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The Pennsylvania State University the Graduate School College of the Liberal Arts the FOLK IMAGINARY in AMERICAN LITERATURE, 18 The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of the Liberal Arts THE FOLK IMAGINARY IN AMERICAN LITERATURE, 1875 - 1925 A Dissertation in English by William Kelley Woolfitt © 2012 William Kelley Woolfitt Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2012 The dissertation of William Woolfitt was reviewed and approved* by the following: Linda Selzer Associate Professor of English Dissertation Adviser Chair of Committee John Marsh Assistant Professor of English Shirley Moody-Turner Assistant Professor of English Daniel Letwin Associate Professor of History Garrett Sullivan Professor of English Director of Graduate Studies, English *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School. ii ABSTRACT In the first issue of the Journal of American Folk-lore in 1888, William W. Newell called for the scientific collection and study of the “fast vanishing remains” of the cultures of three American ethnic groups: African Americans, Native Americans, and Anglo-Americans (implicitly including Appalachians who lived in “the remote valleys of Virginia and Tennessee”). While arguing for the value and complexity of these folk cultures and mourning their demise, Newell also suggested that the folk were in need of reform, linking them to “witchcraft,” “superstitions,” “important psychological problems,” “much that seems to us cruel and immoral,” “rudeness,” and “licentiousness.” Newell’s call for the study of folk cultures points to the competing pressures for marginalized American ethnic groups to maintain their old ways and to modernize, to never change and to change at once. The Folk Imaginary in American Literature, 1875 – 1925 investigates the ways in which the competing tensions between preservation and reform circulate in the work of American fiction writers who represent the folk; who explore the ways in which the folk initiate and respond to social, economic, and political change; and who imagine folk culture as a resource that can enrich or revitalize national identity. The folk imaginary that American folklorists and fiction writers drew from and contributed to consists of an array of representations, attitudes, languages, symbols, myths, and stereotypes that was dynamic, evolving, fiercely contested, persistent, and potent, influencing the dominant culture’s conception of the folk and of race and ethnicity. The pressures for preservation and reform were negotiated by Alice Callahan, William Jones, and Zitkala Ša—the Native American writers considered in the first chapter—who could not argue for the continuation of Indian lifeways and worldviews without also contesting the government’s assimilation policies, allotment laws, vicious massacres, and bureaucratic corruption. The dominant society’s representation of Appalachian people as peculiar and primitive is analyzed in the second chapter, which claims that Rebecca Harding Davis and Olive Tilford Dargan portrayed mountain people not as dependent and backward, but as refuge-providers, reformers, tellers of history, and participants in modernity. As Native American writers reformulated programs of assimilation and Americanization, and as Appalachian writers critiqued similar “mountain work” campaigns, so African American writers like Frances Watkins Harper and James Weldon Johnson challenged uplift ideologies and initiatives. The third chapter considers Harper and Johnson’s claims about the roles that folk culture could play in strengthening African American communities and in securing full citizenship for African Americans. Extending the history of the folk imaginary through the New Deal era, the epilogue examines writers such as Dargan, Richard Wright, and Jesse Cornplanter, whose counter-histories and counter-representations of ethnic American communities interrogated the government and the dominant society’s emphasis on the functionality and the appeal of folk cultures. By examining the work of Native American, Appalachian, and African American writers who intervened in debates about the place of ethnic communities and their traditions in a modernizing nation, this study provides a literary and cultural history that has not yet been fully told. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments…………………………………………………………………………v Introduction: Imagining a Post-bellum Folk…………………………..…………………1 Chapter 1: From Anti-Assimilation to Mutual Americanization: Alice Callahan, William Jones, and Zitkala Ša………………………......23 Chapter 2: From Hill Work to Multiple Ways of Knowing: Rebecca Harding Davis and Olive Tilford Dargan………………..……..84 Chapter 3: From Popular Uplift to Integrationism: Frances Watkins Harper and James Weldon Johnson………………….135 Epilogue: “Anxious to Have You Know Our Myths and Legends”: Folk Cultures in the New Deal Era……………………………………..188 Works Cited …………………………………………………………………………..211 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Linda Selzer has again and again demonstrated her keen intelligence, tireless energy, and generosity of spirit in the making of this project. She provides an exemplary excellence in teaching and mentorship that I’ll do my best to emulate. John Marsh, Shirley Moody- Turner, and Daniel Letwin have also given me much insight, inspiration, support, and encouragement, which opened doors for me at the start and sustained me at the end. Additionally, I have been fortunate to work with marvelous creative writing professors at Penn State: Robin Becker, Charlotte Holmes, Julia Spicher Kasdorf, and Todd Davis. And, too, this little life has been all the more joyful because of Chad Schrock, Kris Lotier, Ryan Hackenbracht, and Tyler Roeger: makers of collegiality, community, camaraderie, and then some. v Introduction Imagining a Post-bellum Folk “The true rendering of these ‘praise songs’… will by and by be lost, as the body of the colored people are elevated and removed from the associations of slavery.” —Rev. William H. Goodrich, “Slave Songs” (1872) “Every well-appointed house might appropriately arrange an Indian corner. Here baskets, pottery, blankets, arrow-points, spear-heads, beads, wampum, belts, kilts, moccasins, head-dresses, masks, pictures, spears, bows and arrows, drums, prayer- sticks, boomerangs, katcina dolls, fetishes, and beadwork might be displayed with artistic and pleasing effect.” —George Wharton James, “Indian Basketry in House Decoration” (1901) “In another generation or two, [the songs of our British ancestors] will be but a memory in the Kentucky Highlands; the clank of the colliery, the rattle of the locomotive, the roar of the blast-furnace, the shriek of the factory-whistle, and, alas, even the music of the school-bell, are already overwhelming the thin tones of the dulcimore and the quavering voice of the Last Minstrel of the Cumberlands, who can find scant heart to sing again the lays of olden years across the seas.” —Hubert G. Shearin, “British Ballads in the Cumberland Mountains” (1911) In a remarkable constellation of texts published soon after the turn to the twentieth century, a figure whom I call the “community elder” passes on traditional lifeways and worldviews that play a decisive and vital role in forming (or continuing to form) the modern, politicizable American subject. In The Souls of Black Folk (1903), the elders invoked by W. E. B. Du Bois are his great-great-grandmother in particular, whose untranslated African song imparts to him history and meaning, and the “present-past” slaves in general, who have endowed the contemporary African American community with spiritual, cultural, and political resources (30). Du Bois recalls that his “grandfather’s grandmother” came to “the valleys of the Hudson and Housatonic, black, little, and lithe… she shivered and shrank in the harsh north winds, looked longingly at 1 the hills, and often crooned a heathen melody to the child between her knees” (254). Transmitted among black families from one generation to the next, the music of Du Bois’s ancestors (“the true Negro folk-song”) also expresses “the articulate message of the slave to the world;” functions as a unique and invaluable gift to the nation; and carries the hope that eventually “in this whirl and chaos of things…. America shall rend the Veil and the prisoned shall go free” (253, 263). In Indian Boyhood (1902), Charles A. Eastman (Santee Dakota) argues that his elders—particularly his grandmother, his uncle, and Smoky Day (“a living book of the traditions and history of his people”)—gave him not only a “systematic education,” but also “the freest life in the world” (3, 49, 115). The war lullabies, hunting songs, wood-craft, myths, and true stories of past deeds that the elders typically teach “the Indian boy” prepare him to act as “the future defender of his people” (50, 51). Eastman himself fulfills this purpose through writing Indian Boyhood and other books which attempt to preserve, vindicate, and adapt traditional Dakota culture in modernizing America after the century’s turn. In The Spirit of the Mountains (1905), the Appalachian elders who teach Emma Bell Miles are her neighbors on Walden’s Ridge. Identifying them as her grandmothers and aunts, Miles describes these sociogenic kin as “old prophetesses” and “repositories of tribal lore—tradition and song, medical and religious learning. They are the nurses, the teachers of practical arts, the priestesses, and their wisdom commands the respect of all” (37). As Du Bois and Eastman propose to harness the traditions of their community elders to secure freedoms and defend themselves from the incursions of the dominant society, so Miles argues that the
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