Discrimination in Professional Sports: a Survey of the Literature Author(S): Lawrence M

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Discrimination in Professional Sports: a Survey of the Literature Author(S): Lawrence M Discrimination in Professional Sports: A Survey of the Literature Author(s): Lawrence M. Kahn Source: ILR Review, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Apr., 1991), pp. 395-418 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2524152 Accessed: 11-11-2019 06:55 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Sage Publications, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to ILR Review This content downloaded from 69.43.75.70 on Mon, 11 Nov 2019 06:55:45 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms DISCRIMINATION IN PROFESSIONAL SPORTS: A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE LAWRENCE M. KAHN* This paper reviews studies of racial and ethnic discrimination in professional sports and briefly examines gender differences in pay among professional tennis players. Many of these studies include far more extensive controls for individual ability and performance than typical studies of discrimination that use labor force data. The cited studies show evidence of salary discrimination and customer discrimina- tion against blacks in basketball, and positional segregation on the basis of race or ethnicity in baseball, football, and hockey. More limited evidence is found for the existence of salary discrimination and fan discrimination against French-Canadian hockey players and fan prefer- ences for white baseball players. Finally, at several Grand Slam tennis tournaments, the money prize for the women's winner is somewhat smaller than that for the men's winner, despite some evidence that the women's matches draw at least as much revenue as the men's matches. CONOMISTS and the public at large black; and in major league baseball in have become increasingly interested in 1987, 27.8% of the players were black.' the issue of discrimination in professional These figures are all substantially larger sports. The public perception has to some than the black percentage of the civilian degree been that sports are an oasis of labor force, which was 10.9% in 1988 equal economic opportunity for minorities (USBLS 1989:16, 18). (Eitzen and Sage 1978). Sports teams are Furthermore, many of the highest-paid sometimes viewed as being engaged in athletes in the United States are black. In intensive competition in which partici- the National Basketball Association pants are evaluated solely on their merits. (NBA), for example, in the 1988-89 The belief that sports provide exceptional season, four of the five players earning opportunities for minorities is reinforced salaries of at least $3 million were black; in by the fact that minority representation is major league baseball, of the twelve higher in major team sports than in the players making at least $2 million per year labor force as a whole. For example, in 1988, four were black and one was among experienced players in profes- Hispanic; and in the National Football sional basketball in the 1985-86 season, League (NFL), roughly half of the 30 74.3% were black; in the National Football players making at least $1 million for the League in 1988, 56.0% of the players were 1988 season were black.2 * The author is Professor of Economics and Labor and Industrial Relations at the University of Illinois 1 These figures were taken from Kahn (1989) at Urbana-Champaign. He thanks Ronald Ehrenberg (baseball); Kahn and Sherer (1988:49) (basketball); and Robert Smith for helpful comments and sugges- and Staudohar (1989:86) (football). tions. 2 Salary figures are taken from The Sporting News, Industrial and Labor Relations Review, Vol. 44, No. 3 (April 1991). ? by Cornell University. 0019-7939/91/4403 $01.00 395 This content downloaded from 69.43.75.70 on Mon, 11 Nov 2019 06:55:45 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 396 INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS REVIEW Despite this evidence of economic correlated with the independent variable achievement, there is an undercurrent in of primary interest (such as race or the public's perception of the treatment of gender), the procedure will lead to biased black professional athletes. Until the estimates of discrimination. A particular 1940s, blacks were excluded altogether advantage of professional sports data is from professional sports. Although the that they include extensive, publicly avail- major sports have integrated since then, in able measures of the performance and many instances there was militant resis- compensation of athletes. Although the tance to allowing blacks to compete (Eitzen use of such information may still result in and Sage 1978; Okrent and Wulf 1989; biased estimates of productivity (and Tygiel 1983). Although blacks are now therefore possibly of discrimination), such well represented among players in major mismeasurement is likely to be much professional sports, they are rarely found smaller than that caused by the exclusive in managerial or executive positions.3 use of education and experience as mea- Further, blacks have relatively low repre- sures of productivity. sentation in such key positions as quarter- In addition to allowing for relatively back in football and pitcher in baseball. In precise measures of productivity, a focus recently publicized remarks, a team exec- on sports permits us to estimate the extent utive claimed that black athletes did not of forms of discrimination besides that have the qualities necessary to become based simply on wages. For example, the managers or executives; and a well-known availability of data on revenues in sports broadcaster was fired for making racist and the identity of the workers generating comments (Staudohar 1989:58). Anec- those revenues permits an evaluation of dotal evidence documents that many black customer discrimination. Further, infor- athletes believe they receive unequal treat- mation on the results of the draft in sports ment (relative to whites).4 allows us to study the issue of hiring The issue of discrimination in sports has standards in a much more precise way increasingly attracted the attention of than is usually done in the literature on economists, who have seen professional discrimination. sports as providing an unusually good Although the anecdotal evidence al- opportunity to study the extent of discrim- ready discussed on discrimination in ination. Economists have usually defined sports is suggestive, we need to know what discrimination as unequal treatment (for these stories add up to. Are they isolated example, on the basis of race, gender, or incidents or are they symptomatic of age) of equally productive workers general trends and patterns in profes- (Becker 1971). A major difficulty in sional sports? To answer this question, in estimating the extent of discrimination is this review I survey studies of discrimina- the problem of measuring productivity. In tion in sports that use statistical evidence practice, this problem is usually handled to explore whether discrimination exists by using in wage regressions variables with respect to salaries, hiring, positions such as education and experience as assigned, or customer preference.6 proxies for productivity.5 Such variables, however, are likely to measure productiv- Forms of Discrimination in ity with error; further, if this error is Professional Sports Economists have identified a variety of January 2, 1989, pp. 56-65, and January 16, 1989, sources and forms of labor market dis- pp. 32, 52. crimination, which, as remarked earlier, is 3 In addition, blacks are very rarely represented in such lucrative sports as golf and tennis. See Eitzen and Sage (1978) and U.S. Tennis Association (1989). 6 These studies were concerned with racial or 4See, for example, Halberstam (1981) or Bradley ethnic discrimination. Below, I review data relevant (1976). to the issue of gender discrimination in professional 5 See Cain (1986) for a review of studies on tennis, one sport in which men and women on discrimination. occasion are paid by the same "employer." This content downloaded from 69.43.75.70 on Mon, 11 Nov 2019 06:55:45 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms DISCRIMINATION IN SPORTS 397 taken to mean unequal treatment of again taking the example of race, whites equally qualified workers.7 It is important require a premium for working with to identify possible sources of discrimina- minorities. There was much evidence of tion in order to analyze the impact of co-worker discrimination when Jackie market processes on the persistence of Robinson entered the major leagues:9 discrimination. Becker (1971) argued that several members of his team (the Brook- labor market discrimination could result lyn Dodgers) approached the manage- from employer prejudice, co-worker dis- ment to protest his place on the roster; the crimination, or customer preferences. St. Louis Cardinals reportedly threatened In the context of sports, employer to strike rather than play against him; and (owner) prejudice has been cited as an one member of the Dodgers asked to be important reason for the exclusion of traded rather than play alongside Robin- black players from major league baseball son (a request that was granted). The until 1947 (Okrent and Wulf 1989). In trade of Robinson's teammate can be seen addition, even after Jackie Robinson broke as an illustration of the segregation mech- the color line in 1947, some teams anism Becker (1971) mentioned as a likely appeared to be more prejudiced against market outcome of co-worker discrimina- blacks than others and were reluctant to tion. Free agency can also lead to a similar field teams with minorities (Okrent and allocation of players.
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