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The Origins of the European Integration: Staunch Italians, Cautious British Actors and the Intelligence Dimension (1942-1946) Di Claudia Nasini
Eurostudium3w gennaio-marzo 2014 The Origins of the European Integration: Staunch Italians, Cautious British Actors and the Intelligence Dimension (1942-1946) di Claudia Nasini The idea of unity in Europe is a concept stretching back to the Middle Ages to the exponents of the Respublica Christiana. Meanwhile the Enlightenment philosophers and political thinkers recurrently advocated it as a way of embracing all the countries of the Continent in some kind of pacific order1. Yet, until the second half of the twentieth century the nationalist ethos of Europeans prevented any limitation of national sovereignty. The First World War, the millions of casualties and economic ruin in Europe made the surrendering of sovereignty a conceivable way of overcoming the causes of recurring conflicts by bringing justice and prosperity to the Old World. During the inter-war years, it became evident that the European countries were too small to solve by their own efforts the problem of a modern economy2. As a result of the misery caused by world economic crisis and the European countries’ retreating in economic isolationism, various forms of Fascism emerged in almost half of the countries of Europe3. The League of Nations failed to prevent international unrest because it had neither the political power nor the material strength to enable itself to carry 1 Cfr. Andrea Bosco, Federal Idea, vol. I, The History of Federalism from Enlightenment to 1945, London and New York, Lothian foundation, 1991, p. 99 and fll.; and J.B. Duroselle, “Europe as an historical concept”, in C. Grove Haines (ed.by) European Integration, Baltimore, 1958, pp. -
A Dynamic Approach to NATO Coercive Diplomacy in Bosnia and Kosovo
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives Rethinking Coercive Diplomacy A Dynamic Approach to NATO Coercive Diplomacy in Bosnia and Kosovo Henning Køhler Knutsen Master Thesis, Department of Political Science Faculty of Social Sciences UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring 2012 II Rethinking Coercive Diplomacy A Dynamic Approach to NATO Coercive Diplomacy in Bosnia and Kosovo Henning Køhler Knutsen III © Henning Køhler Knutsen 2012 Rethinking Coercive Diplomacy: A Dynamic Approach to NATO Coercive Diplomacy in Bosnia and Kosovo Henning Køhler Knutsen http://www.duo.uio.no/ Print: Reprosentralen, University of Oslo IV Abstract After the Cold War, with the advent of low-interest, “optional”, post-modern warfare, regional conflicts and failed states have illuminated the radars in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization member states. For these countries, as the expected need for military force relinquished, its actual use increased. Left with a need for improved tools for handling the increasing number of international security issues, the strategy of coercive diplomacy has never been of more current interest. This thesis seeks to address a lacuna in contemporary theorizing about coercive diplomacy, namely the under-theorization of the adversary. Through within-case and cross-case analysis of the NATO interventions in Bosnia- Herzegovina and Kosovo, I attempt to show how both scientists and political decision-makers can benefit from a more in-depth analysis of the coerced. The thesis takes the theoretical framework developed by Bruce Jentleson and Christopher Whytock as a starting point. As a significant step in the right direction, their model of coercive diplomacy better accounts for the motivations, interests, and expected reactions of the target state. -
Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire
Journal of International Eastern European Studies/Uluslararası Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol./Yıl. 2, No/Sayı. 2, Winter/Kış 2020) ISSN: 2687-3346 Araştırma Makalesi Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire: With Particular Reference to the Salonika Incident (1876) and Armenian Reform Demands (1879-80) Fikrettin Yavuz* (ORCID ID: 0000-0002-3161-457X) Makale Gönderim Tarihi Makale Kabul Tarihi 01.12.2020 08.12.2020 Abstract Throughout history, gunboat, a small vessel of a naval force, has been turned into a term of coercive diplomacy. Gunboat diplomacy, associated with chiefly the activities of the Great Powers, means the use of naval power directly or indirectly as an aggressive diplomatic instrument. It seems highly probable to see many examples of this coercive diplomacy in the world history, particularly after the French Revolution. Naturally, the Ottoman Empire, always attracted attention of the Great Powers, was exposed to this policy of the Powers. During the nineteen century, the rivalry among the European Powers on the Ottoman territorial integrity became a common characteristic that led them to implement gunboat diplomacy on all occasions. In this context, this article firstly offers a critical analysis of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire within the dimension of two specific examples: The Salonika Incident and Armenian reform demands. In addition, it aims to contribute to the understanding of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers and Ottoman response by evaluating it from native and foreign literatures. Keywords: European Powers, Ottomans, Gunboat Diplomacy, Salonika, Armenian, Reform * Assoc. Prof. Dr., Sakarya University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Department of History, Turkey, [email protected]. -
Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - a Friendship for Life
Ilona FRIED Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953 Leo Valiani and Arthur Koestler - A Friendship for Life. Letters Between 1942 and 1953 Ilona FRIED Eötvös Loránd University Budapest Hungary The correspondence between Valiani and Koestler started in Mexico in 1942, on Valiani’s arrival there, (he actually arrived in Mexico in December 1941 and stayed there until July 1943). As it is well known they got to know each other during their arrest at Roland Garros, and had all the months of the detention at Le Vernet d’Ariège for exchanging ideas and sharing views and readings. Both of them had come from a cosmopolitan Central-European background and there were only 4 years of difference of age between them (Koestler was born in 1905, under the name Kösztler Artúr, in Budapest, whereas Valiani was born in Fiume, then belonging to Hungary, under the name of Weiczen Leo in 1909). There was much in common between the two of them, also from the point of view of their political beliefs. Koestler as a journalist had been condemned to death during the Spanish Civil War, was released through the intervention of the British government. He published Spanish testament about the Spanish Civil War, a novel that had already made him famous. As he could not accept the Molotov- Ribbentrop pact he had left the Communist Party. He went to France where, he was again arrested.1 Koestler was set free after four months, after which he joined the French Foreign Legion and later on managed to enter Britain again where he served in the Pioneer Corps. -
Proliferation Persuasion FINAL ETD FILE
Proliferation Persuasion: Coercive Bargaining with Nuclear Technology by Tristan A. Volpe B.A. in Political Science, June 2007, University of California, Los Angeles A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 31, 2015 Dissertation directed by Charles L. Glaser Professor of Political Science and International Affairs The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University certifies that Tristan A. Volpe has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of July 13, 2015. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. Proliferation Persuasion: Coercive Bargaining with Nuclear Technology Tristan A. Volpe Dissertation Research Committee: Charles L. Glaser, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Dissertation Director George Anzelon, Distinguished Member of the Technical Staff, Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, Committee Member Alexander B. Downes, Associate Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Committee Member George Quester, Professor Emeritus of International Relations, University of Maryland, College Park, Committee Member ii © Copyright 2015 by Tristan Volpe All rights reserved iii Disclaimer Neither the United States government nor Lawrence Livermore National Security, LLC, nor any of their employees makes any warranty, expressed or implied, or assumes any legal liability -
Coercive Diplomacy, Theories and Application: a Case Study on Us Administration and Libya
Department of Political Science Major in Politics, Philosophy and Economics Chair in Conflict and Development COERCIVE DIPLOMACY, THEORIES AND APPLICATION: A CASE STUDY ON US ADMINISTRATION AND LIBYA SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Prof. Francesco Niccolò Moro Silvia Romeo, 072842 Academic year 2015/2016 Contents Introduction 1 1. First chapter: a coercive diplomacy overview 3 1.1. The changing global context of coercive diplomacy 3 1.2. What is coercive diplomacy? Theories and definitions 4 Table 1:1 Compellence and deterrence 6 1.3. Understanding the concept of coercion 7 1.4. How to reach success 10 1.5. Famous cases of success and failure 12 1.5.1 Kosovo 13 1.5.2 Afghanistan 15 Table 1:2 American objectives and coercive results 16 1.5.3 China 16 2. Second chapter: US administration and Libya 18 2.1 Libya and US: pre 9/11 context 18 2.2 First period: 1969-1989 18 2.3 Second period: 1989-1999 22 2.4 Third period: 1999-2003 25 2.5 Consequences: Libya in the post WMD era 31 2.5.1 Arab Spring and NATO’s no-fly zone 33 2.5.2 Brief overview after the fall of Qaddafi’s regime 37 3. Third chapter: the challenges of coercive diplomacy 41 3.1 Why coercive diplomacy is hard? 41 Table 3:1 Coercive diplomacy is problematic 43 Table 3:2 Cases of success-failure overview 45 3.2 Coercive diplomacy and the war on terrorism 47 Conclusion 50 Italian summary 53 Bibliography and sitography 59 Introduction Carl von Clausewitz once said: “War is a continuation of politics by other means”. -
“Decided Preponderance at Sea”: Naval Diplomacy in Strategic Thought Kevin Rowlands Royal Navy
Naval War College Review Volume 65 Article 9 Number 4 Autumn 2012 “Decided Preponderance at Sea”: Naval Diplomacy in Strategic Thought Kevin Rowlands Royal Navy Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Rowlands, Kevin (2012) "“Decided Preponderance at Sea”: Naval Diplomacy in Strategic Thought," Naval War College Review: Vol. 65 : No. 4 , Article 9. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol65/iss4/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rowlands: “Decided Preponderance at Sea”: Naval Diplomacy in Strategic Thou “DECIDED PREPONDERANCE AT SEA” Naval Diplomacy in Strategic Thought Commander Kevin Rowlands, Royal Navy liver Cromwell famously declared that “a man-o’-war is the best ambas- O sador”; a twenty-first-century equivalent represents the U.S. Navy in posters and on T-shirts and sweatshirts as an aircraft carrier over the caption “90,000 tons of diplomacy.” Though the images may be different, the message is the same—yet “naval diplomacy” is not a readily understood term. From the coercion delivered by the gunboats of the Pax Britannica to the modern-day ex- ercise of soft power through hardware, interpretations of what constitutes naval diplomacy are wide-ranging. Strategists have undoubtedly long been aware of its existence, but over the centuries few have been moved to study or document it in any substantial way. -
Master Thesis in Political Science with a Focus on Crisis Management and Security
THE SWEDISH NATIONAL DEFENCE COLLEGE 2012-06-04 1 (45) Annelie Gregor Master Thesis, 15 Credits Master Thesis in Political Science with a Focus on Crisis Management and Security Author: Annelie Gregor Date: 2012-06-04 Advisor: Professor Fredrik Bynander Examinator: Professor Jan Hallenberg Limited Military Pressure – An Analytical Framework to Assess No-Fly Zones as a Single Instrument in Coercive Diplomacy Abstract: Coercive diplomacy attempts to use military force in a limited fashion as a diplomatic and political tool in order to persuade an opponent to cease aggression rather than to bludgeon him into stopping. The use of limited military force in coercive diplomacy is not a military strategy, but rather a refined political and psychological instrument used for resolving a crisis. One relatively new instrument in the toolbox of limited force when engaging in coercive diplomacy, fashioned to deter adversaries, is the use of no-fly zones. The term no-fly zone describes the physical area of a nation that is patrolled using the airpower of another sovereign state or coalition. However, despite its relatively frequent use in its short history, it has largely been ignored in theoretical studies of coercive diplomacy. As scholars, such as Daniel Byman and Matthew Waxman, have presented a critical view on the limitations of approaching a study on a single instrument in coercive diplomacy, this paper grounds the argument that there is still value in this approach. Thus, the research question is posed as follows: Given that the conditions of coercive diplomacy mainly focus on an array of coercive instruments at a political level, are the conditions in the theories of coercive diplomacy sufficient to explain the political success of the military instrument of no-fly zones? Hence, this paper illustrates the theoretical reach of the theories of coercive diplomacy by highlighting the fungibility of the coercive diplomacy’s theoretical ‘success conditions’ when assessing a single military instrument. -
The Home Front and War in the Twentieth Century
THE HOME FRONT AND WAR IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE Proceedings of the Tenth Military History Symposium October 20-22. 1982 Edited by James Titus United States Air Force Acdemy and Office of Air Force History Headquarters USAF 1984 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Military History Symposium (U.S.) (10th : 1982) (United States Air Force Academy) The home front and war in the twentieth century Sponsored by: The Department of History and The Association of Graduates. Includes index. 1. Military history, Modem-20th century-Congresses. 2. War and society-History-20th century4ongresses. 3. War--Economic aspects-Congresses. 4. War-Economic aspects-United States4ongresses. 5. United States-Social conditions-Congresses. I. Titus, James. 11. United States Air Force Academy. Dept. of History. 111. United States Air Force Academy. Assocation of Graduates. IV. Title. D431.M54 1982 303.6'6 83-600203 ISBN 0-912799-01-3 For sale by Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 20402 11 THE TENTH MILITARY HISTORY SYMPOSIUM October 20-22, 1982 United States Air Force Academy Sponsored by The Department of History and The Association of Graduates ******* Executive Director, Tenth Military History Symposium: Lieutenant Colonel James Titus Deputy Director, Tenth Military History Symposium: Major Sidney F. Baker, USA Professor and Head, Department of History: Colonel Carl W. Reddel President, Association of Graduates: Lieutenant Colonel Thomas J. Eller, USAF. Retired Symposium Committee Members: Captain John G. Albert Captain Mark L. Dues Captain Bernard E. Harvey Captain Vernon K. Lane Captain Robert C. Owen Captain Michael W. -
The OSS in the Italian Resistance: a Post Cold War Interpretation by Claudia Nasini
Eurostudium3w luglio-settembre 2012 The OSS in the Italian Resistance: A Post Cold War Interpretation by Claudia Nasini The Italian Resistance requires a more complex account than that traditionally portrayed by official historiography, which mostly claims that Italian Partisan Patriots constituted the core of Resistance to Nazi rule1. New evidence, from both the US and Italian intelligence archives, shows that numerous American agents, hundreds of Italian government soldiers and countless fully‐fledged American spies of Italian nationality participated in the Liberation of Italy. This article explores the missing part of the story of the Resistance in the VI Partisan Ligurian Zone in the Northwest of Italy. It describes the manifold cooperation between Italian and American agents in support of local Partisans. It also shows how several factors hindered traditional historiography, not only ideological bias – albeit very important – but also the protagonistsʹ preference for secrecy2. Last but not least, the prolonged lack of documentation played an 1 This interpretation not only appears in the renown work ‐ rather outdated but still considered a point of reference in this field – by R. Battaglia, Storia della Resistenza italiana (8 settembre 1943‐ maggio 1945), Torino, Einaudi, 1964, p. 528 and passim. This idea has also recently been maintained in the work by D. Ellwood, “Gli alleati e la Resistenza”, in E. Collotti, R. Sandri, F. Sessi (ed. by), Dizionario della Resistenza. Storia e geografia della Liberazione, vol. I, Torino, Einaudi, 2001, in particular pp. 246‐248. This interpretation reemerges in equally renown reconstructions, particularly one we will return to dwell upon, that of one of the main Italian expert of Partisan Resistance, G. -
On Coercion in International Law
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NYI\52-1\NYI101.txt unknown Seq: 1 26-DEC-19 14:27 ON COERCION IN INTERNATIONAL LAW MOHAMED S. HELAL* I. INTRODUCTION .................................. 2 R II. TALES OF COERCION ............................. 10 R A. The Russian Interference in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election .......................... 10 R B. The 2017 North Korean Nuclear Crisis ......... 24 R C. The 2018 Murder of Washington Post Columnist Jamal Khashoggi ............................. 37 R III. THE PROHIBITION ON INTERVENTION AND THE CONCEPT OF COERCION .......................... 47 R A. The Prohibition on Intervention in the Internal or External Affairs of States ...................... 47 R 1. The Doctrinal and Political Origins of the Prohibition on Intervention ................ 49 R 2. The Sources, Scope, and Content of the Prohibition on Intervention ................ 54 R B. Unlawful Ends: Intervention in the Domaine Reserv´ e´ of States............................. 65 R C. Unlawful Means: Coercion as the Instrument of Intervention.................................. 69 R 1. The Concept of Coercion................... 70 R 2. Defining Unlawful Coercion ............... 74 R a. The Nature of Coercion: Occurrent Coercion and Dispositional Coercion ........................... 75 R b. Measuring Coercion: The Impact of Coercion vs. The Legality of Coercion ........................... 76 R * Assistant Professor of Law, Moritz College of Law & Affiliated Faculty, Mershon Center for International Security Studies – The Ohio State Univer- sity. I thank Steven Darnell and Andrea Hearon for excellent research assis- tance, Matt Cooper of the Moritz College of Law Library for invaluable help with sources used in this article, and the editors of the N.Y.U. Journal of International Law & Politics for their outstanding work. For valuable feed- back on previous drafts of this article, I acknowledge with much gratitude Christiane Ahlborn, Cinnamon Carlarne, Ashley Deeks, Larissa van den Herik, Sean Murphy, Tom Ruys, Lucca Ferro, Peter Tzeng, J. -
The Internment of 'Enemy Aliens'
“FRENCH APOCALYPSE”? THE INTERNMENT OF ‘ENEMY ALIENS’ IN FRANCE (1939-1940) By Luisa von Richthofen Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Katalin Straner Second Reader: Professor Michael L. Miller CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2017 STATEMENT OF COPYRIGHT Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection 2 ABSTRACT This thesis deals with the internment of “enemy aliens” in France after the declaration of war on Germany in September 1939. It has sometimes been assumed that the camp system established under the Third Republic in the second half of the 1930s paved the way for more restrictive internment policies under the regime of Vichy and eventually to the deportation and extermination of the Jews of France. This thesis’ underlying query is to probe these continuities. It uses new archival material to describe the underlying logic of the internment between September 1939 and June 1940. It also pays special attention to the few, little explored instances of organized resistance against the internment policy. It finds that that though the Vichy regime continued to use certain structures, institutions and legal frameworks inherited from the Third Republic, the claim that there is a discernable, straight line between the French internment camps and Auschwitz cannot be substantiated.