Report on the Israeli Attack on the Humanitarian Aid
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Rethinking the Two-State Solution
PolicyWatch #1408 : Special Forum Report Rethinking the Two-State Solution Featuring Giora Eiland and Martin Indyk October 3, 2008 On September 23, 2008, Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Giora Eiland and Ambassador Martin Indyk addressed a Policy Forum luncheon at The Washington Institute. General Eiland is former head of the Israeli National Security Council and currently a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. Ambassador Indyk directs the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. The following is a rapporteur’s summary of their remarks. GIORA EILAND Within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict lies a paradox. Although the two-state solution is well known and widely accepted, and although there is international consensus regarding the need for it, little progress has been made to that end. This means that neither side desires the solution nor is willing to take the necessary risks to move forward and come to an agreement. Ultimately, the most the Israeli government can offer the Palestinians -- and survive politically -- is far less than what any Palestinian leadership can accept. As such, there is a gap between the two sides that continues to widen as the years go on. In many aspects, the current situation is worse than it was eight years ago. In 2000, there were three leaders who were both determined and capable of reaching an agreement: U.S. president Bill Clinton, Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak, and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. That type of leadership is missing today. In addition, while the two sides enjoyed a reasonable level of security, cooperation, and trust in 2000, the subsequent intifada has created a completely different situation on the ground today. -
How Palestinians Can Burst Israel's Political Bubble
Al-Shabaka Policy Brief Policy Al-Shabaka March 2018 WHEN LEFT IS RIGHT: HOW PALESTINIANS CAN BURST ISRAEL’S POLITICAL BUBBLE By Amjad Iraqi Overview the allies holding up his fragile rule, from the ultra- orthodox Jewish parties to his personal rivals within Although no indictments have been issued yet, Israelis Likud. “King Bibi,” however, survived them all. A are speculating whether the latest developments in skilled politician, he has been adept at managing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s corruption Israel’s notoriously volatile coalition system, and [email protected] scandals finally mark the beginning of his political has remained in power with three consecutive demise. The second-longest serving prime minister governments over nine years – each more right wing after David Ben-Gurion, Netanyahu has had a than the last.2 profound impact on Israel’s political scene since the 1990s. It is therefore troubling, especially to Netanyahu directly influenced the country’s media Palestinians, that if these corruption cases are the landscape by shaping the editorial stance of Israel harbinger of Netanyahu’s downfall, they will have Hayom (the nation’s gratis, most-read newspaper, had nothing to do with the more egregious crimes for funded by American billionaire Sheldon Adelson), which he is responsible, and for which he – and future and used the Communications Ministry to threaten Israeli leaders – have yet to be held accountable. and harass media outlets that were critical of him. Despite crises and condemnations throughout This policy brief analyzes Israel’s political his career – including mass Israeli protests for transformations under Netanyahu and maps out the socioeconomic justice in 2011 and, more recently, current leadership contenders from a Palestinian weekly protests against widespread government perspective.1 It argues that Israel’s insular political corruption – Netanyahu withstood public pressures discourse, and the increasing alignment of Israeli to step down. -
Israel's Investigation of Alleged Violations of The
Israel’s Investigation of Alleged Violations of the Law of Armed Conflict Israel is well aware of allegations of violations of international law during Operation Protective Edge (hereinafter: the 2014 Gaza Conflict). Israel reviews complaints and other information suggesting IDF misconduct, regardless of the source. Moreover, Israel is committed to investigating fully any credible accusation or reasonable suspicion of a serious violation of the Law of Armed Conflict,1 and in fact its policy of carrying out investigations goes beyond its obligation under international law. In 2010 the Government of Israel created an independent public commission of inquiry headed by retired Israeli Supreme Court Justice Jacob Turkel and observed by international legal experts (the “Turkel Commission”), whose mandate included an assessment of Israel’s mechanisms for examining and investigating complaints and claims regarding alleged violations of the Law of Armed Conflict. The Turkel Commission reviewed Israel’s investigations systems, including the military system of justice — which includes a multi-stage process directed by Israel’s Military Advocate General (the “MAG”), Military Courts, civilian oversight by the Attorney General of Israel, and judicial review by the Supreme Court of Israel — in light of the “general principles” for conducting an effective investigation under international law: independence, impartiality, effectiveness and thoroughness, and promptness.2 Following a careful and comprehensive review, the Turkel Commission concluded in 2013 -
SETA Policy Brief
SETA Policy Brief SETA | Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research | September, 2011 | www.setav.org | Brief No: 55 A Raid from the Sea: The Gaza Flotilla Attack and Blockade under Legal Scrutiny Ufuk Ulutaş S E TA POLICY BRIEF ABSTRACT The publication of the Palmer report written by the panel of inquiry established by the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon once again brought the 31 May 2010 Gaza Flotilla incident and the blockade of Gaza back to world’s attention. On May 31, 2010, Israeli commandos stormed a passenger ship, the Mavi Marmara, the largest boat of a flotilla of six boats which were carrying 10000 tons of humanitarian aid to besieged Gaza, in international high waters. The operation left 9 activists dead and over 30 activists wounded. The Israeli military assault against the Mavi Marmara immediately ignited worldwide protests and condemnation. Turkey, whose citizens were attacked by Israeli soldiers in international high waters, 72 miles away from the Gazan coast, took the lead in protests and condemnation. Israel, however, claimed that the demonstrators on the Mavi Marmara were aiming to break the blockade of Gaza and the Israeli commandos were forced onboard to react in an act of self-defense. During more than a year past since the Mavi Marmara attack, Israel has committed a chain of errors which started with the illegal blockade of Gaza. Using the blockade as a pretext, Israel intercepted the Mavi Marmara and used excessive force killing 9 civilians on board. Israel’s violations of international law were documented thoroughly in the UNHRC report, while the Palmer Commission penned a report with political rather than legal and humanitarian priorities. -
Lunch at the Muqata''a—
Lunch at the Muqata’’a— Part One ON THE THIRD AND FINAL DAY of the Fall 2003 International Solidarity Movement (ISM) non-violence training in the West Bank town of Beit Sahour, news suddenly came over the radio that someone had blown themselves up in a restaurant in Haifa, inside the Green Line. It was October 4, two days before Yom Kippur. The broadcasts were in Hebrew and Arabic and had to be translated by the ISM facilitators into English for the majority of us—the Internationals attending the training. But even before the facilitators explained anything we could tell by their intense concentration as they sat huddled around the radio switching back and forth between stations, and making hushed phone calls, that the news was not good. I don’t recall anyone turning on a tv. Beit Sahour in October, 2003, was like a ghost town. Full of empty hotels and restaurants usually catering to tourists going to nearby Bethlehem, but no one was going to Bethlehem. The year before, in 2002, the siege of the 27 Church of the Nativity had made international headlines as the Israeli military laid siege not only to the Church, and those seeking refuge in it, but to Nablus, Jenin and other cities on the West Bank. This created the ground work for the newly spawned multiple checkpoints and the ever expanding “Security Fence,” or “Separation Barrier,” or “Apartheid Wall,” depending on whom one was talking to. So while Beit Sahour was almost empty, except for the people who actually lived there, the very air seemed charged with the news—the hotel staff visibly distracted; the training organizers speaking worriedly among themselves. -
Israeli Election Bulletin | January 15
Israeli Election Bulletin | January 15 On 23 December 2020 the Knesset was automatically dissolved after the national unity government failed to pass a 2020 state budget. The election will be held on 23 March 2021. For more background on the collapse of the coalition, watch BICOM Director Richard Pater and read this BICOM Morning Brief. BICOM's Poll of Polls Aggregate Polling January 5-15 Many parties such as Momentum, Labour, Veterans, New Economy and Telem are polling under the electoral threshold Two others, Blue and White and Religious Zionism, are polling very close to the threshold (4 seats). If either of them were to fall under it, it would signicantly aect the ability of Netanyahu or his opponents to form a coalition 1/11 Splits, Mergers and Acquisitions We are now in the rst stage of the election process. Over the coming three weeks, politicians will start jockeying for their places ahead of the formation of the party lists that need to be submitted by 4 February. Party size and where they stand on major political issues Political Cartoons Maariv 23.12.20 Santa delvers ballot boxes and 21.12.20 Yediot Ahronot The new mutation. A two headed Gideon Saar and Naftali Bennett chase Gantz and Netanyahu Israel Hayom 24.12.20 “The clothes have no emperor,” the briefcase says Blue and White, looking on former number 2 and 3 in the party. Justice Minister Avi Nissenkorn who quit shortly after the government fell to join the Ron Huldai’s the Israelis Party and Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi who will see out his role but not stand in the coming election. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
Galilee Flowers
GALILEE FLOWERS The Collected Essays of Israel Shamir Israel Adam Shamir GALILEE FLOWERS CONTENTS INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................... 5 WHY I SUPPORT THE RETURN OF PALESTINIANS.................................................................... 6 PART ONE....................................................................................................................................... 8 THE STATE OF MIND ................................................................................................................. 8 OLIVES OF ABOUD.................................................................................................................... 21 THE GREEN RAIN OF YASSOUF................................................................................................ 23 ODE TO FARRIS ........................................................................................................................ 34 THE BATTLE FOR PALESTINE.................................................................................................. 39 THE CITY OF THE MOON ......................................................................................................... 42 JOSEPH REVISITED................................................................................................................... 46 CORNERSTONE OF VIOLENCE.................................................................................................. 50 THE BARON’S BRAID............................................................................................................... -
The Changing of the Guard in the IDF Giora Eiland
INSS Insight No. 242, February 20, 2011 The Changing of the Guard in the IDF Giora Eiland The much-publicized conflict between the Minister of Defense and the outgoing IDF Chief of Staff, as well as the drama surrounding the appointment of the new Chief of Staff, diverted public attention from the critical question of the state of the IDF today compared to its state four years ago, when Gabi Ashkenazi assumed Israel's highest military post. Five points are particularly noteworthy. First of all, the past four year period has been among the most peaceful the country has ever known. The northern border, the West Bank, and in fact all of Israel’s borders – including the Gaza Strip region since Operation Cast Lead – were calm sectors with few incidents. While it is true that there are external explanations for the calm, there is no doubt that the quality of the IDF’s activity and operational discipline contributed to this state of affairs. Second, by virtually every known parameter, the army’s preparedness has improved dramatically. Reservists are training more, and their training is of better quality. The army has undertaken major re-equipment processes. The frequency of drills and exercises of the upper echelons has increased, and operational plans, some of which were buried deep in the drawer when the Second Lebanon War broke out, have been reformulated and brought up to date so that they are ready for implementation. Third, the IDF’s five year program, "Tefen," is now entering its fourth year. Unlike the past, it is actually progressing according to plan – and to budget. -
The Raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on International Law By
EJDM Europäische Vereinigung von Juristinnen und Juristen für Demokratie und Menschenrechte in der Welt e.V. ELDH European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights EJDH Asociacion Europea de los Juristas por la Democracia y los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo EJDH Association Européenne des Juristes pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l’Homme dans le Monde EGDU Associazione Europea delle Giuriste e dei Giuristi per la Democrazia e i Diritti dell’Uomo nel Mondo Professor Bill Bowring, President (London) Professeure Monique CHEMILLIER- GENDREAU, Présidente d’honneur (Paris) Thomas SCHMIDT (Rechtsanwalt) Secretary General (Duesseldorf) The raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on international law by Prof. em. Dr. Norman Paech University of Hamburg I. The facts The raid by the Israeli army on the Free Gaza Flotilla in the early morning of 31 May 2010 aroused worldwide indignation. In the raid, nine passengers on the Mavi Marmara, sailing under the Turkish flag, died, and at least forty-five were injured, some of them seriously. While a considerable body of opinion sees this as a serious breach of international law, and even speaks of war crimes, the Israeli army regards itself as fully justified, and following an internal review has admitted only that there were some slips in the planning and execution of the seizure of the ships1. Before the events can be further analysed with regard to international law, it is first necessary to set out the sequence in which they occurred, which is constantly being described differently. Only six of the original eight ships gathered on 30 May in international waters, far south of the island of Cyprus and east of Israel. -
2014 Gaza War Assessment: the New Face of Conflict
2014 Gaza War Assessment: The New Face of Conflict A report by the JINSA-commissioned Gaza Conflict Task Force March 2015 — Task Force Members, Advisors, and JINSA Staff — Task Force Members* General Charles Wald, USAF (ret.), Task Force Chair Former Deputy Commander of United States European Command Lieutenant General William B. Caldwell IV, USA (ret.) Former Commander, U.S. Army North Lieutenant General Richard Natonski, USMC (ret.) Former Commander of U.S. Marine Corps Forces Command Major General Rick Devereaux, USAF (ret.) Former Director of Operational Planning, Policy, and Strategy - Headquarters Air Force Major General Mike Jones, USA (ret.) Former Chief of Staff, U.S. Central Command * Previous organizational affiliation shown for identification purposes only; no endorsement by the organization implied. Advisors Professor Eliot Cohen Professor of Strategic Studies, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University Lieutenant Colonel Geoffrey Corn, USA (ret.) Presidential Research Professor of Law, South Texas College of Law, Houston JINSA Staff Dr. Michael Makovsky Chief Executive Officer Dr. Benjamin Runkle Director of Programs Jonathan Ruhe Associate Director, Gemunder Center for Defense and Strategy Maayan Roitfarb Programs Associate Ashton Kunkle Gemunder Center Research Assistant . — Table of Contents — 2014 GAZA WAR ASSESSMENT: Executive Summary I. Introduction 7 II. Overview of 2014 Gaza War 8 A. Background B. Causes of Conflict C. Strategies and Concepts of Operations D. Summary of Events -
B'tselem Report: Dispossession & Exploitation: Israel's Policy in the Jordan Valley & Northern Dead Sea, May
Dispossession & Exploitation Israel's policy in the Jordan Valley & northern Dead Sea May 2011 Researched and written by Eyal Hareuveni Edited by Yael Stein Data coordination by Atef Abu a-Rub, Wassim Ghantous, Tamar Gonen, Iyad Hadad, Kareem Jubran, Noam Raz Geographic data processing by Shai Efrati B'Tselem thanks Salwa Alinat, Kav LaOved’s former coordinator of Palestinian fieldworkers in the settlements, Daphna Banai, of Machsom Watch, Hagit Ofran, Peace Now’s Settlements Watch coordinator, Dror Etkes, and Alon Cohen-Lifshitz and Nir Shalev, of Bimkom. 2 Table of contents Introduction......................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter One: Statistics........................................................................................................ 8 Land area and borders of the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea area....................... 8 Palestinian population in the Jordan Valley .................................................................... 9 Settlements and the settler population........................................................................... 10 Land area of the settlements .......................................................................................... 13 Chapter Two: Taking control of land................................................................................ 15 Theft of private Palestinian land and transfer to settlements......................................... 15 Seizure of land for “military needs”.............................................................................