Representations of Parents and Parenting in Disney Animated Films from 1937 to 2017

Mass Communication and Society

ISSN: 1520-5436 (Print) 1532-7825 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hmcs20

Parental Roles in “The Circle of Life” Representations of Parents and Parenting in Disney Animated Films from 1937 to 2017

Jessica D. Zurcher, Pamela Jo Brubaker, Sarah M. Webb & Tom Robinson

To cite this article: Jessica D. Zurcher, Pamela Jo Brubaker, Sarah M. Webb & Tom Robinson (2020) Parental Roles in “The Circle of Life” Representations of Parents and Parenting in Disney Animated Films from 1937 to 2017, Mass Communication and Society, 23:1, 128-150, DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2019.1616763 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2019.1616763

Accepted author version posted online: 08 May 2019. Published online: 06 Jun 2019.

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Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=hmcs20 Mass Communication and Society, 23:128–150 © 2019 Mass Communication & Society Division of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication ISSN: 1520-5436 print / 1532-7825 online DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2019.1616763

Parental Roles in “The Circle of Life” Representations of Parents and Parenting in Disney Animated Films from 1937 to 2017

Jessica D. Zurcher, Pamela Jo Brubaker, Sarah M. Webb, and Tom Robinson School of Communications Brigham Young University

With such an expansive global reach, greater research is needed to evaluate messaging within Disney animated films as it relates to societal implications. The present analysis examined the portrayal of parents and parenting over time through a census content analysis of 85 Disney animated and computer-animated films that aired from 1937 to 2017. The constructs of parent demographics, parental configurations, parent roles within and outside of the home, and parenting

Jessica D. Zurcher (Ph.D., University of Utah, 2016) is an Assistant Professor in the School of Communications at Brigham Young University. Her research interests include issues dealing with new media, education, and family communication. She instructs courses in media effects, communications theory, popular culture, and social media. Pamela Jo Brubaker (Ph.D., Pennsylvania State University, 2012) is an Associate Professor of Public Relations in the School of Communications at Brigham Young University. Her research interests include understanding today's digital media environment and exploring the positive and negative effects mediated communication is having on individuals, organizations, and society. Sarah M. Webb (M.A., Brigham Young University, 2018) currently works in the communications field as a global specialist for a multinational communications training company. Her research interests include media effects, media ecology, and human communications. Tom Robinson (Ph.D., University of Southern Mississippi, 1996) is a Professor in the School of Communications at Brigham Young University. Robinson teaches advertising and specializes in advertising principles, advertising campaigns, media buying and planning, account planning, advertising strategy, and advertising research. His research interests include the portrayal of older individuals in advertising and the media. Correspondence should be addressed to Jessica D. Zurcher, School of Communications, Brigham Young University, Brimhall Building, #306, Provo, UT 84604. E-mail: jessica_zurcher@- byu.edu

128 PARENTAL ROLES IN THE CIRCLE OF LIFE 129

behaviors were examined. Results revealed that the vast majority of parents were viewed as mature, competent adults, with 56% use of the authoritative parenting style. Father figures were significantly more likely to use authoritarian and permissive parental approaches whereas female caregivers were more authoritative. Although parents were portrayed as overall mature and competent adults, implications are discussed regarding the portrayal of parental approaches that do not provide children with the support needed to overcome obstacles.

“Look inside yourself, Simba. You are more than what you have become. You must take your place in the Circle of Life.” -Mufasa from The Lion King As a $169 billion industry, the Walt Disney Company maintains its global leadership in the creation and distribution of content to mass audiences (Ward & Graham, 2017). From lunch boxes and action figures to streaming online content, exposure to and ownership of Disney products is in many ways tied to the essence of family entertainment. Indeed, in The Global Disney Audience Project (GDAP), Wasko, Phillips, and Meehan (2001) observed that the word “family” was used by 80% of participants to describe Disney media. Moreover, Best and Lowney (2009) argued that Disney has become more inclusive of family entertainment through the acquisition of diverse media production com- panies that specialize in an array of storylines for various audiences. With a seemingly ubiquitous presence in children’s media, numerous scholars call attention to the need for increased analysis of understanding the impact of Disney content on society (Holcomb, Latham, & Fernandez-Baca, 2014; Tanner, Haddock, Zimmerman, & Lund, 2003; Zurcher, Webb, & Robinson, 2018). Although a robust literature of Disney content exists—including investigations dealing with race and diversity (Cheu, 2013;Faherty,2001; Lacroix, 2004; Towbin, Haddock, Zimmerman, Lund, & Tanner, 2004), gender portrayals and the modeling of gender (Coyne, Linder, Rasmussen, Nelson, & Birkbeck, 2016; Davis, 2005, 2014; England, Descartes, & Collier-Meek, 2011; Gillam & Wooden, 2008;Hoerrner,1996), depictions of older characters (Robinson, Callister, Magoffin, & Moore, 2007; Zurcher & Robinson, 2018), feminism (Downey et al., 1996;Sawyer,2011), aggressive behaviors (Coyne & Whitehead, 2008), and pro-social behaviors (Padilla-Walker, Coyne, Fraser, & Stockdale, 2013)— several gaps in the literature remain. For instance, despite the push for Disney to serve as a central player in family entertainment, research has yet to comprehen- sively examine representations of parents and parenting within Disney animated films. As Disney films are often viewed to the same frequency as television series (Lin, 2001), the family-related messages they contain can be influential in shaping societal beliefs about parents, parenting, and parent–child relationships. 130 ZURCHER ET AL.

It is with this aim that we conduct a comprehensive analysis of the portrayal of parents across all Disney animated films from 1937 to 2017. Specifically, we investigated the representation of parental demographics and configurations, parental professions and roles within the home, depictions of competency and maturity among parents, parenting and conflict styles, and evaluate how each of these qualities may have shifted over time.

REPRESENTATIONS OF PARENTS AND PARENTING WITHIN CHILDREN’S MEDIA

Media consumption is a frequent activity for many children. Leon and Angst (2005) observed that 99% of homes contain at least one television with children watching approximately 4 hours of television daily. More recent data reports that children split their screen time with other media formats. Rideout (2016) purported that children aged 8 to 12 years old spend approximately two and a half hours watching TV/DVDs/videos daily with a total screen time of just over four and a half hours (including time spent on the internet, playing video games, and/or other mobile device activities). Callister, Robinson, and Clark (2007) identified three factors related to depictions of families and parents in media. First, media can serve as “a type of touchstone for [children] evaluating their own experiences” (p. 147). Children may blur the lines between portrayals of television families to real- life familial interactions (Dorr, Kovaric, & Doubleday, 1989; Douglas, 2003; Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1980). Through such blurring, individuals can come to imitate, identify with, or even experience emotional connec- tions with on-screen characters. Second, the content and themes children encounter in television and film are often repeatedly consumed. For instance, Lin (2001) observed that once a Disney film is purchased, children view the Disney film to the extent that they view a television series. Repeated consumption can influence the extent of learning children take away from such messaging. Third, as children (particularly younger children) may not encounter other family structures and behaviors outside of their own familial situations, media portrayals of families can become a central teaching source. Callister et al. (2007) argued that, “[…] children with limited direct experience in areas such as race, sex, or family life may rely heavily on television as they form attitudes, beliefs, and perceptions” (p. 143).

Parental Representations Previous literature regarding media portrayals of the family and parenting focus on prime-time television depictions with little attention directed towards film PARENTAL ROLES IN THE CIRCLE OF LIFE 131

(Zurcher et al., 2018). Additionally, the majority of these investigations were conducted and published between 1990 and the mid-2000s, illuminating a gap in the literature. Past explorations identify several examined constructs, including parent demographics, parent professions, parenting configurations and styles, and general parental competency.

Parental Demographics. The majority of family portrayal explorations assert a predominance of Caucasian representations and a lack of minority depictions on prime-time television (Douglas, 2003; Moore, 1992; Robinson & Skill, 2001). Other scholarship notes a slightly more diverse ethnic representation within children’s media. For instance, Callister et al. (2007) recorded the following in their examination of family structures on children’s prime-time television from the 2005–2006 season: 77% Caucasian, 14.2% African American, 6.1% Hispanic, 2.7% Asian, and 7% identified as “other.” Similarly, in an analysis of family structures within Disney animated films, Zurcher et al. (2018) observed a comparatively more diverse ethnic portrayal (which included characters within family units of African American, Arab, Asian, Hispanic, Islander, Native American, and mixed race descent), though a clear predominance of Caucasian (69.2%) characters was observed. While non-Hispanic whites tend to dominate children’s television, the increasing inclusion of Hispanics and African Americans is not surprising as they are both the largest minority groups in the U.S., with Hispanics dominating (Chappell, 2017). However, Zurcher and colleagues (2018) argued that whereas greater awareness to ethnic representation may be on the rise for more recent Disney animated films, audiences should not disregard the overall lack of ethnic diversity representations—specifically for Disney films created before the film Aladdin in 1992 that featured the first inclusion of a non-Caucasian family structure. As stated by Zurcher et al. (2018), “Ignorance about strong ethnic predominance may also perpetuate cultivated beliefs that view a singular race as superior, which belies the complexity of modern family structures” (p. 12).

Parental Configurations. In addition to demographics, previous scholarship identifies several parent configurations, including married couples, single mothers, single fathers, other related kin who enact parental roles, and non-related guardians (Callister et al., 2007). Much of the literature asserts that the portrayal of parents in media increasingly depict single parents (Chesebro, 1979;Clark,2008;Holcomb et al., 2014; Zurcher et al., 2018). Furthermore, whereas some of the literature applauds the inclusion of more diverse family structures, there has been much debate on whether frequent depictions of nontraditional families in media have led to the dissolution of the traditional American family (Clark, 2008; Callister et al., 2007; Chesebro, 1979; Skill & Robinson, 1994). Nonetheless, some children’smedia 132 ZURCHER ET AL. present more well-rounded depictions of families. For instance, Callister et al. (2007) found that children’s prime-time programs are likely to reinforce traditional family structures, showing two legally married parents who are involved in parenting.

Parental Professions and Roles in the Home. Mothers and fathers are often diversely depicted regarding their role in the home and external occupations. Within children’s media, mothers are frequently portrayed as stay-at-home moms whereas fathers are often shown as working professionals (Callister et al., 2007; Clark, 2008). Domestic responsibilities (e.g., cleaning, shopping, diapering, etc.) are among mothers main duties with expectations of fathers to provide financially (Clark, 2008). Interestingly, although mothers are frequently characterized as caregivers in charge of the quotidian, mothers are often portrayed as more competent in comparison to fathers who are sometimes illustrated as buffoonish (Callister et al., 2007). The research of Staricek (2011) noted that fathers are generally seen as “unwilling participants” who are devoted to their careers away from the home and maintain strong emotional control (p. 2). Scholarship examining Disney animated films reports similar findings. In a thematic analysis of 26 Disney feature films, Tanner et al. (2003) analyzed power dynamics among parental figures—which ultimately illustrated a gender- based gap between male and female parental roles. Tanner et al. (2003) argued that fathers were often shown in elevated positions whereas mothers were placed in marginalized roles. Similarly, within their content analysis of 15 Disney animated films, Holcomb et al. (2014) asserted that mothers were frequently marginalized through their placement as minor characters or altogether absent. For those mothers present, character portrayals were often limited to basic caregiving roles (such as feeding and bathing children). In contrast, fathers were showcased with diverse responsibilities, such as protecting the family, offering advice, and providing direction to others. Holcomb et al. (2014) argued that father figures were portrayed as normative (or frequently more significant caregivers than mothers) in the assessed Disney animated films. Another observation involves the notion of created kinship formed in the absence of parental figures. Holcomb et al. (2014) observed that many Disney protagonists are guided by “created kinship” characters rather than biological parents or other official guardians (p. 18). Created kinship denotes external characters from a family structure (generally adults) who provide care or guidance to the protagonist; created kinship also presumes that children can become well-adjusted to society without the presence of biological parents or official guardians (Cherlin, 2008; Holcomb et al., 2014). Although created kinship expands childcare and adds to the diversifying of family structure within Disney animated films, the concept can also be “troubling” as the contribution of absent parents is “completely unrecognized” (Holcomb et al., 2014, p. 18). PARENTAL ROLES IN THE CIRCLE OF LIFE 133

Representations of Parenting Styles and Behaviors. Family relations are commonly defined through interactions between parents and children (Olson & Douglas, 1997). Within these interactions, parents utilize a variety of techniques and approaches to engage with children known as parenting styles. Baumrind (1991) originally conceptualized the authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, and uninvolved parenting styles. Authoritarian parents are high in demandingness, yet low in responsiveness. For example, parents with the authoritarian style often exhibit consistent supervision and control of children through fear or anxiety-induced tactics. Conversely, a lack of follow-through with discipline, ignoring child misbehavior, and/or inadequate self-confidence with parenting are qualities associated with the permissive parenting style. The authoritative parenting style exhibits high levels of both demandingness and responsiveness. Authoritative parents present clear and direct guidelines to children, yet integrate warmth and involvement in their parenting to encourage parent–child dialogue. The final parenting style includes the uninvolved parent. This approach is low in both responsiveness and demandingness and often includes neglectful behaviors, or little parental interest in children’s well-being or activities (Baumrind, 1991). In a content analysis on popular teen films, Clark (2008) observed the majority of parents were depicted as authoritative caregivers, illustrating general proficiency in parenting behaviors. Similarly, Callister et al. (2007) explored portrayals of parenting styles in their analysis of children’s television program- ing on prime-time television. Half (50%) of all coded female caregivers were coded as authoritative with the majority (41.5%) of fathers coded as permissive. The majority of male and female caregivers in children’s television programs were portrayed as competent and mature adults, though males were shown less so in comparison to their female counterparts. Only a small percentage of females (1.8%) and males (1.9%) were coded as uninvolved. Callister et al. (2007) also compared parenting styles to gender and ethnicity, but did not report any significant relationships. Zurcher et al. (2018) echoed similar findings to the research of Callister et al. (2007) in their analysis of family structures within Disney animated films from 1937 to 2017. The majority of families illustrated supportive family qualities (76%) and exhibited overall positive relationships between the protagonist and his/her family (78.8%). However, the research of Zurcher et al. provided an assessment of family structure and support, but did not account for a general representation of parents, parental roles, and parenting and/or conflict styles.

Research Questions Much of the previous literature centers on exploring parenting roles, styles, and structures within television programs with minimal analysis of Disney animated 134 ZURCHER ET AL. films. To date, additional research is needed assessing parenting styles and conflict approaches within the totality of Disney animated films. Particularly as older Disney films continue to be watched by younger generations, parenting portrayals studied over time is also an area of interest. As such, the first set of research questions explores parental representations in 85 Disney animated films and the role of these parents in the lives of adolescents.

RQ1: How are parents portrayed in terms of gender, character type, and ethnicity?

RQ2: What types of parental configurations (e.g., marital status and caregivers’ titles) exist within Disney animated films?

RQ3: What percentage of parents work outside the home and what professions are represented?

The second set of questions investigates caregiver parenting and conflict styles, as well as their overall competency and maturity as adults.

RQ4: What is the predominate parenting style of the portrayed parents?

RQ5: What is the predominate conflict style of the portrayed parents?

RQ6: How are parents depicted in terms of competency and maturity as adult figures?

The final research question examines how Disney has adapted and changed its portrayal of parents from 1937 to 2017.

RQ7: How has the portrayal of parental figures changed over time?

METHOD

This study examined parenting demographics, configurations, roles and prac- tices in a content analysis of Disney animated films, which aired from 1937 to 2017. The analysis began with Disney’s first animated feature film Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (which aired in December 1937) and ended with Coco (which aired October 2017). A census list constructed by Zurcher et al. (2018) that included both animated and computer animated Disney films from 1937 to 2017 was utilized to assess a total of 85 films. PARENTAL ROLES IN THE CIRCLE OF LIFE 135

Coding Procedures The unit of analysis was parent/guardian character. Parent and/or guardian characters were analyzed if they displayed at least one of the following characteristics: (1) married or unmarried adult characters with dependent and/or adult children, (2) performed parent-like duties to a child that they were either biologically related, and/or (3) an official or designated primary caregiver (Callister et al., 2007; Skill & Robinson, 1994). Parental characters must have played a substantial role in the film’s storyline to be included in the analysis. In instances where general character information was not provided (such as character name and/or role within the film) and/or where characters were displayed only briefly (usually featured in large crowds and less than 5 seconds on-screen), the characters were excluded. Moreover, extended family members who provided support and care to a child, but did not serve as a primary caregiver (e.g., the grandmother from Mulan) were also excluded. Additionally, surrogate families or other strong child- adult relationships that did not meet the established criteria (such as mentors, teachers, counselors, friend, babysitters, servants, etc.) were also omitted.

Variables of Interest An adapted version of the coding sheet constructed by Callister et al. (2007) that examined the portrayals of families and parenting on children’s prime-time television was used. Operational definitions for variables of interest are outlined below.

Parent Demographics and Configurations. Gender, character form (e.g., human versus non-human), and the ethnicity of human characters were assessed. In addition to general demographics, parental configurations, and roles within the home were also observed. Parental configurations included the following: married couples, single mothers, single fathers, other related kin who enact parental roles, and non-related guardians. Parenting professions and roles in the home included that of both humans and non-human parental characters.

Parenting Styles. Analogous to the research of Callister et al. (2007), Baumrind’s(1991) parenting style classification scheme was utilized to assess parenting style portrayals. These included the authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, and uninvolved classifications. An authoritarian parent was regarded as high in demandingness, yet low in responsiveness. This approach depicted parents as demanding unquestioning obedience from their children without showing nurturing or affective behavior. A clear example of this is the demanding, minimal warmth parent–child relationship between King Triton and Ariel from The Little 136 ZURCHER ET AL.

Mermaid. Other authoritarian parents included Mr. Darling from Peter Pan and Frollo from The Hunchback of Notre Dame. Contrastingly, the permissive approach displays instances of parental behaviors that are high in responsiveness, yet low in demandingness. Whereas these parents illustrate love and affection towards children, they are also often lenient with children’s actions and do not actively monitor a child’s behavior. King Fergus from the film Brave illustrated this parental approach as he not only permitted, but found amusement in the shenanigans of his triplet sons. Other examples included Geppetto from Pinocchio, Professor Archimedes from Tarzan, andBuckCluckfromChicken Little.Theauthoritative parenting style combines elements of both the authoritarian and permissive parenting styles, where children are provided affection, warmth, and love from parents, but also given direct guidelines for behavior. Kala from the film Tarzan exhibited the authoritative parenting style through her general warmth, yet assertive interactions with Tarzan. Characters such as Mr. Flaversham from The Great Mouse Detective and Riley’s parents from Inside Out also displayed the authoritative parenting style. The final parenting approach concerned uninvolved parents, or those parents that were viewed as inattentive, neglectful, and/or mean. Mr. Hawkins from Treasure Planet was coded as uninvolved, specifically as he ignores his young son and eventually abandons his family altogether. In instances where parents portrayed qualities of multiple parenting styles, the predominant style displayed throughout the film was coded. Predominance was determined by the code that was illustrated most often and was not difficult to determine as characters that altered parental approaches usually did not do so until the concluding scenes of the film (e.g., King Triton from The Little Mermaid; Chief Powhatan from Pocahontas; Fa Zhou from Mulan).

Parenting Conflict Styles. Coders also made a judgment based upon the overall parenting conflict style between parents and children. Callister et al. (2007) defined conflict as action that is incompatible with another’s objective, or when such actions prevent, obstruct, and interfere with injuries, or in some way makes it less effective for someone to achieve the desired goal. Three descriptors of conflict were used; these included the integrative, distributive, and avoidance approaches. The integrative conflict approach involved parents who enacted a problem-solving orientation, or worked with children to solve a conflict through the expression of exploring facts and conveying personal feelings. Helen Parr (i.e., Elastigirl) from the film The Incredibles illuminated this approach when she speaks to her son, Dash, after he is expelled from school. As they converse, Helen listens to his concerns and addresses them with calm and understanding while presenting facts about his past behaviors. Other exemplars included Bagheera from The Jungle Book, Andy’s mom from Toy Story, and Sitka from Brother Bear. Dissimilarly, the distributive conflict approach encompasses a win-lose orientation, or a parental “my way or the highway” perspective. Parents PARENTAL ROLES IN THE CIRCLE OF LIFE 137 that enacted this behavior often promoted their own position without regard to their children’s feelings. The distributive approach was used by Mother Gothel in the film Tangled, Dr. Finkelstein in The Nightmare Before Christmas, Chief Powhatan from Pocahontas, and Imelda from Coco. Last, parents that completely avoided or misdirected conflict were coded as avoidance. Eli LaBouff from the film The Princess and the Frog used this style when responding to any issue with his motherless daughter by spoiling her with lavish dresses and toys, but never actually addressing the issues at hand. King Fergus from Brave and Maurice from Beauty and the Beast also illustrated this approach. Parallel to the parenting style assessment, the predominant conflict style throughout the film was coded when parents displayed multiple conflict styles.

Parental Competency and Maturity. The constructs of “competency,” “maturity,” and “buffoon” were used to assess parental behaviors (see Callister et al., 2007). Each characteristic was categorized into a binary variable, with judgments of competent/incompetent, mature/immature, and buffoon/not buffoon. Competency was defined as “the ability to perform in the capacity of a parent and to deal adequately with domestic problems” (Callister et al., 2007, p. 150). Qualities related to competency included a parent’s ability to reasonably problem-solve and adequately make decisions on an adult level, specifically compared to children. A guardian who was dependent upon another individual to function and/or problem solve was considered incompetent. Maturity was defined as “the capacity to engage in behaviors befitting an adult, showing emotional, mental, and physical characteristics that are expected of a fully developed adult parents.” Parents who displayed childish characteristics in action, speech, and dress were classified as immature. Callister et al. (2007) asserted that the quality of buffoon subsumes characteristics of both competency and maturity, but was coded as an independent variable. A buffoon was defined using Callister et al. (2007) definition: “Somebody who consistently engages in clownish or ridiculous behavior that is typically regarded as mildly inappropriate” (p. 150).

Intercoder Reliability To obtain intercoder reliability, two independent coders engaged in approximately 5 hours of training prior to data collection. This training included (1) parent identification and demographic composition; (2) identification of parental occupation and role inside the home; (3) instruction and identification of parenting style and conflict approach; and (4) instruction on character competency and maturity. Coders analyzed eight (9.4%) of the films (N=85). As 23 of the films did not end up having characters with parental roles, the intercoder sample represented 11.7% of the films where characters were featured as 138 ZURCHER ET AL. parents/caregivers (n=8/68). Ultimately, this sample resulted in an analysis of 16.31% of the total parent/guardians identified in the study (n=23/141). Coders achieved 100% agreement on all but two items coded. Parenting style and profession both had a Cohen’s(1960) Kappa of .89. After coding was completed, coders discussed discrepancies and coded the remaining movies.

Data Analysis The research questions were examined by looking for patterns and differences among the variables of interest. Single or bivariate chi-square tests were run in instances when more than 80% of the cell counts exceeded five. To assess changes in Disney’s portrayal of parents and parenting styles over time (RQ7), the data were arranged and examined by release date by decade.

RESULTS

Within the 85 films examined, 68 included portrayals of one or more parental figure or primary caregiver.1 Seventeen of the films did not portray any caregivers.2 Among the 68 films, there were 141 individual caregivers portrayed, with 50 films (73.5%) featuring one to two caregivers (1 caregiver: 29 films, 42.6%; 2 caregivers: 21 films, 30.9%). Seven caregivers were the most portrayed in any film (i.e., Elena of Avelor). Four films (5.9%) portrayed five caregivers (e.g., Meet the Robinsons, Sleeping Beauty, Tarzan,andCoco), which were seen at various times in the films. However, Sleeping Beauty is the only film where all five of those caregivers were portrayed as guardians over one character, Aurora. Four films (5.9%) portrayed four caregivers and nine films (13.2%) portrayed three caregivers. Interestingly, Hercules

1 1930s: Snow White; 1940s: Pinocchio, Dumbo, Bambi; 1950s: Cinderella, Alice in Wonderland, Peter Pan, Sleeping Beauty; 1960s: 101 Dalmatians, The Sword in the Stone, The Jungle Book; 1970s: The AristoCats; 1980s: The Fox and the Hound, The Black Cauldron, The Great Mouse Detective, The Little Mermaid; 1990s: Beauty and the Beast, Aladdin, Nightmare Before Christmas, The Lion King, Pocahontas, Toy Story, The Hunchback of Notre Dame, Hercules, Mulan, A Bug’s Life, Tarzan; 2000s: Dinosaur, The Emperor’s New Groove, Atlantis, Lilo and Stitch, Treasure Planet, Brother Bear, Finding Nemo, Howl’s Moving Castle, The Incredibles, Chicken Little, Valiant, Pooh’s Heffalump Movie, Tales from Earthsea, The Wild, Bambi 2, Meet the Robinsons, Ratatouille, Bolt, Ponyo, A Christmas Carol, The Princess and the Frog; 2010s: Tangled, Toy Story 3, The Secret World of Arrietty, Gnomeo and Juliet, Mars Needs Moms, Winnie the Pooh, Brave, Frankenweenie, Frozen, Monster’s University, The Wind Also Rises, Big Hero 6, Inside Out, Strange Magic, The Good Dinosaur, Moana, Zootopia, Elena of Avalor, Finding Dory, Coco. 2 1950s: Lady and the Tramp; 1970s: Robin Hood, The Rescuers; 1980s: Oliver and Company; 2000s: Home on the Range, Monsters Inc., Cars, Wall-E, Up, Tinkerbell and the Lost Treasure; 2010s: Cars 2, Secret of the Wings, Wreck-It Ralph, Planes, The Pirate Fairy, Planes Fire and Rescue, and Cars 3. PARENTAL ROLES IN THE CIRCLE OF LIFE 139 and Tarzan were the only films where the main character was shown with two complete sets of parents, with Hercules being the only one to still have all four parents by the end of the film.

Demographics and Parental Configurations Parent Demographics. RQ1 explored the portrayal of parental figures in Disney animated films. Among the 141 guardians identified, 72 characters (51.1%) were male and 69 (48.9%) were female. A single sample chi-square test did not reveal a significant difference in the portrayal of either sex, χ2(1) = 0.06, p>.05. But Disney films were significantly more likely to portray characters in human form (68.8%; n=97) than in the form of an animal or some other type of creature (31.2%, n=44), χ2(1) = 19.92, p < .001. Among all of the human and animal/creature parents, there was not a significant difference in the number of male or female caregivers portrayed, χ2(1) = 0.31, p > .05. Men and women were neither more nor less likely to be portrayed as humans (male = 48; females = 49) than non-humans (male = 24; females = 20). Among the humans identified, two-thirds were Caucasian (64.9%, n=63), with Hispanic (14.4%, n=14), Asian (7.2%, n=7), African American (5.2%, n=5), Islanders (3.1%, n=3), Native Americans (2.1%, n=2), other ethnicities (2.1%, n=2), and Arabs (1%, n=1) shown far less frequently.

Parent Configurations. RQ2 examined the predominate parental configuration. In terms of the caregiver’s representation, the majority were depicted as fathers (44%; n=62) and mothers (40.4%; n=57), with approximately 10% being fictive kin (e.g., godmother, creator, etc.; 9.9%; n=14) or a close relative (5.6%; n=8; see Table 1). There was not a significant difference in the depiction of fathers versus mothers, χ2(1) = .65, p >.05. Approximately half of the caregivers were portrayed as married (48.4%; n=68) and the other half (46.7%) were portrayed as single (fathers: 19.1%, n=27; mothers: 15.6%, n=22; single in other role: 12.0%, n = 17). The parental configurations for the remaining seven characters (4.9%) were (1) either not clearly identifiable as the characters were not on screen long enough to gain an understanding of their parental structure (n = 1), (2) they died and were not characterized as being either single or married (n=5), or (3) they abandoned their family (i.e., the father in Treasure Planet who is both seen and later mentioned as abandoning his family, a wife and son; n =1). No characters were divorced. There was not a significant difference in portrayals of married versus single characters, χ2(1) = .03, p <.86. 140 TABLE 1 Portrayal of Disney Parents and Parenting Styles by Decades – 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2017 AL. ET ZURCHER

n (%) # (%) # (%) # (%) #(%) # (%) # (%) # (%) # (%) # (%)

Films with Parents 68 1 3 4 3 1 4 11 21 20 Parent/Caregiver 141 1 (0.7) 4 (2.8) 10 (7.1) 7 (5) 1 (0.7) 4 (2.8) 21 (14.9) 43 (30.5) 50 (35.5) Male 72 (51.1) 0 (0) 2(50) 3 (30) 5(71.4) 0 (0) 4 (100) 13 (61.9) 22 (51.2) 23 (46) Female 69 (48.9) 1 (100) 2(50) 7 (70) 2(28.6) 1 (100) 0 (0) 8 (38.1) 21(48.8) 27 (54) Human 97 (68.8) 1 (100) 1 (25) 10 (100) 1 (14.3) 0 (0) 2 (50) 16 (76.2) 28 (65.1) 38 (76) Non-Human 44 (31.2) 0 (0) 3 (75) 0 (0) 6 (85.7) 1 (100) 2 (50) 5 (23.8) 15 (34.9) 12 (24) Ethnicity of Human Characters n =97 Caucasian 63 (64.9) 1 (100) 1 (100) 10 (100) 1 (100) – 2 (100) 9 (56.3) 18 (64.3) 21 (55.3) Hispanic 14 (14.4) –––––––2 (7.1) 12 (31.6) Afr. American 5 (5.2) –––––––5 (17.8) – Asian 7 (7.2) ––––––3 (18.8) 1 (3.6) 3 (7.9) Islander 3 (3.1) –––––––1 (3.6) 2 (5.2) Native American 2 (2.1) ––––––1 (6.2) 1 (3.6) – Other 2 (2.1) ––––––2 (12.5) –– Arab 1 (1.0) ––––––1 (6.2) –– Caregiver representation n = 141 Mother 57 (40.4) – 2 (50) 3 (30) 2 (28.6) 1 (100) – 8 (38.1) 18 (41.9) 23 (46) Father 62 (44.0) – 2 (50) 3 (30) 3 (42.8) – 2 (50) 11 (52.4) 20 (46.5) 21 (42) Fictive Kin (other) 14 (9.9) ––3 (30) 2 (28.6) – 2 (50) 2 (9.5) 3 (7.0) 2 (4) Stepmother 2 (1.4) 1 (100) – 1 (10) ––– – – – Grandmother 2 (1.4) ––––––––2 (4) Stepfather 1 (0.7) ––––––––1 (2) Grandfather 1 (0.7) ––––––––1 (2) Sister 1 (0.7) –––––––1 (2.3) – Brother 1 (0.7) –––––––1 (2.3) – Parental configurations n = 141 Married 68 (48.2) ––4 (40) 4 (57.1) ––12 (57.1) 16 (37.2) 32 (64) Single Father 27 (19.1) – 2 (50) 1 (10) 1 (14.3) – 2 (50) 5 (23.8) 10 (23.3) 6 (12) Single Mother 23 (16.3) 1 (100) 1 (25) 1 (10) – 1 (20) – 2 (9.5) 8 (18.6) 8 (16) Single ‘Other’ 16 (11.3) ––3 (30) 2 (28.6) – 2 (50) 2 (9.5) 5 (11.6) 2 (4) Died 5 (3.5) – 1 (25) –––––3 (7.0) 1 (2) Abandoned 1 (0.7) –––––––1 (2.3) – Divorced ––––––––– – Not Clear 1 (0.7) ––1 (10) ––– – – – Widow 1 (0.7) 1 Role/Profession (Human) n =97 Royalty 26 (26.8) 1 (100) – 3 (30) ––1 (50) 2 (12.5) 2 (7.1) 17 (44.7) Stay-at Home 16 (16.5) ––2 (20) –––2 (12.5) 4 (14.3) 5 (13.2) LIFE OF CIRCLE THE IN ROLES PARENTAL Professional 12 (12.4) ––1 (10) –––2 (12.5) 5 (17.9) 4 (10.5) Craftsmen 10 (10.3) – 1 (100) ––––1 (6.2) 3 (10.7) 5 (13.2) Farmer 4 (4.1) –––––1 (50) 1 (6.2) 2 (7.1) – Clerical 3 (3.1) –––––––2 (7.1) 1 (2.6) Laborer 3 (3.1) –––––––3 (10.7) – Manager 1 (1.0) –––––––1 (3.7) – Other 14 (14.4) ––3 (30) 1 (100) ––5 (31.3) 3 (10.7) 2 (5.3) Not Clear 11 (11.3) ––1 (10) –––3 (18.8) 3 (10.7) 4 (10.5) Role/profession (non-human) n =44 Royalty 10 (22.7) – 2 (66.7) ––––5 (100) 3 (20) – Stay-at Home 15 (34.1) –– –2 (33.3) 1 (100) 1 (100) – 7 (46.6) 4 (33.3) Professional ––––––––– – Craftsmen 1 (2.3) –––––1 (100) –– – Farmer 5 (11.4) ––––––––5 (41.7) Clerical 1 (2.3) –––––––1 (6.7) – Laborer 1 (2.3) –––––––1 (6.7) – Manager ––––––––– – 141 (Continued) 142

TABLE 1 AL. ET ZURCHER (Continued)

1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010–2017

n (%) # (%) # (%) # (%) #(%) # (%) # (%) # (%) # (%) # (%)

Other 1 (2.3) – 1 (33.3) –––––– – Not Clear 10 (22.7) –– –4 (66.7) –– –3 (20) 3 (25) Competent 141 (100) 1 (100) 4 (100) 10 (100) 7 (100) 1 (100) 4 (100) 21 (100) 43 (100) 50 (100) Incompetent ––––––––– – Buffoon ––––––––– – Not a Buffoon 141 (100) 1 (100) 4 (100) 10 (100) 7 (100) 1 (100) 4 (100) 21 (100) 43 (100) 50 (100) Mature 141 (100) 1 (100) 4 (100) 10 (100) 7 (100) 1 (100) 4 (100) 21 (100) 43 (100) 50 (100) Not Mature ––––––––– – Parenting style n = 141 Authoritative 79 (56.1) – 1 (25) 4 (40) 3 (42.8) 1 (100) 3 (75) 8 (38.1) 29 (67.4) 30 (60) Authoritarian 33 (23.4) 1 (100) 1 (25) 3 (30) ––1 (25) 7 (33.3) 8 (18.6) 12 (24) Permissive 15 (10.6) – 2 (50) 1 (10) 2 (28.6) ––3 (14.3) 4 (9.3) 3 (6) Uninvolved 2 (1.4) –––––––2 (4.7) – Not Clear 12 (8.5) ––2 (20) 2 (28.6) ––3 (14.3) – 5 (10) Conflict behavior n = 141 Integrative 95 (67.4) – 3 (75) 4 (40) 5 (71.4) 1 (100) 3 (75) 11 (52.4) 33 (76.7) 35 (70) Distributive 22 (15.6) 1 (100) – 2 (20) ––1 (25) 5 (23.8) 4 (9.3) 9 (18) Avoidance 5 (3.5) ––1 (10) –––1 (4.8) 2 (4.7) 1 (2) Not Clear 19 (13.5) – 1 (25) 3 (30) 2 (28.6) ––4 (19) 4 (9.3) 5 (10) PARENTAL ROLES IN THE CIRCLE OF LIFE 143

Parental Professions and Roles in the Home RQ3 explored caregivers’ professions and roles in the home. Among human parents (n=97), 28.9% were depicted as royalty (n=28) and 16.5% were depicted as stay-at- home parents (n=16). These two roles were represented more than any other. The remaining guardians worked outside the home (48.5%) or their profession was not clearly identifiable (9.3%). The difference between humans who worked inside and outside the home was not statistically significant, χ2(1) = 0.05, p >.05. Of the guardians depicted as royalty, more men (57.1%) filled this role than women (42.9%). Stay-at-home parents were represented by substantially more women (93.8%) than men (6.3%). As for other roles that took caregivers outside the home, more men served in professional (e.g., doctors, lawyers, etc.; 66.7%), managerial (100%), and clerical (100%) jobs. Men were also more likely to be laborers (66.7%) and farmers (75%), and serve in “other” types of professions (66.7%; e.g., political leader, judge). A complete breakdown of roles and professions is displayed in Table 1. For non-human parents 56.8% (n = 44) worked inside the home (stay-at- home: 34.1%; royalty: 22.7%), 20.5% worked outside the home, and 22.7% were not in a clearly identifiable profession. The difference between non- humans who worked in or outside the home was statistically significant, χ2(1) = 7.53, p < .01. Among the professions, the most prominent was a stay-at-home parent (34.1%) followed by royalty (22.7%). But there was not much difference in the representation of men and women among stay-at-home parents (men: 46.7%). Like humans, there were more male (60%) royalty. Among guardians who worked outside the home, more than half were farmers (11.4%), with 60% of them being men. Men were also more represented in clerical positions (100%), as laborers (100%), and as craftsmen (100%). One female was represented in another type of role.

Representations of Parenting Styles and Behaviors Parenting Styles. RQ4 examined the predominant parenting style, with more than half of the characters utilizing an authoritative style (56%; n=79), a quarter using an authoritarian style (23.4%; n=33), and 10% being (n=15) permissive. Two of the parents (1.4%) were uninvolved. The parenting style of 12 (8.5%) caregivers was not clearly identifiable. A single- sample chi-square indicated a significant difference in the use of parenting styles: χ2(4) = 132.16, p < .001. Additionally, the data showed a significant difference in how men and women parent, χ2(4) = 17.75, p < .001. Men were more authoritarian (72.7%, n=24; women n=9) and permissive (80%, n=12; women n=3). Women were more authoritative (63.3%, n=50; men n=29). The same number of men and women were uninvolved (men/women: 144 ZURCHER ET AL.

1:1) in their child’s lives or their style was unable to be determined (men/ women: 6:6).

Parental Conflict Styles. RQ5 explored how parents addressed conflict. The majority of parents (n=95; 67.4%) were coded as having an integrative approach to conflict. Twenty-two parents (15.6%) were distributive and five (3.5%) practiced avoidance when conflict arose. Nineteen (13.5%) characters did not portray a clear conflict style. A single-sample chi-square revealed a significant difference in the use of conflict styles, χ2(3) = 139.71, p < .001. But no significant difference in how men or women use conflict styles was observed, χ2(3) = .38, p > .05.

Parental Competency. RQ6 explored the caregivers’ competency and maturity as parental figures. The data revealed all of the individuals who fulfilled parental roles were depicted as competent adults (e.g., ability to make decisions at an adult level). However, it should be recognized that the variable of competency did not necessarily equate to positive parenting, nor parental figures always making decisions that are in the best interest of those in their care. In addition, all caregivers were depicted as mature and none of them were displayed as buffoons.

Portrayals of Parents and Parenting over Time The final research question examined how parents are portrayed by Disney animated films over time. Table 1 provides an overview.

DISCUSSION

The present analysis sheds light on messages regarding parents and parenting portrayed by Disney animated films in attempt to greater understand represen- tative patterns and themes. As international mass audiences often repeatedly view and associate these films with notions of family entertainment, it becomes imperative to evaluate overarching messaging as they may hold possible socia- lizing, behavioral, and attitudinal implications. In particular, we examined the portrayal of parents (including parent demographics, parental configurations, professions and roles within the home, and parenting styles and behaviors) in a content analysis of all Disney animated films from 1937 to 2017. The final research question assessed parental portrayals by decade. We recognize that the scope of this investigation is limited to understanding the content of Disney animated films and does not directly examine media PARENTAL ROLES IN THE CIRCLE OF LIFE 145 effects. However, several societal insights concerning representation emerged. To begin, the data revealed an overwhelming positive portrayal of mature and competent adults placed in parental roles. No parental characters were illustrated as immature, buffoonish, or incompetent. Such parent representations differ in comparison to other children’s media portrayals–specifically the depiction of fathers. To illustrate, whereas Callister et al. (2007) observed that nearly all female caregivers were viewed as competent and mature on children’s prime- time television, close to a quarter of depicted fathers were portrayed as immature with nearly 40% of father characters illustrated as buffoons. Other studies report similar findings as they relate to negative depictions of fatherly caregivers within media (Scharrer, 2001; Zoglin, 1990). Illustrations of parents as mature and competent adults stand as positive influences for children, specifically when paired with qualities associated with the authoritative parenting style (e.g., parental warmth, openness, clear expectations, etc.). A strong example of this is Bob and Helen Parr (i.e., Mr. and Mrs. Incredible) from The Incredibles (2004). Such depictions could be a result of Disney’s attempt to live up to expectations as a predominant producer of family entertainment; thus, perhaps making greater strides in comparison to other children’s media to include diverse sets of characters that entire familial structures can relate. Nonetheless, as children and families can learn from positive media exemplars (Calam, Sanders, Miller, Sadhnani, & Carmont, 2008; Callister et al., 2007; Sanders, Turner, & Markie-Dadds, 2002), instances where competent parents are depicted working with children through conflict while providing warmth and support may act as constructive influences. Related to the variables of competency and maturity, dissonance between parental competency/maturity and parenting styles was noted: We observed that parental competency and maturity did not necessarily equate to positive parent– child relationships as displayed through the distribution of parenting and conflict styles across films. In many instances, competent adults used less-effective parenting strategies (e.g., permissive and/or authoritarian approaches) to direct children’s behavior—with male characters significantly more likely to use both the authoritarian and permissive strategies in comparison to females. Such approaches frequently resulted in pushback from children towards parental expectations. For example, in the film The Little Mermaid (1989), although Ariel’s father is a competent and attentive father figure, his use of the authoritarian parenting style (e.g., demanding Ariel to follow his rules without taking into consideration her feelings) perpetuates Ariel’s urge to separate herself from her current situation, with Ariel singing, “I want more.” Other examples of children opposing parental approaches were observed throughout the decades, such as Pocahontas in Pocahontas (1995), Mulan in Mulan (1998), Moana in Moana (2016), and Miguel in Coco (2018). Moreover, this behavioral pattern was magnified when 146 ZURCHER ET AL. parental figures were placed in a villainous role (e.g., the Evil Queen in Snow White (1937) and Mother Gothel in Tangled (2010)) as many of these characters used fear- tactics and/or manipulation to direct children’s behaviors. A lack of warmth and support from portrayed parents may hold larger implications. Although negative parental figures and behaviors are often used as a plot-driving element to perpetuate the protagonist’s journey within Disney films, these types of messages may affect children’s views of the roles parents undertake. Particularly, Holcomb et al. (2014) noted that young Disney protagonists often look to non-parental or “created kin” for the support needed to endure hardship. As a result, children may associate parents as an undervalued resource when dealing with conflict. Our data showcase the absence of the authoritative parenting style in many of these instances. Educators, practitioners, and parents alike should be aware of the messages presented in Disney animated films encouraging parents to provide support when children face difficulties. Another observation concerns parental configurations; we observed a large number of single parents within Disney animated films (46.7%). The research of Robinson and Skill (2001) notes a similar inflation of representation in their five-decade analysis of family portrayals on television, asserting that the use of single parent characters frequently served as a storyline vehicle. Nonetheless, whereas some may argue that non-traditional parenting structure representations reflect the complexities of modern families, such depictions may cause concern for those who believe children’s media should not promote a singular familial structure that differs from reality. For instance, recent U.S. census data that evaluated family structures with children under the age of 18 revealed the following: nuclear families stand as the predominant family arrangement (69%), followed by single mother households (23%), and single father households (4%; Porter, 2016). Furthermore, no parents were depicted as divorced in the present analysis. With some research reporting as high as a 40–50% divorce rate in the United States (“Marriage and divorce,” 2018), a lack of representation of these family-types may be detrimental to children from divorced families. Greater awareness of the implications of parenting configuration representations on young audiences is needed. The final observation relates to portrayals of parents and parenting over time. Observations of interest include the following: The data revealed that step- fathers, grandmothers, and grandfathers did not appear as primary caregivers until 2016 with Elena of Avelor. Furthermore, we noted an increase in parental professions beginning in the 1990s. One explanation for this observation is a result of a change in Disney storylines from traditional fairy tales to more modern settings. Concerning ethnicity, guardians were depicted as Caucasian until the release of Aladdin in 1992. The 1990–2010 time period highlighted greater diversity in PARENTAL ROLES IN THE CIRCLE OF LIFE 147 terms of the number of ethnicities portrayed; however, parental ethnic representation decreased from 2010 to 2017. This observation is intriguing as Disney animated films have produced several storylines entirely directed towards one ethnic background in more recent years (e.g., Moana, Coco, etc.). Among the minority groups represented as caregivers, it is perhaps not surprising that Hispanic caregivers are featured more than any other as they are the largest ethnic group in the U.S. (Humes, Jones, & Ramirez, 2011). The findings from the present analysis also call for future research. One suggestion is to delve deeper into specific qualities of each parenting style. As our objective was to assess predominate parenting and conflict style portrayals, greater analysis is needed to further investigate changes in approaches, particularly if parental characters altered their behaviors during the film or even in later sequels. Another noteworthy and possibly fruitful area of exploration would be to see if the results from the current study emerge in other Disney-produced content. Specifically, as the Walt Disney Company is set to release a number of live action films in the coming years and provide their own streaming services, it is important to assess how messages regarding families, parents, and parenting playout in other entertainment formats. Additionally, perhaps the most vital contribution of the current study is to provide context for future effects studies. As the present analysis reveals a number of findings that could raise concern for how children view parents and their roles within the family, future research is needed to directly assess how repeated exposure to Disney animated film content may influence young audiences.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors wish to thank Katie Barboza for her help with the manuscript.

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