Indice Joseph Goebbels

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Indice p . XIII Prologo XXIII Sigle e abbreviazioni Joseph Goebbels Parte prima 1897-1933. Carriera a ogni costo 5 1. «Della gioventù, della gioventù ho sempre nell’orecchio il canto». Joseph Goebbels sulla propria infanzia e giovinezza 6 1. Gli anni di Rheydt ii 2. All’università, ma senza troppo entusiasmo 22 3. La laurea e il fallimento come scrittore 26 4. La fatica di guadagnarsi il pane 28 n. «L’uomo, se non è percosso, non apprende». La via di Goebbels al nazionalsocialismo 29 1. Brama di «redenzione» 35 2. L’avvicinamento alla politica 41 3. La ricerca di un indirizzo 43 4. Ottusità intollerabile ed euforiavólkisch 46 5. Il giornalistavólkisch 49 ni. «Il lavoro intellettuale è il sacrificio più grande». Collocazione nella Nsdap dei primi anni 50 1. Ecco l’idolo 57 2. Il blocco occidentale 58 3. Conflitto sugli scopi programmatici del partito 63 4. Dalla parte di Hitler p. 69 iv. « La fede muove le montagne ». Gli esordi politici a Berlino 70 1. L’uomo di Hitler nella capitale 74 2. La tattica propagandistica 78 3. L’egemonia della strada 84 4. L’«Angriff» 87 5. L’epoca del divieto 89 6. Escursioni nella scrittura 94 v. «Polemos (il conflitto) di tutte le cose è padre». Il Gauleiter e la capitale del Reich 96 1. Il conflitto con le SA 99 2. Autunno-inverno 1928: attività partitica a Berlino 102 3. Goebbels e le donne 107 vi. «Una vita di lavoro e di lotta: ecco invero la beatitudine eterna». La politica fra Berlino e Monaco 109 1. L’avvicinamento a Strasser e i piani per assumere la direzione dell’Ufficio nazionale propaganda della Nsdap 111 2. 1929: dopo la pausa estiva, riprende la lotta per la conquista della strada 112 3. L’alleanza con la Destra conservatrice e le elezioni comunali 115 4. La morte e il culto dei morti 117 5. Un quotidiano per la Nsdap berlinese 120 6. Fine della grande coalizione 121 7. Alla direzione dell’Ufficio nazionale propaganda 122 8. «I socialisti abbandonano la Nsdap», ma Goebbels resta 124 vn. « Abbi il coraggio di vivere pericolosamente! » Il radicalismo di Goebbels e la via «legale» di Hitler 124 1. La campagna elettorale I2Ó 2. La ribellione di Stennes 130 3. Contrasti sulla linea politica del partito 132 4. Goebbels il radicale 137 5. La nuova «crisi-Stennes» 139 6. Processi 140 7. Contrasti interni al partito M3 8. Magda 146 vm. «E ora di andare al potere [...] in un modo o nell’altro!» Governo di coalizione? 147 1. Iniziativa referendaria in Prussia 148 2. L’accordo p. 152 3. I disordini sul Kurfurstendamm 153 4. Come si va al potere: contatti preliminari e dimostrazioni di forza 156 5. Le nozze i59 6. Battaglia elettorale per la carica di presidente del Reich: Hitler contro Hindenburg 166 7. Il divieto delle SA e il complotto contro Briining 168 8. La caduta di Briining 170 9. Le elezioni per il Reichstag del luglio 1932 175 ix. « Credo ciecamente nella vittoria». Verso il potere 177 1. Lotta al governo Papen i79 2. La campagna elettorale e lo sciopero della Bvg 182 3. Battaglia per succedere a Papen 183 4. Strasser - Schleicher 188 5. Bilancio provvisorio: la via di Goebbels al potere Parte seconda 1933-1939. Dittatura e controllo della «sfera pubblica» 193 x. « Non ce ne andremo più! » La presa del potere 196 1. L’incendio del Reichstag 197 2. Il giorno delle elezioni 199 3. Goebbels diventa ministro 200 4. La giornata di Potsdam e la legge dei pieni poteri 202 5. I primi passi da ministro per la Propaganda 204 6. Il « boicottaggio » antisemita 207 7. Primi benefici del potere 208 8. La «Giornata del lavoro nazionale» 209 9. Organizzazione del ministero per la Propaganda 214 10. Incursione nella politica estera: il viaggio di Goebbels a Roma 216 11. Divergenze sulla rivoluzione nazionalsocialista 219 xi. «La vittoria sarà di chi la merita». Il regime si consolida 221 1. Il congresso nazionale del partito 223 2. La mobilitazione deiVolksgenosse : feste e grandi raduni 225 3. La Camera della cultura del Reich e la legge sui redattori 228 4. Goebbels a Ginevra 231 5. La sobrietà di Goebbels e lo sfarzo di Gòring 232 6. Novembre: il processo per l’incendio del Reichstag e le nuove elezioni 7. Bilancio del 1933 p. 237 xii. « Il Fiihrer è solito portare fino in fondo ogni cosa che fa». Costruzione delYuhrerstaat 239 1. Quanta libertà tollera la dittatura? 244 2. Conflitti di competenze 247 3. Il 30 giugno 1934 253 4. Il putsch in Austria 254 5. La morte di Hindenburg e le elezioni 257 xin . «... Tenere saldamente le redini [...] della disciplina inter­ na di un popolo» Propaganda e opinione pubblica pilotata 260 1. Normalizzazione della sfera pubblica 261 2. Il giornalismo come «professione pubblica» 264 3. Una linea più dura in materia di politica culturale 268 4. Le politiche per il cinema 271 5. La famiglia Goebbels e Hitler 276 xiv. «Non stancarsi mai! » I successi esteri e la politica contro gli ebrei 280 1. La delusione 282 2. Primavera 1935: i primi passi per uscire dall’isolamento inter­ nazionale 284 3. Dai disordini sul Kurfùrstendamm alle Leggi di Norimberga 289 4. Feste e riarmo 292 xv. « Temprare il più possibile! » L’anno olimpico 1936 293 1. La rimilitarizzazione della Renania e le elezioni 296 2. Lussi privati 299 3. Primavera-estate 1936: la politica estera 301 4. I giochi olimpici e il filmOlympia 303 5. I frutti del successo: viaggi, feste, onori e doni 306 6. La politica estera nell’autunno del 1936 309 xvi. I «fattori più importanti della nostra moderna vita cultu­ rale». La politica nazionalsocialista per la cultura si consolida 311 1. Kirchenkampfy la lotta contro le Chiese 316 2. L’ambizione di Goebbels a ricoprire un ruolo guida nella politica culturale 319 3. Progressi nellaGleichschaltung della radio 320 4. La riorganizzazione della stampa 323 5. La statalizzazione dell’industria cinematografica 327 6. Arte «tedesca» e arte «degenerata» p. 331 7. « Musica degenerata » 333 8. La politica teatrale: teatri o arene ideologiche? 337 9. La «degiudeizzazione» della vita culturale 338 io. Bilancio biografico provvisorio: successo e distanza 345 xvn. « Non voltarti, continua a marciare! » Il sobillatore in veste di apostolo della pace 346 1. Una linea più dura per la politica estera e la persecuzione degli ebrei 349 2. Rimpasti 35i 3. Vaffaire Blomberg-Fritsch 353 4. UAnschlufi 358 5. La crisi dei Sudeti 361 6. Un pogrom a Berlino? 363 7. Prosecuzione della crisi dei Sudeti 366 8. Da Godesberg a Monaco 370 xvm. « Solo dalla sofferenza ci viene la maturità! » Preparativi di guerra: dagli accordi di Monaco all’invasione della Polonia 374 1. Il pogrom di novembre 380 2. Crisi coniugale: secondo round 382 3. Gli immobili 384 4. Contro comici e intellettuali 387 5. Guerra in vista 393 6. Il viaggio nei Balcani e in Egitto 395 7. Il cinquantesimo compleanno di Hitler 397 8. Battaglia politica contro la Gran Bretagna 398 9. Gastein, Bayreuth, Salisburgo, Venezia 399 io. Il patto di non aggressione con l’Unione Sovietica e lo scoppio della guerra Parte terza 1939-1945. Guerra, guerra totale, crollo totale 407 xix. «Guerra: madre di tutte le cose». I primi mesi del conflitto 409 1. Scontri di competenze 410 2. La guerra logora i nervi 413 3. Continuare a combattere? 415 4. Propaganda di guerra contro l’Occidente 416 5. La Polonia 417 6. L’attentato di Monaco p. 419 xx. «C'è un unico peccato: la codardia! » La guerra si espande 422 1. La guerra in Scandinavia 425 2. La guerra a Occidente 429 3. Dopo la vittoria sulla Francia 432 xxi. « La vittoria è con le nostre bandiere! » La guerra su due fronti 435 1. Intermezzo di politica estera 440 2. Piani per la deportazione degli ebrei tedeschi 442 3. L’apparato propagandistico in guerra 447 4. Recupero del rapporto con Hitler 448 5. La guerra nei Balcani e il caso HeS 45i 6. I preparativi per la guerra contro l’Unione Sovietica 454 xxn. « E giunta una meravigliosa ora di gloria, in cui sta nascen­ do un nuovo Impero». L’attacco all’Unione Sovietica 454 1. Il nemico «bolscevismo» 458 2. La propaganda 460 3. Lo stop all’eutanasia e il contrassegno per gli ebrei 466 4. Repressione e propaganda nelle zone occupate 467 5. Prosegue la controversia con il ministero degli Esteri 469 6. Morale alto e deportazioni 474 xxm. «Temprare politicamente il popolo». La crisi dell’inverno 1941-42 478 1. La dichiarazione di guerra agli Usa 480 2. La raccolta di indumenti invernali 482 3. Propaganda sul fronte interno: più durezza e buonumore 485 4. La «soluzione finale della questione ebraica» 488 5. Campagne propagandistiche fastidiose 490 6. Sotto l’offensiva aerea britannica: la fede nella vittoria vacilla 494 7. La vita quotidiana di Goebbels in tempo di guerra 499 XXIV. «Abbiamo una visione: un popolo felice». Offensive e contraccolpi 499 1. L’attentato a Heydrich 502 2. Guerra aerea: la prima «incursione di mille bombardieri» 503 3. Le offensive tedesche in Africa e sul fronte orientale 505 4. Altre ripercussioni della guerra aerea 506 5. Propaganda e lotte intestine p. 511 xxv. «Volete la guerra totale?» La seconda crisi d’inverno 512 1. Il disinganno 5M 2. Si delinea una svolta nella guerra 518 3. Genocidio degli ebrei: nessuna smentita 519 4. Conversione alla «guerra totale» 526 5. La disfatta di Stalingrado: per Goebbels un’opportunità 527 6. Il discorso allo Sportpalast 532 7. Il Comitato dei Tre: guerra totale a scartamento ridotto 535 8.
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    Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948

    Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 By Nicole M. Eaton A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Yuri Slezkine, chair Professor John Connelly Professor Victoria Bonnell Fall 2013 Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 © 2013 By Nicole M. Eaton 1 Abstract Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 by Nicole M. Eaton Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Yuri Slezkine, Chair “Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948,” looks at the history of one city in both Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Russia, follow- ing the transformation of Königsberg from an East Prussian city into a Nazi German city, its destruction in the war, and its postwar rebirth as the Soviet Russian city of Kaliningrad. The city is peculiar in the history of Europe as a double exclave, first separated from Germany by the Polish Corridor, later separated from the mainland of Soviet Russia. The dissertation analyzes the ways in which each regime tried to transform the city and its inhabitants, fo- cusing on Nazi and Soviet attempts to reconfigure urban space (the physical and symbolic landscape of the city, its public areas, markets, streets, and buildings); refashion the body (through work, leisure, nutrition, and healthcare); and reconstitute the mind (through vari- ous forms of education and propaganda). Between these two urban revolutions, it tells the story of the violent encounter between them in the spring of 1945: one of the largest offen- sives of the Second World War, one of the greatest civilian exoduses in human history, and one of the most violent encounters between the Soviet army and a civilian population.
  • A Case Study of Melita Maschmann

    A Case Study of Melita Maschmann

    Lynda Willett 2014 HGSA Conference UMass Boston March 29, 2014 On the 6 November 1933, Adolf Hitler made a speech declaring: “When an opponent says, “I will not come over to your side,” I calmly say, “Your child belongs to us already…You will pass on. Your descendents, however, now stand in the new camp. In a short time they will know nothing else but this new community.” These words show the importance Hitler attached to the absolute inculcation of National Socialist ideas into German youth. The case study of Melita Maschmann shows that despite the deep manipulation and gender discrimination she was subject to in her youth by National Socialism Maschmann made her own free choices as an adult and chose to zealously absorb its political ideology. The general assumption is that National Socialism, and fascism, were male dominated political ideologies in which women played a passive role, such as that professed by Gertrude Scholtz-Klink. However, many women found National Socialism appealing and became active supporters of its ideals. The purpose of this paper is to explore that appeal and analyze why certain women such as Maschmann became such strong supporters of this political ideology. In 1933, when Hitler gained power in Germany, Melita Maschmann was fifteen years old. Maschmann joined the female section of the Hitler Youth, the (BDM), and became an ardent supporter of National Socialism and Hitler. Maschmann underwent denazification after World War II and in the 1960s wrote Account Rendered, A Dossier on my Former Self, in letter and 1 essay form to a German Jewish friend believed to be living in New York.