Majority Cloture for Nominations: Implications and the "Nuclear
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Proxy Voting Guidelines Benchmark Policy Recommendations TITLE
UNITED STATES Proxy Voting Guidelines Benchmark Policy Recommendations TITLE Effective for Meetings on or after February 1, 2021 Published November 19, 2020 ISS GOVERNANCE .COM © 2020 | Institutional Shareholder Services and/or its affiliates UNITED STATES PROXY VOTING GUIDELINES TABLE OF CONTENTS Coverage ................................................................................................................................................................ 7 1. Board of Directors ......................................................................................................................................... 8 Voting on Director Nominees in Uncontested Elections ........................................................................................... 8 Independence ....................................................................................................................................................... 8 ISS Classification of Directors – U.S. ................................................................................................................. 9 Composition ........................................................................................................................................................ 11 Responsiveness ................................................................................................................................................... 12 Accountability .................................................................................................................................................... -
Resolutions to Censure the President: Procedure and History
Resolutions to Censure the President: Procedure and History Updated February 1, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45087 Resolutions to Censure the President: Procedure and History Summary Censure is a reprimand adopted by one or both chambers of Congress against a Member of Congress, President, federal judge, or other government official. While Member censure is a disciplinary measure that is sanctioned by the Constitution (Article 1, Section 5), non-Member censure is not. Rather, it is a formal expression or “sense of” one or both houses of Congress. Censure resolutions targeting non-Members have utilized a range of statements to highlight conduct deemed by the resolutions’ sponsors to be inappropriate or unauthorized. Before the Nixon Administration, such resolutions included variations of the words or phrases unconstitutional, usurpation, reproof, and abuse of power. Beginning in 1972, the most clearly “censorious” resolutions have contained the word censure in the text. Resolutions attempting to censure the President are usually simple resolutions. These resolutions are not privileged for consideration in the House or Senate. They are, instead, considered under the regular parliamentary mechanisms used to process “sense of” legislation. Since 1800, Members of the House and Senate have introduced resolutions of censure against at least 12 sitting Presidents. Two additional Presidents received criticism via alternative means (a House committee report and an amendment to a resolution). The clearest instance of a successful presidential censure is Andrew Jackson. The Senate approved a resolution of censure in 1834. On three other occasions, critical resolutions were adopted, but their final language, as amended, obscured the original intention to censure the President. -
A Handbook of Parliamentary Procedure
A Handbook of Parliamentary Procedure irginia Publication 305-772 Cooperative Revised 1991 Extension Virginia Tech * Virginia State This publication is made possible, in part, by a grant from the W. K. Kellogg Foundation of Battle Creek, Michigan, to the Center for Volunteer Development at Virginia Tech and the Cooperative Extension Services of the following states: ALABAMA ARKANSAS ALABAMA A&M UNIVERSITY UNIVERSITY OF ARKANSAS Normal, Alabama Little Rock, Arkansas (205) 851-5710 (501) 373-2500 AUBURN UNIVERSITY and Auburn, Alabama Pine Bluff, Arkansas (205) 844-3681 (501) 541-6500 TUSKEGEE UNIVERSITY Tuskegee, Alabama (205) 727-8114 GEORGIA MISSISSIPPI FORT VALLEY STATE COLLEGE ALCORN STATE UNIVERSITY Fort Valley, Georgia Lorman, Mississippi (912) 825-6268 (601) 877-6125 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA Athens, Georgia (912) 382-3509 TENNESSEE VIRGINIA TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY VIRGINIA POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE Nashville, Tennessee AND STATE UNIVERSITY (615) 320-3650 Blacksburg, Virginia (703) 231-7966 Center for Volunteer Development Virginia Cooperative Extension programs, activities, and employment opportunities are available to all people regardless of race. color, religion, sex, age, national origin, handicap, or political affiliation. An equal opportunity/affirmative action employer. issued in furtherance of Cooperative Extension work. Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. Virginia State University, and the U.S. Department of Agriculture cooperating. James F. Johnson, Director, Virginia Cooperative Extension, Virginia Tech. Blacksburg; Clinton V. Turner, Administrator. 1890 Extension Program. Virginia State. Petersburg. TABLE OF CONTENTS MEMBERSHIP PRIVILEGES and RESPONSIBILITIES .............................. 1 M em ber Privileges ...................................................... 1 M em berpl............................ Responsibilities ................... 1 KEYS TO BEING A GOOD MEMBER .......................................... 1 M E ETIN G S . 2 Types of M eetings ..................................................... -
A Test for Bush's Republican Majority
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs A Test for Bush’s Republican Majority The “Filibuster”-Debate in the U.S. Senate Michael Kolkmann SWP Comments Six months after the re-election of President George W. Bush many observers wonder whether and to what extent the Republican majorities on Capitol Hill are reliable and durable. The issue gained significance following the battle about the confirmation of several judges that were nominated by Bush to the Federal bench; Democratic Senators opposed these nominations and tried to block them by using the parliamen- tary instrument of the filibuster. A bipartisan agreement brokered by moderate Senators and signed on 23 May 2005 temporarily resolved the explosive divisiveness and conflict potential of the judicial nominations. The filibuster debate was the first and potentially foremost test for President Bush to determine how far he can count on his legislative majority in Congress in the upcoming legislative battles. The debate got heated when Democrats bloc. The filibuster debate presented a blocked the confirmation of seven judicial serious challenge for President Bush, nominees by Bush using the parliamentary because a successful filibuster would have instrument of the filibuster. A filibuster is slowed down or even prevented Senate typically an extremely long speech that action on Bush’s reform initiatives for his is used primarily to stall the legislative second term. process and thus derail a particular piece of legislation or a nomination introduced by the executive. The filibuster is possible Use of the “Nuclear Option”? because the legislative process in the Senate Republicans could decide to suspend the is governed by relatively liberal and flexible rules guiding the floor proceedings of rules—compared to the House of Represen- the U.S. -
Ways and Means Committee's Request for the Former President's
(Slip Opinion) Ways and Means Committee’s Request for the Former President’s Tax Returns and Related Tax Information Pursuant to 26 U.S.C. § 6103(f )(1) Section 6103(f )(1) of title 26, U.S. Code, vests the congressional tax committees with a broad right to receive tax information from the Department of the Treasury. It embod- ies a long-standing judgment of the political branches that the tax committees are uniquely suited to receive such information. The committees, however, cannot compel the Executive Branch to disclose such information without satisfying the constitutional requirement that the information could serve a legitimate legislative purpose. In assessing whether requested information could serve a legitimate legislative purpose, the Executive Branch must give due weight to Congress’s status as a co-equal branch of government. Like courts, therefore, Executive Branch officials must apply a pre- sumption that Legislative Branch officials act in good faith and in furtherance of legit- imate objectives. When one of the congressional tax committees requests tax information pursuant to section 6103(f )(1), and has invoked facially valid reasons for its request, the Executive Branch should conclude that the request lacks a legitimate legislative purpose only in exceptional circumstances. The Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee has invoked sufficient reasons for requesting the former President’s tax information. Under section 6103(f )(1), Treasury must furnish the information to the Committee. July 30, 2021 MEMORANDUM OPINION FOR THE ACTING GENERAL COUNSEL DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY The Internal Revenue Code requires the Department of the Treasury (“Treasury”) and the Internal Revenue Service (“IRS”) to keep tax returns and related information confidential, 26 U.S.C. -
Committee Handbook New Mexico Legislature
COMMITTEE HANDBOOK for the NEW MEXICO LEGISLATURE New Mexico Legislative Council Service Santa Fe, New Mexico 2012 REVISION prepared by: The New Mexico Legislative Council Service 411 State Capitol Santa Fe, New Mexico 87501 (505) 986-4600 www.nmlegis.gov 202.190198 PREFACE Someone once defined a committee as a collection of people who individually believe that something must be done and who collectively decide that nothing can be done. Whether or not this definition has merit, it is difficult to imagine the work of a legislative body being accomplished without reliance upon the committee system. Every session, American legislative bodies are faced with thousands of bills, resolutions and memorials upon which to act. Meaningful deliberation on each of these measures by the entire legislative body is not possible. Therefore, the job must be broken up and distributed among the "miniature legislatures" called standing or substantive committees. In New Mexico, where the constitution confines legislative action to a specified number of calendar days, the work of such committees assumes even greater importance. Because the role of committees is vital to the legislative process, it is necessary for their efficient operation that individual members of the senate and house and their staffs understand committee functioning and procedure, as well as their own roles on the committees. For this reason, the legislative council service published in 1963 the first Committee Handbook for New Mexico legislators. This publication is the sixth revision of that document. i The Committee Handbook is intended to be used as a guide and working tool for committee chairs, vice chairs, members and staff. -
Simplified Parliamentary Procedure
Extension to Communities Simplifi ed Parliamentary Procedure 2 • Iowa State University Extension Introduction Effective Meetings — Simplifi ed Parliamentary Procedure “We must learn to run a meeting without victimizing the audience; but more impor- tantly, without being victimized by individuals who are armed with parliamentary procedure and a personal agenda.” — www.calweb.com/~laredo/parlproc.htm Parliamentary procedure. Sound complicated? Controlling? Boring? Intimidating? Why do we need to know all those rules for conducting a meeting? Why can’t we just run the meetings however we want to? Who cares if we follow parliamentary procedure? How many times have you attended a meeting that ran on and on and didn’t accomplish anything? The meeting jumps from one topic to another without deciding on anything. Group members disrupt the meeting with their own personal agendas. Arguments erupt. A few people make all the decisions and ignore everyone else’s opinions. Everyone leaves the meeting feeling frustrated. Sound familiar? Then a little parliamentary procedure may just be the thing to turn your unproductive, frustrating meetings into a thing of beauty — or at least make them more enjoyable and productive. What is Parliamentary Procedure? Parliamentary procedure is a set of well proven rules designed to move business along in a meeting while maintaining order and controlling the communications process. Its purpose is to help groups accomplish their tasks through an orderly, democratic process. Parliamentary procedure is not intended to inhibit a meeting with unnecessary rules or to prevent people from expressing their opinions. It is intended to facilitate the smooth func- tioning of the meeting and promote cooperation and harmony among members. -
Speakers of the House: Elections, 1913-2021
Speakers of the House: Elections, 1913-2021 Updated January 25, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL30857 Speakers of the House: Elections, 1913-2021 Summary Each new House elects a Speaker by roll call vote when it first convenes. Customarily, the conference of each major party nominates a candidate whose name is placed in nomination. A Member normally votes for the candidate of his or her own party conference but may vote for any individual, whether nominated or not. To be elected, a candidate must receive an absolute majority of all the votes cast for individuals. This number may be less than a majority (now 218) of the full membership of the House because of vacancies, absentees, or Members answering “present.” This report provides data on elections of the Speaker in each Congress since 1913, when the House first reached its present size of 435 Members. During that period (63rd through 117th Congresses), a Speaker was elected six times with the votes of less than a majority of the full membership. If a Speaker dies or resigns during a Congress, the House immediately elects a new one. Five such elections occurred since 1913. In the earlier two cases, the House elected the new Speaker by resolution; in the more recent three, the body used the same procedure as at the outset of a Congress. If no candidate receives the requisite majority, the roll call is repeated until a Speaker is elected. Since 1913, this procedure has been necessary only in 1923, when nine ballots were required before a Speaker was elected. -
Senate Proceedings Establishing Majority Cloture for Supreme Court Nominations: in Brief Name Redacted Specialist on Congress and the Legislative Process
Senate Proceedings Establishing Majority Cloture for Supreme Court Nominations: In Brief name redacted Specialist on Congress and the Legislative Process April 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44819 Majority Cloture for Supreme Court Nominations: In Brief Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Senate Proceedings Establishing Majority Cloture on Nominations to the U.S. Supreme Court ............................................................................................................................................. 1 Related CRS Products ..................................................................................................................... 3 Contacts Author Contact Information ............................................................................................................ 4 Congressional Research Service Majority Cloture for Supreme Court Nominations: In Brief Introduction On April 6, 2017, the Senate reinterpreted Rule XXII to allow a majority of Senators voting, a quorum being present, to invoke cloture on nominations to the U.S. Supreme Court. Before the Senate reinterpreted the rule, ending consideration of nominations to the Supreme Court required a vote of three-fifths of Senators duly chosen and sworn (60 Senators unless there was more than one vacancy). The practical effect of the Senate action on April 6 was to reduce the level of Senate support necessary -
Constitutionality of a Senate Filibuster of a Judicial Nomination
Order Code RL32102 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Constitutionality of a Senate Filibuster of a Judicial Nomination Updated December 6, 2004 Jay R. Shampansky Legislative Attorney American Law Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Constitutionality of a Senate Filibuster of a Judicial Nomination Summary The Senate cloture rule requires a super-majority vote to terminate a filibuster (i.e., extended debate). The Appointments Clause of the Constitution, which provides that the President is to “nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, ... appoint” judges, does not impose a super-majority requirement for Senate confirmation. Critics of the Senate filibuster argue that a filibuster of a judicial nomination is unconstitutional in that it effectively requires a super-majority vote for confirmation, although the Appointments Clause does not require such a super-majority vote. It has been argued that the Senate’s constitutional power to determine the rules of its proceedings, as well as historical practice, provide the foundation for the filibuster. The question of the constitutionality of the filibuster of a judicial nomination turns on an assessment of whether the Senate’s power to make rules governing its own proceedings is broad enough to apply the filibuster rule to nominations. Several factors have the effect of entrenching the filibuster (i.e., making it possible to filibuster a proposed amendment to the rules). Supporters and critics of the filibuster of judicial nominations disagree about the relative roles of the President and the Senate in regard to judicial appointments, about whether the Senate has a duty to dispose of the President’s judicial nominations in a timely fashion, and about whether a simple majority of Senators has a constitutional right to proceed to a vote on a nomination. -
Legislative Process Lpbooklet 2016 15Th Edition.Qxp Booklet00-01 12Th Edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 1
LPBkltCvr_2016_15th edition-1.qxp_BkltCvr00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 2:49 PM Page 1 South Carolina’s Legislative Process LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 1 THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 2 October 2016 15th Edition LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 3 THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS The contents of this pamphlet consist of South Carolina’s Legislative Process , pub - lished by Charles F. Reid, Clerk of the South Carolina House of Representatives. The material is reproduced with permission. LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 4 LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 5 South Carolina’s Legislative Process HISTORY o understand the legislative process, it is nec - Tessary to know a few facts about the lawmak - ing body. The South Carolina Legislature consists of two bodies—the Senate and the House of Rep - resentatives. There are 170 members—46 Sena - tors and 124 Representatives representing dis tricts based on population. When these two bodies are referred to collectively, the Senate and House are together called the General Assembly. To be eligible to be a Representative, a person must be at least 21 years old, and Senators must be at least 25 years old. Members of the House serve for two years; Senators serve for four years. The terms of office begin on the Monday following the General Election which is held in even num - bered years on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November. -
The Tea Party in Congress: Examining Voting Trends on Defense and International Trade Spending Legislation
The Tea Party in Congress: Examining Voting Trends on Defense and International Trade Spending Legislation Peter Ganz Creighton University I test how members of the United States House of Representatives associated with the Tea Party movement vote on four pieces of legislation relating to Both defense and international trade spending. Members with high FreedomWorKs scores, an interest group rating associated with the Tea Party, were found to have distinctly different voting patterns than the House of Representatives in general, while representatives that self-identified themselves as Tea Party showed no distinct voting patterns. Ganz 1 Research Question Since the Tea Party’s emergence in American politics in 2009 and its role in the Republican taKeover of Congress in the 2010 midterm elections, political scientists, politicians, media outlets, and special interest groups have sought to understand exactly what maKes the movement unique. While those associated with the Tea Party often call themselves RepuBlicans, there must Be differences that set the two apart; otherwise there would Be no reason for such a movement. Until now, investigations into the Tea Party have typically discovered that members of the movement are in favor of smaller government, decreased spending, and economic freedom, elements shared with the RepuBlican Party (Scherer, Altman, Cowley, Newton-Small, and Von Drehle, 2010; Courser, 2011; BullocK and Hood, 2012). Is there anything more significant that can be used to distinguish between the Tea Party and the rest of Congress? Drawing inferences from commonly accepted ideas about the Tea Party, this paper investigates whether or not members of the Tea Party extend their Beliefs in smaller government and decreased spending to the defense budget and the international trade budget.