From Power Projection to Power Protection Revitalizing Conventional Deterrence in NATO
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The Role of UN Peacekeeping in China's Expanding Strategic Interests
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Marc Lanteigne This Special Report assesses China’s evolving participation in international peacekeeping missions in the context of its rise as a major economic and military power. The report is based on data collection on Chinese foreign and security policy issues as well as fieldwork in China and Norway. Supported by the Asia The Role of UN Center at the United States Institute of Peace, the report is part of USIP’s broader effort to understand China’s engagement in the peace processes and internal conflicts of other nations. Peacekeeping in ABOUT THE AUTHOR Marc Lanteigne is a senior lecturer in security studies in the China’s Expanding Centre for Defence and Security Studies at Massey University in New Zealand. Previously, he was a senior research fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, where he specialized in Chinese and Northeast Asian politics and foreign Strategic Interests policy, as well as Asia-Arctic relations, international political economy, and institution building. He has written on issues related to China’s regional and international relations as well as Summary economic security, the politics of trade, and energy issues. • Despite its growing status in the international system, including in the military sphere, China continues to be a strong supporter of United Nations peacekeeping operations (UNPKO), a stance commonly considered to be more the purview of medium powers. China is also a major contributor of peacekeeping personnel and support. -
The Navy's Changing Force Paradigm
Naval War College Review Volume 62 Article 4 Number 2 Spring 2009 The aN vy’s Changing Force Paradigm Robert C. Rubel Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Rubel, Robert C. (2009) "The aN vy’s Changing Force Paradigm," Naval War College Review: Vol. 62 : No. 2 , Article 4. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol62/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rubel: The Navy’s Changing Force Paradigm Professor Rubel is Dean of Naval Warfare Studies at the Naval War College. Before retiring from the U.S. Navy in the grade of captain, he was an aviator, participat- ing in operations connected with the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the 1980 Iranian hostage crisis, and DESERT SHIELD. He commanded Strike Fighter Squad- ron 131 and served as the inspector general of U.S. Southern Command. He attended the Spanish Naval War College and the U.S. Naval War College, where he served on the faculty and as chairman of the War Gam- ing Department, in the Center for Naval Warfare Stud- ies, before his present appointment. He has a BS degree from the University of Illinois, an MS in management from Salve Regina University in Newport, Rhode Is- land, and an MA in national security and strategic studies from the Naval War College (1986). -
Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Scholvin, Sören Working Paper Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization GIGA Working Papers, No. 128 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Scholvin, Sören (2010) : Emerging Non-OECD Countries: Global Shifts in Power and Geopolitical Regionalization, GIGA Working Papers, No. 128, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. -
Great Power Politics and the Structure of Foreign Relations Law
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2009 Great Power Politics and the Structure of Foreign Relations Law Daniel Abebe Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Daniel Abebe, "Great Power Politics and the Structure of Foreign Relations Law," 10 Chicago Journal of International Law 125 (2009). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Great Power Politics and the Structure of Foreign Relations Law Daniel Abebe* I. INTRODUCTION Foreign relations law serves as an internal constraint on the unilateral exercise of foreign relations powers through the distribution of authority within the national government. Given the predominance of the executive branch in foreign affairs, courts routinely resolve questions regarding the breadth of the executive's authority by reference to the Constitution, legal precedent, historical practice, and functional considerations. Though courts generally focus on these domestic factors, they have been historically quite sensitive to the international political implications of their decisions. But we don't have a clear understanding of how or when courts consider international politics in resolving foreign relations law questions. We lack a framework to begin thinking about the relationship between international politics and the allocation of decisionmaking authority. This short Article frames foreign relations law as a function of international politics to explore the relationship between the strength of external international political constraints on a state and the levels of judicial deference to the executive in that state. -
The Disharmony of the Spheres the U.S
The Disharmony of the Spheres The U.S. will endanger itself if it accedes to Russian and Chinese efforts to change the international system to their liking By Hal Brands and Charles Edel AKING THE STAGE at Westmin- A “sphere of influence” is traditionally under- ster College in March 1946, Win- stood as a geographical zone within which the most ston Churchill told his audience he powerful actor can impose its will. And nearly three “felt bound to portray the shadow decades after the close of the superpower struggle which…falls upon the world.” The that Churchill’s speech heralded, spheres of influence former British prime minister fa- are back. At both ends of the Eurasian landmass, the mously declared that “from Stettin authoritarian regimes in China and Russia are carv- in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain ing out areas of privileged influence—geographic hasT descended across the Continent.” He went on to ex- buffer zones in which they exercise diplomatic, eco- plain that “Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, nomic, and military primacy. China and Russia are Belgrade, Bucharest, and Sofia all…lie in what I must seeking to coerce and overawe their neighbors. They call the Soviet sphere.” Though the Westminster ad- are endeavoring to weaken the international rules dress is best remembered for the phrase “iron curtain,” and norms—and the influence of opposing powers— the way it called attention to an emerging Soviet sphere that stand athwart their ambitions in their respective of influence is far more relevant to today’s world. -
No Longer a Middle Power: Australia's Strategy in the 21St Century
Études de l’Ifri Focus stratégique 92 NO LONGER A MIDDLE POWER Australia’s Strategy in the 21st Century Andrew CARR September 2019 Defense Research Unit The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 979-10-373-0071-3 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to cite this publication: Andrew Carr, “No Longer a Middle Power: Australia’s Strategy in the 21st Century”, Focus stratégique, No. 92, Ifri, September 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Focus stratégique Resolving today’s security problems requires an integrated approach. Analysis must be cross-cutting and consider the regional and global dimensions of problems, their technological and military aspects, as well as their media linkages and broader human consequences. It must also strive to understand the far reaching and complex dynamics of military transformation, international terrorism or post-conflict stabilization. Through the “Focus stratégique” series Ifri’s Security Studies Center aims to do so, offering new perspectives on the major international security issues in the world today. -
How Can Realism Be Utilised in an Understanding of the United States/New Zealand Relationship Over Nuclear Policy?
How can realism be utilised in an understanding of the United States/New Zealand relationship over nuclear policy? By Angela Fitzsimons A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters of International Relations (MIR) degree School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2013 Abstract This thesis examines the decision making process of the United States and New Zealand on the nuclear policy issue through the lens of realism and analyses the effect of realism on the ANZUS alliance. Broader questions associated with alliances, national interest, changing priorities and limits on the use of power are also treated. A single case study of the United States/ New Zealand security relationship as embodied in the ANZUS treaty will be used to evaluate the utility of realism in understanding the decision making process that led to the declaration by the United States that the treaty was in abeyance. Five significant findings emerged: firstly both New Zealand and the United States used realism in the decision making process based on national interest, Secondly; diverging national interests over the nuclear issue made the ANZUS treaty untenable. Thirdly, ethical and cultural aspects of the relationship between the two states limited the application of classical realism to understanding the bond. Fourthly, normative theory accommodates realist theory on the behaviour of states in the international environment. Finally, continued engagement between the United -
The Rarity of Realpolitik the Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’S Rationality Reveals About International Politics
The Rarity of Realpolitik The Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’s Rationality Reveals about International Politics Realpolitik, the pur- suit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume that states act in such a man- ner or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system, whether it be its anarchic character or the presence of other similarly self-interested states. Often overlooked, however, is that Real- politik has important psychological preconditions. Classical realists note that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which, they argue, should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Hans Morgenthau, perhaps the most fa- mous classical realist of all, goes as far as to suggest that rationality, and there- fore Realpolitik, is the exception rather than the rule.1 Realpolitik is rare, which is why classical realists devote as much attention to prescribing as they do to explaining foreign policy. Is Realpolitik actually rare empirically, and if so, what are the implications for scholars’ and practitioners’ understanding of foreign policy and the nature of international relations more generally? The necessity of a particular psy- chology for Realpolitik, one based on rational thinking, has never been ex- plicitly tested. Realists such as Morgenthau typically rely on sweeping and unveriªed assumptions, and the relative frequency of realist leaders is difªcult to establish empirically. In this article, I show that research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for the classical realist claim that rationality is a demanding cogni- tive standard that few leaders meet. -
Chinese Power Projection in Historical Perspective
THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY OF RICE UNIVERSITY JAPANESE ENERGY SECURITY AND CHANGING GLOBAL ENERGY MARKETS: AN ANALYSIS OF NORTHEAST ASIAN ENERGY COOPERATION AND JAPAN’S EVOLVING LEADERSHIP ROLE IN THE REGION IN HARM’S WAY? CHINESE POWER PROJECTION IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE RICHARD J. STOLL PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RICE UNIVERSITY Prepared in conjunction with an energy study sponsored by The Center For International Political Economy and The James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy Rice University – May 2000 In Harm’s Way? Chinese Power Projection in Historical Perspective Introduction China is clearly a major power, and has had a long series of years of significant economic growth, and while China's economy may slow its growth, there is every reason to believe that China will continue to enhance its position in Asia and throughout the world. Should this be a cause for concern? Should we view China at the turn of the 21st century as comparable to Germany at the turn of the 20th century – i.e., as a state growing more powerful that will seek to use its industrial might to build a significant ability to project power, and engage in conflictual behavior as part of a drive to achieve dominance? Or will China enhance its position, particularly in Asia, by becoming a source of stability in the region? There are a variety of ways to examine this question. I choose to cast my gaze back in time and study the historical record. -
Southeast Asia Caught Between Great Power Politics
EuroSEAS 2021 Roundtable Southeast Asia caught between great power politics Due to its geographic location as well as its geopolitical and geo-economic importance, Southeast Asia plays a crucial role in the grand strategies of the United States, China, Japan and India. China launched its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, both the United States and Japan responded with their Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) strategies. India upgraded its Look East to an Act East Policy. All four great powers endorse the regional centrality of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Nevertheless, ASEAN recognized the strategic challenge that the increasing great power rivalry can undermine its ability to steer the institutional development of Southeast Asia and the wider Indo-Pacific. Therefore, ASEAN responded with its own Indo-Pacific strategy. Therein the Association stresses the need for an inclusive regionalism, deeper multilateral cooperation and upholding its regional centrality. The aim of this roundtable is to bring together international experts with different disciplinary backgrounds to discuss ASEAN’s ability to promote a peaceful and stable, rules- based order in the Indo-Pacific. Addressed will be the following questions: Does ASEAN’s inclusive regionalism remain an adequate means to balance the interests of the great powers in the realms of economics, connectivity and security? Or does ASEAN, due to the power asymmetries in the Indo-Pacific, merely react to the policies and the behavior of the great powers? Will China- and US-centered collaboration formats emerge, forcing the Southeast Asian nations to choose sides? How do ASEAN and its members respond to the power rivalry between the United States and China specifically in the South China Sea? Convener: Dr. -
The Kiwi That Roared: Nuclear-Free New Zealand in a Nuclear-Armed World
Wade Huntley THE KIWI THAT ROARED: NUCLEAR-FREE NEW ZEALAND IN A NUCLEAR-ARMED WORLD by Wade Huntley Dr. Wade Huntley is Program Director for Asia/Pacific Security at the Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainable Development in Berkeley, California, where he produces the Northeast Asian Peace and Security Network’s Daily Report (www.nautilus.org). He has an article in the March 1996 issue of International Studies Quarterly and is working on a book based on his doctoral dissertation, “The Citizen and the Sword: Security and Democracy in the Liberal State.” The University of California’s Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation provided support for research on this article. n July 14, 1984, New policy was widely criticized as a evance to larger democracies, is that Zealand elected its fourth frivolous moral exercise indulging a mass public is ill-suited to make O Labour government and vocal anti-nuclear activists and play- wise and prudent decisions regard- thus brought into effect its policy de- ing on an impassioned and unin- ing state security. Recent research claring the country “nuclear free,” formed public, while needlessly on this subject indicates that popu- which included prohibiting port entry jeopardizing the country’s national lar opinion is not as volatile and in- by any ships either under nuclear interests and sacrificing its ANZUS coherent, nor its effects on security power or carrying nuclear weapons.1 alliance relationship with the United policy as pernicious, as once The government’s commitment to States.3 This judgment is rooted in thought. However, many of these this policy reached a moment of truth two converging claims. -
Hard Power in Cyberspace: CNA As a Political Means
2016 8th International Conference on Cyber Conflict Permission to make digital or hard copies of this publication for internal use within NATO and for personal or educational use when for non-profit or non-commercial Cyber Power purposes is granted providing that copies bear this notice and a full citation on the N.Pissanidis, H.Rõigas, M.Veenendaal (Eds.) first page. Any other reproduction or transmission requires prior written permission by NATO CCD COE. 2016 © NATO CCD COE Publications, Tallinn Hard Power in Cyberspace: CNA as a Political Means Ragnhild Endresen Siedler Analysis Division Norwegian Defence Research Establishment Kjeller, Norway Abstract: This analysis is a contribution to the scholarly debate on how cyber power influences international relations. It answers the following question: In what ways can an actor apply CNA to dominate an opponent, and what may restrict him in this effort? It uses Schelling’s (2008) argument for dividing power into coercion and brute force, and thus the paper distinguishes between actions that inflict harm and those that impose limitations. Through this approach, it describes the difference between CNA as a means of pure destruction and CNA as a means of forcible accomplishment in order to elucidate different ways of using CNA. This analytical approach aims at generating insight into the nature of CNA threats, which in turn, facilitates development of appropriate responses. The paper argues that defensive cyber strategies and doctrines primarily should focus on CNA as a means of forcible accomplishment. However, it also discusses CNA in the form of coercive threats. It explores this type of power by assessing how the technological and organizational preconditions of CNA apply to severity of consequences and credibility.