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Estado Y Doe Run Perú: Relaciones Peligrosas Para La Salud Pública1

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Estado Y Doe Run Perú: Relaciones Peligrosas Para La Salud Pública1 ESTADO Y DOE RUN PERÚ: RELACIONES PELIGROSAS PARA LA SALUD PÚBLICA1 Pablo O’brien Situación geográfica y ambiental de La Oroya La ciudad de La Oroya, departamento de Junín, está ubicada en un estrecho valle formado por los andes y el río Mantaro. Su altitud es de 3,700 metros sobre el nivel del mar y se halla a 175 kilómetros de Lima siguiendo la serpenteante Carretera Central que une a la capital con los ricos valles altoandinos y la selva peruana. Por ello, el crecimiento de esta ciudad, de 30 mil almas, se efectuó siguiendo el contorno de esta estratégica vía. Este hecho le otorga a la mencionada ciudad su configuración alargada, en la que viviendas y comercios se apiñan entre sí para tener vista a la carretera. Tal condición y la peculiar topografía, en la que se encuentra enclavada La Oroya, exponen a su población a las inclemencias climáticas y a la contaminación. Rodeada por altas montañas, los gases que se producen en ella quedan atrapados sin poder dispersarse. Como es fácil deducir, esta característica compromete seriamente la salud de sus habitantes. La situación se agrava, debido a que esta urbe cobija a uno de los centros metalúrgicos más antiguos e importantes del Perú, y por tanto, a uno de los más contaminantes. Los gases que emana esta industria, de acuerdo a lo que han determinado diversas investigaciones, han contaminado seriamente a los pobladores de La Oroya. De acuerdo a estos análisis, los residentes de este poblado tienen más plomo en la sangre que los niveles permitidos por la Organización Mundial de la Salud. Son varios los estudios que han llegado a esta conclusión por lo que la fiabilidad de esta conclusión está perfectamente establecida. Entre ellos podemos citar: 1) “Estudio de Plomo en Sangre en una Población Seleccionada de La Oroya”, elaborado por la Dirección General de Salud Ambiental – DIGESA- del Ministerio de Salud en 1999. 2) “Evaluación de Niveles de Plomo y Factores de Exposición en Gestantes y Niños Menores de tres Años de la Ciudad de La Oroya”, efectuado por el Consorcio Unión para el Desarrollo Sustentable – UNES- en el año 2000. 3) El estudio del Centro Nacional de Salud Ambiental, del Centro de Control y Prevención de Enfermedades, de la Agencia para el Registro de Sustancias Tóxicas y Enfermedades y de la División de Servicios de Emergencia y de Salud Ambiental, realizado por encargo de la Agencia Internacional para el Desarrollo-Misión Perú. 1 Documento difundido el 04 de Junio de 2007 por la ONG Forum Solidaridad http://www.psf.org.pe/ La investigación del Consorcio Unión para el Desarrollo Sustentable (UNES) fue reseñada por el diario El Comercio de la siguiente manera “Un estudio efectuado por UNES en 48 gestantes y 30 niños menores de tres años reveló que en este grupo los niveles de contaminación en La Oroya (Junín) superan los límites permisibles, de acuerdo a los estándares de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS). La población urbana de esa localidad está expuesta a millones de partículas de plomo en el aire, el agua y el suelo. Según el informe, en las mujeres gestantes se obtuvo un promedio de contaminación de 39,49% miligramos de plomo por decilitro de sangre (mg/dl), muy por encima del límite indicado por la OMS, que es de 30 mg/dl en mujeres en edad de procrear. En niños, los resultados establecen un promedio de 41,81 mg/dl, cuando el límite permisible es de 10 mg/dl, de acuerdo al Centro para el Control y Prevención de Enfermedades, con sede en Atlanta (EE.UU). El plomo tiene efecto nocivo en los sistemas hepático, renal, reproductivo y gastrointestinal. Es grave la situación de los niños que absorben el peligroso mineral por la vía digestiva y respiratoria. Los efectos se manifiestan en el sistema nervioso central y causan daños neuroconductuales, como trastornos de comportamiento, retardo en el crecimiento y alteraciones en la audición. Cabe recordar que una evaluación de la calidad del aire, ríos y suelos realizada en 1999 en La Oroya por la empresa Equasa registró niveles significativos de contaminación con partículas de plomo.” (El Comercio, 18/07/2000. p. A10). Tanto el estudio que se acaba de citar, como el llevado a cabo por DIGESA, fueron presentados como pruebas ante la Justicia peruana para solicitar al Estado que tome acciones inmediatas en defensa de la salud de los residentes de La Oroya. Tras una larga lucha legal, finalmente en junio del 2006, El Tribunal Constitucional (TC) ordenó al Ministerio de Salud que en un plazo de 30 días ponga en marcha un plan de emergencia para atender a los habitantes de La Oroya que sufren por la contaminación de plomo en la sangre. En su resolución, el TC exige que se atienda con prioridad a los niños y mujeres gestantes. Y advierte que de no cumplirse con la sentencia, podría aplicar medidas coercitivas. Ordena además, que el Ministerio de Salud, a través de DIGESA, evalúe la calidad del aire de La Oroya de acuerdo con el Reglamento de Estándares Nacionales de Calidad Ambiental del Aire para que en 30 días se establezcan los planes que disminuyan los niveles de plomo en el ambiente. Asimismo, señala que en dicho plazo se deben realizar las acciones necesarias para la declarar el estado de alerta sanitaria en la ciudad de La Oroya. (El Comercio, 29/06/2006). A pesar de la contundencia de la mencionada sentencia, es lamentable que las medidas señaladas en la citada resolución aún no hayan sido implementadas por el Estado. Es por esta razón que diversas ONGs ambientales han denunciado al Perú ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. El incumplimiento del dictamen del Tribunal Constitucional es una clara muestra de la forma en que el Estado ha enfrentado el problema ambiental de La Oroya. En la mayoría de los casos ha desatendido a los 30 mil ciudadanos, en su mayoría de bajos ingresos y de una gran dependencia económica del Complejo Metalúrgico, que habitan La Oroya para favorecer a las empresas mineras. Breve historia El Complejo Metalúrgico de La Oroya se empezó a instalar en 1922, cuando la empresa estadounidense Cerro de Pasco Copper Corporation se establece en el país. Aún hoy, se ocupa principalmente tres circuitos metalúrgicos: el de cobre instalado en 1922; el de plomo que entró en operación en 1928 y el de zinc que funciona desde 1952. Estos circuitos incluyen procesos de fundición y refinado de dichos metales, pero también produce cadmio, plata, oro y otros. El primero de enero de 1974, el Complejo fue nacionalizado por el Gobierno Militar que regía los designios del Perú en esa época. Para su administración, el gobierno, presidido por el general Juan Velazco Alvarado (1968-1975), creó la Empresa Minera del Centro del Perú S.A. (CENTROMIN PERU S.A), la cuál estuvo en funcionamiento hasta 1997. La ola privatizadora Tras el arribo de Alberto Fujimori al poder en julio de 1990 se inició un proceso de ajuste y reestructuración económico, que en resumen se puede definir como la liberalización de la economía nacional. Una de las reformas más importantes que se dieron en este sentido, fue la privatización de las empresas públicas. Para fines de los 80, el 20% del aparato productivo nacional estaba en manos del Estado. En su mayoría, compañías que fueron nacionalizadas durante el gobierno del general Juan Velazco Alvarado (1968-1975). En un primer momento, los técnicos fujimoristas plantearon una privatización moderada. La idea era que el Estado se quedara con las empresas estratégicas para irlas reflotando, el resto (unas 23), se ofrecerían al sector privado. Pronto cambiaron de opinión. En setiembre de 1991, se promulgó un Decreto Legislativo mediante el cual se ponía a la venta todas las corporaciones públicas. La citada norma creó también, el organismo que se encargaría de efectuar esta labor: la Comisión de Promoción de la Inversión Privada (COPRI, hoy Proinversión) (Kisic, 1998). La COPRI se puso inmediatamente en funcionamiento y, entre 1992 y 1997, consiguió que el Estado se deshiciera de la mayoría de sus activos. Como algunos analistas señalaron en su momento, este procedimiento significaba en realidad “la venta de las joyas de la abuela” para hacer caja. Efectivamente, el proceso privatizador permitió que el gobierno de Fujimori obtuviera gigantescos ingresos fiscales para una economía como la peruana. Según Sally Bowen, los años de mayor recaudación fueron el 94 (2,62 millones de dólares), el 95 (1.1 millones de dólares) y el 96 (2,63 millones de dólares) (Bowen, 2000). Para atraer la mayor inversión posible, el gobierno creó un marco normativo que brindara seguridades a los inversionistas. Para tal efecto, emitió el Decreto Legislativo 662, el cuál permitía al Estado firmar convenios de estabilidad jurídica, tributaria y (hasta) ambiental con las compañías que adquirieran bienes públicos. Este marco jurídico ha sido seriamente cuestionado, pues de acuerdo a diferentes economistas, otorgaba beneficios económicos excesivos a las corporaciones internacionales que se hicieron de las empresas públicas, a la vez, que se relajaban los controles en materia ambiental, como veremos más adelante. Habría que señalar, además que este Decreto fue expedido mediante una delegación de facultades que efectuó el Congreso al Ejecutivo. Tal delegación, según el abogado Patrick Burgos, “excede el marco constitucional vigente, dado que legisló en materia tributaria. Debe destacarse que la Constitución vigente en el momento de la expedición del Decreto Legislativo 662 era la de 1979, [por lo que era de cumplimiento obligatorio lo que se señala] en los artículos 118° y 139°. Del análisis del último de ellos, puede concluirse que sólo por ley expresa y formal, se legisla sobre materia tributaria.
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