geographi- a heterogeneity of physical appear- tually, the French established five cally as the tripartite racial ance, language and cultural heri- colonies: , Acadia, Hudson system was more firmly entrenched tage” (Domínguez 1986: 13). Early Bay, Newfoundland and Louisiana in coastal than in prairie parishes uses of the term Creole tended to (Pritchard 2004; Johnston 2001). in Louisiana (Kammer 1941). Still include anyone “born in, native to Administration of the French North today there are Louisianans who or committed to the area of living,” American Empire was located in identify as Creole but claim no and this meant slaves were included Louisiana, which extended from the African ancestry at all (Brasseaux, (Braithwaite 1971: xv; see also Bras- Gulf of Mexico to the Great Lakes Fontenot and Oubre 1994; Domín- seaux 2005). Initially self-adoption and encompassed most of the Mis- guez 1986; and Dormon 1996). To of the term carried a political impli- sissippi River’s drainage basin. An this end, a working definition of cation where Creoles felt differently administrative capital originally was Creole is dependent on the historical about their homeland than did their established in Mobile but later was and social context in which the term progenitors (Long 1980). moved to Biloxi. Eventually, due to appears (Domínguez 1986; Hirsch fears surrounding diseases, hurri- and Logdson 1992; and Henry and canes and tides, the inland harbor Bankston 2001 1998). capital La Nouvelle-Orléans () was established.

2 LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial Colonization was undertaken by pean settlers, immigrants, black to the Spanish elites, land ownership military personnel, French settlers slaves, and free people also was granted to several Franco- and French-Canadians. In addi- of color (Dominguez 1986). Such phone groups: Royalist aristocracy tion to these groups, large numbers designation is problematic, however, seeking refuge from the French of enslaved Native Americans and insofar as the term Creole often was Revolution, white Creole bourgeoi- indentured servants were included used interchangeably with other sie, recently deported from in the colonial population, which terms such as “slave,” “,” “na- Canada and , as in later years constituted nearly tive,” “Indian,” and “Creole negro.” well as a small group from French- half of colonial Louisiana popula- In fact, Dominguez (1986:98) notes controlled portions of the island of tion (Young and Young 1992). As records from the French colonial Hispaniola. colonial expansion increased, the government include references to system of indentured servitude Creoles but there is “little evidence As a result of these Spanish became strained due to a narrow- of an exclusive (or allegedly exclu- land-tenure policies, two classes of ing supply of poor white colonists sive) political action or social group landowners were created: 1) estate and increasing tensions with the labeled Creole.”Dominguez (ibid) owners, who gained power through native populations. Consequently, goes on to further note a lack of ties to the Crown and perceived largely due to the unprotected evidence of infighting or tension merit and 2) small farmers/peasants, status of African peoples, the use of between the Creole and non-Creole who produced food crops for the black slaves as laborers increasingly populations, a sentiment echoed by colonial domestic market (Bras- became the norm (see e.g., Davis Hall (1992), who notes that, due to seaux, Fontenot and Oubre 1994; 2011; Hall 1992). From 1719 to general pressures associated with Dominguez 1986; and Hanger 1996). 1731, over 6,000 slaves were brought survival, “notions of racial and/or Spanish law legitimated a demarca- to colonial Louisiana, with nearly cultural and national superiority tion of rights to land through the 4,000 of them originating from the were a luxury.” (155) identification and creation of aris- Bambaras and Senegambia tocracies and meritocracy. Domin- of Africa (Hall 1992). Under Spanish Sovereignty guez (1986:104) notes that “The Resulting from a treaty between affects such a system of land grants In colonial Louisiana biracial France and , in approximately upon colonial Louisiana at the close unions between and blacks 1768, the Spanish government of the 18th century cannot be over- were technically illegal but relative- took of the Louisiana estimated.” This system increased ly commonplace and socially accept- territory and almost immediately social and economic stratification in ed (e.g., Dominguez 1986; Hall 1992; colonial residents reacted with hos- Louisiana and created a self-styled Fairclough 1995). While “Mulattos,” tility toward new taxes and other aristocracy among the estate owners the offspring of such unions, were impositions placed upon them (see with the small farmers/peasants not recognized as being white. They e.g., Davis 2011; Dubois and Melan- later becoming the “poor whites” were, however, often manumitted con 2000; and Dominguez 1986). In of the antebellum and postbellum (freed from ). At this time what has been dubbed the Louisiana South (Brasseaux 1989; Buck 1925; in much of the Gulf region, racial Rebellion of 1768, settlers from Shugg 1939). The differentiation classification was based on a tripar- the New Orleans area of the terri- between these groups became com- tite, where distinctions were made tory, rallying behind the French flag pounded by the economic prosperity between whites, and blacks, and their espoused French identity, brought to some from accelerated with the main distinction between expelled Antonio de Ulloa, the first economic growth associated with the latter populations being slavery Spanish governor. The Louisiana the plantation system (Dominguez 1986; Dubois and Mel- Rebellion ultimately was put down, (Clark 1970). Individuals who man- ancon 2000; Hall 1992; Fairclough and a replacement governor, Alejan- aged to secure sizable land grants 1995). In fact, so commonplace was dro O’Reilly, implemented Spanish not only gained economic power but the manumission of people of color law. also accrued greater social standing with mixed ancestry that in 1810 it and advantages nearing the turn of was the presumption of the Louisi- During this time, to promote the 19th century. ana Supreme Court that all people loyalty toward the Spanish crown of mixed race were free (Hall 1992). and stimulate economic and politi- Scholars have noted that dur- cal stability, immigration policies ing this period neither Cajuns nor During this time, evidence sug- were enacted that encouraged an those who assimilated into Cajun gests the term Creole was used to influx of Spanish elites with the communities chose to identify as designate numerous groups: the enticement of private ownership of Creole (see e.g., Dominguez 1986 native-born first-generation Euro- land (Dominguez 1986). In addition and Hall 1992). As an adjective,

LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 3 however, Creole does begin to be Figure 2. applied as a marker of higher status afforded to Louisiana-born people. For example, Creole was used to distinguish Louisiana-born slaves from those born in Africa (Tregle 1952, 1992). Additional colonial documents often referred to a per- son, usually someone with African ancestry, as a “Creole of Louisiana,” “Creole of ,” “Creole of Martinique,” etc. Hanger (1996:6) noted that “It was during the three and half decades of actual Spanish rule in Louisiana (1769-1803) that free persons of African descent in New Orleans made their greatest advances in terms of demographics, Data from U.S. Decennial Census. (Percentage of total population presented as data labels.) privileges, responsibilities and social standing.” 1994). Furthermore, those who be Anglicized, as books, newspa- Creole identity was not innately would be identified as white Creoles, pers and magazines switched from linked to racial demarcation under along with the colored Creoles, came French to English. In 1812, the Spanish sovereignty, however. On to form a unique socioeconomic Louisiana state Constitution, writ- the contrary, Creole identity began community that occupied the upper ten entirely in English, was adopted to acquire certain socioeconomic strata of the Louisiana class struc- with no specific delineation of rights dimensions (i.e., greater wealth and ture (see e.g., Bryan 2000; Domin- to Francophones, even though they higher statuses) as well as certain guez 1986; and Fairclough 1995). represented the majority population cultural facets (i.e., persisting ties The term Creole was used during in the state. Furthermore, native- to the French culture) (Dubois and this period but its use was not wide- born Creoles and Anglo-Americans Melancon 2000; Klinger 2003; White spread as an important marker of demonstrated the differences in 1998). identity until Louisiana came under terms of architectural style and the rule of the U.S. government political leanings, with the English Creole still referred to people born (Tregle 1992). community tending to be sympa- in the colony regardless of race, thetic to the ideologies of racism, with a mixed ancestry and lighter Under American Sovereignty anti-Catholicism and xenophobia skin providing higher statuses and Following a brief return to French espoused by the Whigs and “Know additional social opportunities from sovereignty, the United States gov- Nothing” parties (Dominguez 1986; nonwhites, free people of color ernment took control of the Louisi- Lanusse 1911; Desdunes 1911). or colored Creoles, as they would ana territory in 1803. At that time, come to be known. These “colored being born in Louisiana became the Facing a rapidly growing English- Creoles” were able to freely amass important identifying characteristic speaking community, Creoles began a degree of education and did well by which native-born people were to lose not only linguistic dominance when contrasted to the people who distinguished from Anglo-American but also social, political, numeric would come to be known as black settlers and European immigrants and economic clout. Creole identity Creoles (see e.g., Dubois and Melan- moving into colony. Creole began began to be seen in a negative light con 2000; Dubois and Horvath 2003; to be widely used (as a noun) as an by the English-speaking popula- and Dominguez 1986). indicator of native birth in Louisi- tion and was used to demark those ana, racial heritage notwithstanding who “spoke French and identified Yet, nonwhite Creoles continued (Dominguez 1986; Klingler 2003). with French culture.” (Dominguez to live in an ambiguous state, shar- 1986:125) This seemingly straight- ing French or , The incoming non-Creole people forward recognition of Creole Catholic religion and European edu- demonstrated contempt for the quickly became problematic, howev- cation of elite whites, but also keep- French Creole culture, language and er. Where language and culture pro- ing indigenous African traditions adherence to the Catholic religion. vided a superficial commonality for from their earlier heritage (Gehman U.S. territorial Louisiana began to Creoles, biological race increasingly

4 LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial divided them. Demarcation between and black Creoles. Nevertheless, one superior, the other native-born white, colored and black colored Creoles represented a unique inferior.… Their separation Creoles became more pronounced, threat to the white population is absolutely necessary. So let and distinct identities for the differ- (Dominguez 1986). Americanization us separate ourselves as of ent groups began to emerge. Ini- may have legally redefined Loui- today into two distinct par- tially, while white Creoles asserted siana’s population, but the social ties – the White Party and that by definition Creoles were lines of the triple-caste system were the Black Party. Positions white, they nonetheless allowed the never completely erased (Dollar will be made clear – between colored Creoles limited access to 2004). Instead, old cultural distinc- white Louisiana and black the term noting that “New Orleans tions remained, and institutions like Louisiana. Le Carillon dis- has had an unusually superior class churches and schools in the Creole plays the white’s flag, with of black.” (Judge Miner Wisdom, and African-American communities the profound conviction quoted in Fairclough 1995:10). actually augmented separate identi- that only within its folds can ties among them through time (see Louisiana be saved (Domin- The term colored Creoles inadver- also Brasseaux, Fontenot and Oubre quez’s translation, 291). tently gave rise to a misconception 1994). Consequently, the relatively that Creole necessarily indicates large, free, property-owning popu- Dominguez notes that ideas such an individual of mixed race ances- lations that comprised the colored as this “spread like wildfire through- try (Tregle 1992). White Creoles, Creoles became the targets of out Louisiana” (ibid: 137), often who found themselves increasingly frustrated whites who endeavored with violence (i.e., the September aligned with the Anglophone com- to “repatriate,” “recolonize” and/ 14, 1870, “Battle for White Suprem- munity as enmity between blacks or “extinguish” such threats (Bras- acy,” which took place in the Canal and whites intensified as the Civil seaux 1996:77-78). Street area of New Orleans). War approached, actively sought to correct this “misunderstanding” Building on the adoption of the The second social change came in with the assertion that Creoles had binary system of racial classifica- the wake of increasing racial polar- no African ancestry but rather were tion, the future trajectories of col- ization when white Creoles, facing of European descent and native- ored Creoles and black Creoles were pressure to maintain their racially born to Louisiana. fundamentally altered by three spe- undifferentiated social category, cific social changes (see e.g., Domin- increasingly embraced the demand Tregle (1952, 1992) notes that guez 1986; Dubois and Melancon for sang pur or pure-blooded. At such endeavors by white Creoles 2000; Hall 1992; and Fairclough the time, de facto law required that were so successful that a “mytholo- 1995). First came outlawing the white individuals be able to prove gy” of Creole as a native-born white marriage or cohabitation between the “purity” of their ancestry for population emerged and persisted in people of different races. Many five generations, often referred to nd many parts of Louisiana well into scholars assert that as the “1/32 law.” Responding to the latter half of the 20th century. further deprived colored Creoles of a notions that all Creoles had, at Tregle (ibid) further notes the myth their previously held separate status a minimum, a “touch of the tar of the “white only” Creole has never from black Creoles. Dominguez brush,” white Creoles actively set accurately reflected how the term (1986:137) makes the case that such about in books, speeches, lectures has been used in Louisiana. The actions actually forced the Creole and articles redefining Creole as an wealthy estate-owning white Creoles population to claim either a white exclusively white identity tied to switched to English, increasingly or black heritage, citing the French and Spanish ancestry (see socialized with the Anglophone in the French newspaper Le Carillon e.g., Gayarré 1886; Poché 1886; and population and began to actively on July 13, 1873: Wilson 2007). These endeavors were campaign for the dissolution of the aided by such entities as the Eng- ternary classification system in fa- From One Side lish-speaking Daily Picayune, which vor of the binary system predicated or from the Other in its Dec. 22, 1884, edition asserted upon race: black versus white (see The time has come to that “Creole is not used by Ameri- also Davis 2011; Dominguez 1986). indicate what the sons of cans unless referring to people (of) Louisiana want – that one Spanish or French descent” (quoted Following the adoption of the bi- must be either WHITE or in Dominguez 1986:143). nary system of racial classification, BLACK, that each person the white population, be they Creole must decide for himself. Such actions, compounded by the or Anglo, no longer perceived a clear There are two races here: lack of social and political power distinction between colored Creoles of colored Creoles and black Cre-

LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 5 oles, resulted in Creole acquiring in the momentous Plessy v. Fer- superior to others and more deserv- a “white only” label, a myth that guson case. This ruling resulted in ing of jobs and good schools (Kane would persist well into the 20th the “” principle 1944). According to Kammer (1983): century. The most famous of the (which would remain valid for an- segregationists was Leander “The other 60 years). Facing intense racial Plaquemines has a racial Judge” Perez, a member of the polarization and repudiation of cul- problem that was not found Isleno community whose ancestors tural identity, the region witnessed in the other three parishes. came from the Canary Islands and a mass exodus of the colored Creoles On both sides of the river settled in Plaquemines Parish, La. and black Creoles, leaving Louisiana are to be found mulattoes, Perez dominated the political scene predominantly white for the first who refuse to mix with in Plaquemines Parish from 1920 time in decades (Fairclough 1995). Negroes of darker shade, to 1960, and his influence extended and the whites refuse to into state and national politics in Emboldened by the outcome of mix with either. This color support of segregationist candidates Plessy v. Ferguson, a third social discrimination is carried (Conaway 1973, Jeansonne 1977). change was instituted that altered over into the churches: The the trajectories of Creoles of color. middle aisle is reserved for Despite legal restrictions of Jim In 1898, the Louisiana state consti- whites, one side aisle for mu- Crow segregation, Creoles of color tution was ratified and established lattoes and one side aisle for persisted in maintaining unique literacy as an essential condition to the dark Negroes.. . . The identity. Eble (2008:48) asserts this be considered worthy to participate basis for this discrimination uniqueness was maintained by up- in democratic voting processes. In seems to be that the mulat- holding that which “had earlier set so far as only a small handful of toes all claim to be descen- them apart – their , colored Creoles were able to meet dants of the “free people of culture, education, religion and this condition, the new law in effect color” who came to Louisi- often a mixed heritage of African, stripped all nonwhite Creoles of ana after the revolt in Santo French, Spanish and Native Ameri- meaningful political influence. In Domingo. They were never can.” (See also Bond 1931) While addition, voter registrars used newly slaves. legal statute restricted Creoles of implemented poll taxes to further color from many opportunities af- restrict participation of nonwhite In some circles of New Orleans, forded by “whiteness,” they contin- Creoles (Davis 2011; Dominguez by contrast, Creoles of color and ued identifying as Creole and found 1986). other black populations rarely solidarity in church attendance, encountered each other (Fairclough schooling and living within the same The first half of the 20th century 1995). According to civil rights lead- neighborhoods. According to Logs- saw increased formalization and er A.P. Tureaud’s recollections of his don and Bell (1992:256), Creoles legalization of segregation through- childhood days in New Orleans prior of color were instrumental in the out the South. Creoles continue to to the outbreak of the World War establishment of the Crusader, the be identified as white, with little I, “There wasn’t too much mingling only black daily newspaper pub- to any acknowledgment of colored between Creole Negroes and what lished in the United States during Creoles or black Creoles (Davis 2011; we called the American blacks above the 1890s, which was “an aggressive Dominguez 1986; and Hanger 1996). Canal Street.” (quoted in Fairclough vehicle for racial protest in New Tensions between colored and black 1995: 14-15) In addition, not only Orleans.” Creoles and other populations of were these two groups strangers to blacks increased in different ways one another, but a certain degree of At the time, many Creoles of color in different parts of Louisiana. In the hostility existed such that one stepped up as leaders in opposition comparison to the plantation system ran the risk of assault by inadver- to race-based policies within the in the prairies, the “half-agricultur- tently straying into unfamiliar terri- Gulf Coast region as well as nation- al, half-aquatic life of the narrow tory (see also Worthy 1984; Logsdon ally. For example, Homer Plessy, a fringes” were more egalitar- 1987). Additional derision between Creole of color from New Orleans, ian, less restricted by class and more these groups arose from accusations challenged segregation laws, includ- conducive to casual friendships and that “Creole pride” fostered a sense ing Louisiana’s “equal, but sepa- intermarriage (Kane 1944). Yet, the of cultural superiority and fixation rate” train car accommodations for effects of segregation were perhaps on European-looking features (Dor- whites and blacks (Margo 1990: 68; harshest in these instances, as fami- man 1996). Fairclough (1995: 16) see also Davis 2011; Dominguez lies and groups filed lawsuits and observed that “If color represents 1986). In 1896, however, the U.S. claims in a phenomena known as the a source of division among blacks Supreme Court denied this appeal “color trial” – to define oneself as in Louisiana, it also consistently

6 LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial reminded them of the hypocrisy, ued on the books until 1970 when , Gramling (1982) inconsistency and illogicality of Louisiana state legislators adopted asserts the ethnic mix of Creole, segregation.” Some of these incon- Act 46, which specified “1/32nd Cajun and Indian culture led to sistencies were portrayed in a collec- Negro blood” as requisite for delin- many shared characteristics as the tion of Creole folk tales, published eating an individual as “colored.” Creoles assimilated certain African by Hewitt Ballowe in 1947, which Over the next 13 years, Act 46 not linguistic and cultural traits that both depict the predominant stereo- only faced condemnation from the persist even today. Brasseaux et types of the Creoles and also refer to national and international press for al (1994:17) make specific note of differences between the black Creole its racist overtones but also faced a Creole cultural priorities of “religion and “de coleurs,” or colored Creoles, continuing challenge by Creoles of (Catholics), family (of nuclear and at the time. color (Brasseaux et al 1994). Re- extended), family values and hard sponding to these pressures on July work near the values of neighboring Occupying a unique, albeit mar- 2, 1983, Act 441 was signed into law. Cajuns” (see also Nordmann 1990). ginalized, social position afforded by It not only repealed Act 46 but also Increased recognition and accep- education, assertiveness and self- allowed race to be self-identified tance of the cultural dynamics that confidence (Fairclough 1995:3), col- (West’s Louisiana Statutes 1990). previously isolated Creoles from full ored Creoles sought to combat racial Since then,the Gulf Coast region has social participation are now seeing discrimination by becoming “the witnessed a resurgence of Creoles of a revived interest in “traditional social and political leaders of their color, many of whom are “oriented Creole culture.” (Brasseaux et al race” (Brasseaux et al. 1994:104). toward pride in being both black 1994: 125) To this end, in 1915 colored Creoles and French” (Spitzer 1986:154; see established a branch of the National also Brasseaux et al 1994; Dormon Language Association for the Advancement 1996). Today, the politically con- One way Creole ancestry is of Colored People in New Orleans. cocted “white only” Creole identity claimed is through language (see Colored Creoles also forged alliances is no longer given or defended (Eble e.g., Corne 1999; Dajko 2012; Du- with white Republicans and actively 2008: 49, see also Knörr 2010). bois and Melancon 2000; Klinger sought to be engaged in the politi- 2003; Neumann 1985; Marshall cal process. Furthermore, colored Contemporary Creole Culture 1997, 1989; and Valdman 1997, Creoles were active in establishing The Creoles of the Gulf Coast 1992). Very important to linguistics social and professional services in region are an excellent example of a is the notion of Creole languages, terms of education, religion, recre- group that is increasingly proud of a 20th century employment of the ation, medical/health care and legal its mixed ancestry as well as mixed word, also used in Louisiana to and financial affairs. At the same cultural heritage. Spitzer (1986: 154) describe a type of contact-induced time, the distinction between col- notes Creoles express great pride French vernacular. For more infor- ored/black Creoles and other black in the “essentially bivalent proper- mation on the linguistic uses of the American groups became increas- ties of their ethnic identity.” In the word Creole in Louisiana, see, for ingly difficult to maintain as a result of a decline in the French language, intermarriage and social mobility, as Figure 3. well as a culture of (Fairclough 1995). Allison Davis, the acclaimed anthropologist who pioneered research on Southern race and class in the 1930s, noted that “The Creole group itself is merging socially and biologically into the American Negro group.” (quoted in Fairclough 1995: 17) Creole increasingly became a “white only” identity as racial clas- sification laws were expanded in the 1940s to the point that: “Any degree of traceability was sufficient for Negro classification.” (Brasseaux et al 1994:123) These laws contin- Data from U.S. Decennial Census.

LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 7 example, Baronian (2005), Bodin employed in tourism will accommo- and beyond. Each year, thousands (1990), Corne (1999), Greene (2005), date Francophone visitors, adopt- of Creoles gather at festivals in Oetting and Garrity (2006), Mar- ing expressions from Cajun and Louisiana, and . In shall (1997) and Valdman (1997). Standard French. Young people are addition, newspapers such as At least three distinct varieties of taught English in the home; boys Talk are published in an effort to French have been used in the Gulf learn some Creole elements from fa- provide “a platform for the ongo- Coast region: (1) Louisiana Stan- thers and uncles and speak it among ing awareness of Creole cultural dard French, by far the “purest” of themselves as a kind of secret code. heritage and events.” (Bayou Talk) the varieties, is near extinction; (2) From their investigations with two Cajun (Acadian) French has some Others have embraced the idea communities, traits in common with the French of “Creole Exceptionalism,” which Dubois and Melancon (2000) deter- spoken in , and tonal is defined as a set of beliefs, wide- mined contemporary Creole identity fluctuation is characteristic; and (3) spread among both linguists and is by and large predicated on having the slaves developed a Creole lan- nonlinguists, that Creole languages Creole ancestry. Such an assertion guage, still spoken by many blacks, form an exceptional class on phylo- is somewhat at odds with other and one of its characteristic features genetic and/or typological grounds scholars who have pointed to the is agglutination (e.g., Bailey 2003). (DeGraff 2003, 2005). It also has Creole Francophone language (see nonlinguistic (e.g., sociological) e.g., Baronian 2005; Bodin 1990; Cajun and Creole French are implications, such as the claim that Greene 2005; Oetting and Garrity thought of by scholars and lay Creole languages are a “handicap” 2006; Marshall 1997; and Valdman people alike as the two varieties of for their speakers, which has under- 1997) as the primary attribute for French spoken in Louisiana (Camp mined the role Creoles should play claiming Creole identity. Dubois and 2010). Although Cajun French has in the education and socioeconomic Melancon found that having parents higher prestige and a larger number development of monolingual Creolo- and grandparents speak French was of speakers than Creole, the latter is phones (DeGraff 2003, 2005). secondary to establishing Creole argued to have influenced the former genealogy (2000: 250-251). Further- in the case of negative imperative Creole African American Vernacu- lar English or CAAVE is a variety of more, Dubois and Melancon compli- constructions (e.g., Baronian 2005). cated race-based scholarly concep- A comparison of the phonologi- English spoken by African Ameri- cans of French ancestry who live tions of Creole identity, noting that cal and lexical systems of the two 80 percent of their respondents in- dialects is sketched by Bodin (1990), primarily in the French Triangle of Louisiana (Mentz 2004). A study dicated membership in a particular who found the two languages in- racial category is not essential for fluenced one another and became comparing Cajun Vernacular Eng- lish and Creole African American claiming Creole identity. Insofar as assimilated to the point that Loui- present-day Creole identity is linked siana Acadian often is, although Vernacular English in rural speech communities of southern Louisiana to ancestry, it becomes necessary to incorrectly, viewed as a creolization understand what constitutes having of 17th century Colonial French. has since been analyzed (Dubois and Horvath 2003).The English spoken Creole ancestry. Modern-day Creole In addition, Calvet (1996) docu- by Creole in ancestry is not claimed as a mat- ments an unusual case of creoliza- southern Louisiana reveals language ter of establishing direct ties to the tion and linguistic alienation report- change in the shift from French to original French settlers, however, ed from sociolinguistic interviews English and the persistence of local but rather is linked to having any with inhabitants of Kraemer, La., forms of English (Dubois and Hor- connection whatsoever to French- where villagers described themselves vath 2003). A collection of folk tales speaking ancestry within the region as French speakers and perceived from the people of Plaquemines (Mentz 2004: 21). a continuum between Creole and Parish depict both the uniqueness Dunbar-Nielsen (2000:9) affirms Cajun French. Local language of the Creole dialect in that particu- that the “true Creole is like the repertoire depends on age, sex and lar location, as well as differences famous of the state, a little profession, however (Lebas and between “de couleurs” (colored cre- bit of everything, making a whole, Brehn 1996). The elderly were raised oles) and blacks from the perspec- delightfully flavored, quite distinc- speaking Creole, learned English tive of the whites (Ballowe 1947). tive and wholly unique.” Due to in school and can use Cajun, Creole Ethnic Identity historical pressures, however, some and English in different contexts. scholars have argued that colored Middle-aged residents perceive Contemporary Creole culture is Creoles may be more forthcoming in Creole as stigmatized and will not in part being kept alive by various acknowledging mixtures than their use it with outsiders. But those groups within the Gulf Coast region

8 LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial white Creole compatriots (see e.g., differentiated from the larger Black An additional example can be seen Domínguez 1986). Yet in actual- community. Regrettably, due to in another person’s protest of the ity, mixed-race ancestry carries political/historical climate, such “Ragin’ Cajuns” label for the Uni- the same implication for Creoles of individuals often found themselves versity of Southwestern Louisiana’s color as it does for white Creoles: in a socially marginalized context, black-dominated athletic teams (see Group membership is not simply the facing pressures to conform/assimi- Dormon 1996). end result of ancestry, but rather late as “black” (see e.g., Domínguez self-identification as Creole involves 1986; Dormon 1996; Spitzer 1977; In response to the Cajunifiication an elemental choice. To that end, and Woods 1972). Dormon (1980) of the entire region, numerous or- contemporary Creoles in the Gulf notes, however, that ethnic group ganizations began to be established Coast region “choose to stress a par- after ethnic group – inspired by the from the 1970s on for the promotion ticular ancestral connection over the successes of African-Americans in and preservation of Creole heritage. other possible ones.” (Domínguez garnering political and economic Examples of these organizations 1986:188) power – began to re-examine their include Louisiana Creole Heritage own identities and potential for Center (located in Natchitoches, For example, Dormon (1996:169) group power. Eventually, a Creole La.), St. Augustine’s Historical notes that with the onset of the revitalization movement would Society (located in Natchitoches, of the 1950s come, but only in the wake of ef- La.), C.R.E.O.L.O. Inc. (located and 1960s many Creoles of color forts to re-establish the identity of in Lafayette, La.), Cammie G. chose to identify with non-Creole the Acadians (“Cajuns”) of the Gulf Henry Research Center (located in blacks in “the ‘’ element Coast region. Natchitoches, La.), The Interna- that promised black solidarity in the tional French Creole Culture Society quest for black rights” (sic). As such Concerned with preserving the (located in San José, Calif.), The the younger generation of Creoles of unique Francophone dialects in the Associates for the Preservation of color at this time chose to identify Gulf Coast region, Louisiana law- Creole Cultural Heritage (located in “completely with the black com- yer/politician James Domengeaux Los Angeles, Calif.), Creole Heri- munity,” while the older generation and his supporters were able to tage Education Research Society tended to be “committed overtly establish the Council for the Devel- (located in Slidell, La.) and others. to the movement while maintain- opment of French Louisiana, known The vibrancy of the Creole culture ing a clear sense of their identity as as CODOFIL. While CODOFIL can be seen in individual assertions Creoles of color – still a very special was primarily focused on preserv- of pride, such as the wearing of T- people.” (ibid; see also DeWitt 2008; ing/restoring spoken French to the shirts and jewelry that express Cre- Woods 1989) The documentary, Gulf Coast region, other organiza- ole identity. In addition, there are Ends of the Earth: Plaquemines Par- tions actively sought revitalization unique Creole flags, pins, prayers, ish, La., depicts the lifestyles of col- and preservation of the broader poetry, literature and folktales (see ored Creoles in the city of Diamond spectrum of Cajun culture (Paul, e.g., Ancelet 1994; Greene 2005; (Alvarez and Kolker 1985). Cowley, Schafer and Blanchard Kein 2000; and Sexton 1992). 2012). To the degree these efforts The patterns of Creole self-identi- were successful, popular use of the The Creoles the Gulf Coast region fication established during the Civil “Cajun” label in the Gulf Coast have a long-standing musical tradi- Rights movement were reaffirmed region soon assumed a ubiquitous tion. Synthesizing elements from by the aforementioned study by connection to all things linked to a diverse cultural heritage, Creole Dubois and Melcancon (2000: 253) French ancestry. The seemingly music is influenced by rock, rhythm where a survey conducted in two nonchalant use of the “Cajun” label and blues, soul, hip-hop, and Creole communities in south Louisi- and the incising “Cajunifiication” many other American styles (Ance- ana (Opelousas and Breaux Bridge) of south Louisiana understandably let 1996). One unique musical style found that “younger and middle- distressed groups within the region known as emerged as Creoles aged respondents tend to adopt the that had not claimed Acadian ances- and Cajuns collaborated in terms African-American label (70 percent try. Included with these non-Cajun of rhythms, percussion styles and and 68 percent, respectively) much groups was the black population improvisational techniques (see e.g., more than the older generation and the Creoles of color. Dormon Ancelet 1989, 1991, 1996; DeWitt (33 percent).” Nonetheless, Woods (1996: 173) captures the degree of 2008; Henry and Bankston 2002; (1972) documents how not all of the distress by citing one respon- Minton 1996; and Spitzer 1986). An- the younger Creoles were comfort- dent who stated “I can’t be Cajun. other hybrid form of music, swamp able with the separation from their I’m black (sic, original emphasis).” pop, emerged in the 1950s and has Creole identity and inability to be been wildly popular in the bayou

LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 9 communities of southern Louisiana Primary Occupations such as agricultural, city employee, and southeastern Texas. A fusion of student, architecture, politics, mili- From the early days of French Cajun, rhythm and blues, country tary, construction, communications, colonization until World War II, and pop music, swamp pop influ- consumer, shipbuilder, accountant, Creole people living in the Gulf enced Elvis Presley, Jerry Lee Lewis fisheries/oysters and oil and gas Coast region primarily were tied and other early rock ‘n’ roll stars workers (Wroblewski, Strand and to various aspects of their respec- (Bernard 1996). Dubois 2009). Overall, today it is tive agrarian systems. Further, in not uncommon to find Creoles filling Louisiana, both Creole and Cajun While Creole folk music, zydeco, a variety of occupations and con- occupational niches also depended swamp pop and Creole blues are tinuing to work in a broad range of on whether or not the communities relatively well known, perhaps the industries. least noted form of Creole music were located closer to the coastal is the popular 19th century sheet zones (or bayou or southeast Louisi- Ties to Oil and Gas Industries ana) versus agricultural zones (prai- music (sometimes called “concert” Although, to our knowledge, rie, or southwest Louisi- music). On this topic, Sullivan there exists no literature that ana). Both white Creole and colored (2000) provides an overview of the specifically discusses a direct role Creole communities were quite accomplishments and background Creoles in Gulf Coast region have prosperous in antebellum Louisiana: of musicians such as Edmond Dédé, filled in the oil and gas industries, Their members owned property Sidney and Lucien Lambert, Victor- there have been a few scholars who and slaves, managed productive Eugène Macarty, Samuel Snaör and likened their experience to those of farms and worked as brick masons, Rasile Barès. Cajuns (see e.g., Dubois and Har- carpenters, coopers, stone masons, vath 2003; Henry and Bankston Arguably one of the best ways mechanics, shoe makers, cigar mak- 2002; and Wroblewski, Strand and in which the multifaceted heritage ers and in other capacities as skilled Dubois 2009). To that end, for a of Creole people of the Gulf Coast artisans (Schweninger 1989). Col- detailed account of how the oil and region is exemplified is found in the ored Creole artisans in Plaquemines gas industries significantly have uniqueness of their cuisine. Noted Parish also were famous for their influenced the Acadian and Creole Creole poet and scholar Sybil Kein duck decoys (Frank 1985). suggested that Creole cuisine is best cultures since the industries’ estab- understood as revising the old adage The Civil War and its aftermath lishment in the early 1900s, we refer “too many cooks spoil the pot” into were disastrous economically for you to Paul, Cowley, Schafer and a more applicable expression “many colored Creoles because the vast Blanchard (2012). majority of the wealthiest members cooks spawn the pot.” (2000:244) Several significant social effects of this community lost their land, Beyond the obvious connections should be considered following slaves, farm machinery, livestock, to France, Spain and the United establishment of these industries. buildings and personal possessions States, scholars have traced various For example, not only did the oil (Schweninger 1989). The colored aspects of Gulf Coast Creole cuisine and gas industries bring jobs to the Creoles who lost their wealth and to traditions from numerous coun- Francophone communities of the status were not able to regain it dur- tries from West Africa to the North- region, additional amenities (e.g., ing the Jim Crow era. eastern coast of and stores, hotels, theaters, bakeries, the (see e.g., Burton and The economic boom experienced restaurants and automobile dealer- Lombard 1978; Harris 199; Kein during the U.S. involvement in ships) also arrived in relatively iso- 2000; Mandelblatt 2002; McKee World War II introduced a range of lated communities (Bernard 2003). 1991; and Mendes 1971). Eble (2008) new jobs to the area. A prospering While such amenities provided novel notes that in practice, when describ- construction industry and an influx opportunities, many Francophones ing the food, many people in the of textile plants, as well as new expressed concern regarding such Gulf Coast region do not distinguish opportunities associated with the issues as environmental pollution between Creole and Cajun dishes. oil and gas industry, provided op- and loss of the centrality of French, But the Official Louisiana Tour portunities not only to Creoles but as well as cultural shifts brought Guide 2013 notes that in contrast to most people living in the Gulf about by the influx of outsiders. to , “Creole dishes are Coast region (see e.g., Brasseaux Furthermore, an unforeseen conse- richer and more refined, often fea- et al. 1994; Dubois and Horvanth quence of offshore oil drilling and turing wine- or liquor- based sauces 2003; and Henry and Bankston establishment of marsh canals was and a butter and flour roux.” (22) 2002). One recent study identified severe land erosion. Ruston (1979) Creoles employed in occupations noted these ecological shifts altered

10 LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial men in Louisiana were allowed to in the Gulf of Mexico Region: 2010 own property. Prior to the Civil War, they owned at least 20 percent of Alabama all the property in New Orleans. !( Mississippi !( !( !( !( Although they still faced racial !( Louisiana !( !( Florida !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( discrimination, some freedmen !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !(!(!( !( !( !( !( !( even owned slaves. Free blacks were !( Texas !( !(!(!( treated almost as equals to whites

!( !( in rural areas such as St. Landry

!(!( Parish, where interracial marriages !( amongst whites and mulattoes were Legend common (Jones 1950). Census tracts 3% or 500+ Multiracial

10 Census Designated Places in Each State with Highest % "Multiracial" Over time, Native American tribes !( also began to comprise various mix- Interstate Highways Lakes tures of white, African-American and Indian ancestry (Johnson 1939). During the early to mid-1800s, Af- ² rican-Americans who escaped from slavery and fled to Florida ended the ways the shrimp and fish popu- history and culture beforeSo uitrces : endedEsri, USGS, NOA A up establishing their own socio- lations thrived, which, in turn. dis- as negro history and culture toward cultural group known as the Black rupted traditional livelihood strate- the close of the 20th century (Wil- Seminole Maroons in Pilakikaha. gies in the region and prompted liamson 1995). Powell (2004) found that black many Francophones to move further Indians today still value their tribal inland. For many years, mulattoes re- recognition as an important part mained caught between the racial of their identity, which also yields Historical Perspective on Race in worlds of black and white because them economic benefits. African- the Gulf of Mexico Region they refused to accept the socially Americans in Louisiana who were inferior status given to blacks but part of recognized Indian tribes With racial attitudes shifting in often failed to pass as white. In were significantly more likely to be America, some scholars sought to some cases, mulattoes successfully younger and have higher annual expand the study of racial diversity isolated themselves from African- incomes than black Indians from in the South beyond the confines es- Americans. Although they could nonrecognized tribes (Powell 2004). tablished by other disciplines, which not attend schools with whites, they According to Terrance Weik (2002), used white culture for the majority were allowed to establish institu- the Black Seminole Maroons likely perspective while examining the tions that separated their students lived among the Seminoles and polarized racial system of whites from blacks (Park 1931). According Creek as slaves or equal members versus blacks, with the minority to William Harlen Gilbert (1946), in their societies prior to settling in Indian population as a periphery the United States remained a bira- their own communities. While this subject matter (e.g., Jolivétte 2007; cially segregated society following group successfully settled in Florida, Nelson 2011; Zack 1995). These World War II, where many people many fled the state rigid categories gloss over the addi- whose ancestry included variations in 1821 for Andros Island, Bahamas, tional layers of diversity within this of white, Native American and following the British in Nassau’s area (Hill and Beaver 1998), howev- black still failed to easily assimilate refusal to keep their promise to aid er. According to Williamson (1995), due to the continued use of catego- the Seminole Indians and black the majority of African-Americans ries such as “colored” and “mulat- Seminoles in their struggles against are of mixed ancestry. Mulattoes – toes.” Floridian white oppressors. These those who are half black and half descendants of the Florida Black white – are one of the most well- According to Davis (1941), the Seminoles comprise the majority known groups of mixed races. The majority of freedmen in Louisiana of the present population at Red interactions of mulattoes and blacks during 1802 were mulattoes. While Bay (Howard 2006). Around the throughout American history even- some remained in rural areas, many same time, the Croatan Indians of tually resulted in a united cultural found employment in the city in Robeson County, N.C., were classi- heritage. This “fusion” began dur- areas such as mechanical arts and fied as colored by the whites because ing the colonial period as menial offices (Davis 1941). Freed-

LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 11 their mixed ancestry included black ing never been slaves. They owned mixed ancestry (see also Trentchoff blood. After the state constitution land, including Spanish land grants, 1975). This resurgence of pride in was ratified in 1835 and removed and established sufficiently profit- Creole culture in the Gulf Coast the Croatan’s rights to suffrage and able farms to own slaves. During the region “reflects changes in racial to attend white public schools, they 1820s, repressive laws were passed attitudes in the nation as a whole, as constructed their own one-room that severely restricted their civil America slowly comes to grips with schools so they would not have to liberties. During this time, as well, the unique status and racial identi- attend the same institutions as white settler homesteaders from the ties of persons of mixed ancestry.” African-Americans (Johnson 1939). Carolinas and Georgia surrounded (Brasseaux et al. 1994: 125) the Freejack community. “The Vernon (1950) studied a trira- Freejack community was forced to The U.S. census started tracking cial group of white, Indian and maintain geographical isolation in people with multiracial identities in African-American ancestry known order to emphasize a unique racial the 2000 census. Between 2000 and as the Sabines, who were settled heritage and protect a separate cul- 2010 the percentage of Americans within the fringes of Terrebonne tural tradition.” (Posey 1979) with multiracial identities increased and Lafourche parishes as of 1940. from about 2.4 percent to 2.8 per- Another triracial group known as Conclusion cent. Among states in the Gulf of the Freejacks lived in the Fifth In many ways, the Creole people Mexico region, Florida and Texas Settlement on the northern shore of the Gulf Coast region truly have almost the same percentages of during the represent the “” man- of multiracials as the nation as a 1970s, where they were bordered by tra espoused in American ideology. whole, while Louisiana, Alabama two white communities to their east While some racial ideologues of the and Mississippi are only about 1 to and west, a swamp to their north past espoused the idea that mixing 1.5 percent multiracial. Historically, and timberland to their south. This produced hybridized, impudent, the central Gulf states had many group consisted of approximately weak and sickly offspring, Creoles more multiracials, but this area wit- 2,500 people. The original settlers stand as evidence to just how wrong nessed a mass exodus of multiracials were descendants from interracial they were. Dancing to African and African-Americans during the marriages (not legally recognized) rhythms and feasting on a cuisine Reconstruction and Jim Crow pe- of sons of the first settler of Man- infused with the flavors of many riods. Also, Florida and Texas have deville (Posey 1979). Excluded from lands and people, the Creoles of higher populations of Latinos who white society, they migrated up- the Gulf Coast region proclaimed a identify as multiracial. The trends river and married with other mixed culture that has endured marginal- shown in the 2000 and 2010 census bloods, local and Acolapis- ization and now stands prominently data suggest multiracial popula- sa Indians and possibly Baratarian alongside their diverse neighbors. tions are growing faster than single pirates. These were free people of Barthelemy (2000:275) asserts race populations, particularly in the color (mostly from ), distin- that contemporary Creole identity southern states. This trend is likely guished from freed Negroes for hav- “rests on pride, not shame” of their to continue for several decades.

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LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 13 Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo. 1992. Africans in Colonial Louisiana: The De- Margo, Robert Andrew. 1990. Race and Schooling in the South, 1880- velopment of Afro-Creole Culture in the 18th Century. Baton Rouge, 1950: An Economic History. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. LA: Louisiana State University Press. Marshall, Margaret M. 1997.”The Origin and Development of Louisiana Hangar, Kimberly S. 1996. “Origins of New Orleans’s Free Creoles Creole French.” Pp. 333-349 in French and Creole in Louisiana, ed. by Color.” Pp. 1-27 in Creoles of Color of the Gulf South, ed. By James H. Albert Valdman. New York, NY: Plenum Press. Dormon. Knoxville, TN: The University of Tennessee Press. ------. 1989. “The Origins of Creole French in Louisiana.” Regional Henry, Jacques M. and Carl L. Bankston III. 2002. Blue Collar Bayou: Dimensions 8:23–40. 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LSU AgCenter Research Report #122 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the Gulf of Mexico Region: Creole and Multiracial 15 Authors Michael Cope, Louisiana State University Nile Patterson, Louisiana State University Mark Schafer, LSU AgCenter http://www.lsuagcenter.com/en/communications/authors/MSchafer.htm Dari Green, Louisiana State University Amanda Cowley, Louisiana State University Troy Blanchard, Louisiana State University

Acknowledgements This research was funded by the Bureau of Ocean Energy Manage- ment as part of a larger project examining the effects of the Deep- water Horizon oil spill on various ethnic groups throughout the Gulf of Mexico region. We would like to acknowledge Harry Luton from the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management for his feedback and en- couragement throughout this project. We also would like to thank Diane Austin, Thomas McGuire, Britny Delp, Margaret Edgar, Lindsey Feldman, Brian Marks, Lauren Penney, Kelly McLain, Justina Wha- len, Devon Robbie, Monica Voge, Doug Welch and Victoria Phaneuf from the University of Arizona for providing a database of literature and support. Similarly, we would like to acknowledge Helen Regis, Carolyn Ware, Bethany Rogers and Annemarie Galeucia of Louisiana State University for their comments and feedback. Finally, we would like to thank Huizhen Niu, Louisiana State University, for her assis- tance with GIS mapping.

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