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Northern Sri Lanka Jane Derges University College London Phd In
Northern Sri Lanka Jane Derges University College London PhD in Social Anthropology UMI Number: U591568 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U591568 Published by ProQuest LLC 2013. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Fig. 1. Aathumkkaavadi DECLARATION I, Jane Derges, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources I confirm that this has been indicated the thesis. ABSTRACT Following twenty-five years of civil war between the Sri Lankan government troops and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), a ceasefire was called in February 2002. This truce is now on the point of collapse, due to a break down in talks over the post-war administration of the northern and eastern provinces. These instabilities have lead to conflicts within the insurgent ranks as well as political and religious factions in the south. This thesis centres on how the anguish of war and its unresolved aftermath is being communicated among Tamils living in the northern reaches of Sri Lanka. -
Chapter 43 Electoral Statistics
CHAPTER 43 ELECTORAL STATISTICS 43.1 India is a constitutional democracy with a parliamentary system of government, and at the heart of the system is a commitment to hold regular, free and fair elections. These elections determine the composition of the Government, the membership of the two houses of parliament, the state and union territory legislative assemblies, and the Presidency and vice-presidency. Elections are conducted according to the constitutional provisions, supplemented by laws made by Parliament. The major laws are Representation of the People Act, 1950, which mainly deals with the preparation and revision of electoral rolls, the Representation of the People Act, 1951 which deals, in detail, with all aspects of conduct of elections and post election disputes. 43.2 The Election Commission of India is an autonomous, quasi-judiciary constitutional body of India. Its mission is to conduct free and fair elections in India. It was established on 25 January, 1950 under Article 324 of the Constitution of India. Since establishment of Election Commission of India, free and fair elections have been held at regular intervals as per the principles enshrined in the Constitution, Electoral Laws and System. The Constitution of India has vested in the Election Commission of India the superintendence, direction and control of the entire process for conduct of elections to Parliament and Legislature of every State and to the offices of President and Vice- President of India. The Election Commission is headed by the Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners. There was just one Chief Election Commissioner till October, 1989. In 1989, two Election Commissioners were appointed, but were removed again in January 1990. -
Chandrika Kumaratunga (Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga)
Chandrika Kumaratunga (Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga) Sri Lanka, Presidenta de la República; ex primera ministra Duración del mandato: 12 de Noviembre de 1994 - de de Nacimiento: Colombo, Western Province, 29 de Junio de 1945 Partido político: SLNP ResumenLa presidenta de Sri Lanka entre 1994 y 2005 fue el último eslabón de una dinastía de políticos que, como es característico en Asia Indostánica, está familiarizada con el poder tanto como la tragedia. Huérfana del asesinado primer ministro Solomon Bandaranaike, hija de la tres veces primera ministra Sirimavo Bandaranaike ?con la que compartió el Ejecutivo en su primer mandato, protagonizando las dos mujeres un caso único en el mundo- y viuda de un político también asesinado, Chandrika Kumaratunga heredó de aquellos el liderazgo del izquierdista Partido de la Libertad (SLNP) e intentó, infructuosamente, concluir la sangrienta guerra civil con los separatistas tigres tamiles (LTTE), iniciada en 1983, por las vías de una reforma territorial federalizante y la negociación directa. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 10 Biografía 1. Educación política al socaire de su madre gobernante 2. Primera presidencia (1994-1999): plan de reforma territorial para terminar con la guerra civil 3. Segunda presidencia (1999-2005): proceso de negociación con los tigres tamiles y forcejeos con el Gobierno del EJP 1. Educación política al socaire de su madre gobernante Único caso de estadista, mujer u hombre, hija a su vez de estadistas en una república moderna, la suya es la familia más ilustre de la élite dirigente -
Discourses of Ethno-Nationalism and Religious Fundamentalism
DISCOURSES OF ETHNO-NATIONALISM AND RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM SRI LANKAN DISCOURSES OF ETHNO-NATIONALISM AND RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM By MYRA SIVALOGANATHAN, B.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University © Copyright by Myra Sivaloganathan, June 2017 M.A. Thesis – Myra Sivaloganathan; McMaster University – Religious Studies. McMaster University MASTER OF ARTS (2017) Hamilton, Ontario (Religious Studies) TITLE: Sri Lankan Discourses of Ethno-Nationalism and Religious Fundamentalism AUTHOR: Myra Sivaloganathan, B.A. (McGill University) SUPERVISOR: Dr. Mark Rowe NUMBER OF PAGES: v, 91 ii M.A. Thesis – Myra Sivaloganathan; McMaster University – Religious Studies. Abstract In this thesis, I argue that discourses of victimhood, victory, and xenophobia underpin both Sinhalese and Tamil nationalist and religious fundamentalist movements. Ethnic discourse has allowed citizens to affirm collective ideals in the face of disparate experiences, reclaim power and autonomy in contexts of fundamental instability, but has also deepened ethnic divides in the post-war era. In the first chapter, I argue that mutually exclusive narratives of victimhood lie at the root of ethnic solitudes, and provide barriers to mechanisms of transitional justice and memorialization. The second chapter includes an analysis of the politicization of mythic figures and events from the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahāvaṃsa in nationalist discourses of victory, supremacy, and legacy. Finally, in the third chapter, I explore the Liberation Tiger of Tamil Eelam’s (LTTE) rhetoric and symbolism, and contend that a xenophobic discourse of terrorism has been imposed and transferred from Tamil to Muslim minorities. Ultimately, these discourses prevent Sri Lankans from embracing a multi-ethnic and multi- religious nationality, and hinder efforts at transitional justice. -
Sri Lanka's Potemkin Peace: Democracy Under Fire
Sri Lanka’s Potemkin Peace: Democracy Under Fire Asia Report N°253 | 13 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Northern Province Elections and the Future of Devolution ............................................ 2 A. Implementing the Thirteenth Amendment? ............................................................. 3 B. Northern Militarisation and Pre-Election Violations ................................................ 4 C. The Challenges of Victory .......................................................................................... 6 1. Internal TNA discontent ...................................................................................... 6 2. Sinhalese fears and charges of separatism ........................................................... 8 3. The TNA’s Tamil nationalist critics ...................................................................... 9 D. The Legal and Constitutional Battleground .............................................................. 12 E. A Short- -
Sri Lanka's General Election 2015 Aliff, S
www.ssoar.info Sri Lanka's general election 2015 Aliff, S. M. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Aliff, S. M. (2016). Sri Lanka's general election 2015. International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences, 68, 7-17. https://doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ILSHS.68.7 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences Submitted: 2016-01-12 ISSN: 2300-2697, Vol. 68, pp 7-17 Accepted: 2016-02-10 doi:10.18052/www.scipress.com/ILSHS.68.7 Online: 2016-04-07 © 2016 SciPress Ltd., Switzerland Sri Lanka’s General Election 2015 SM.ALIFF Head, Dept. of Political Science, Faculty of Arts & Culture South Eastern University of Sri Lanka, Oluvil Sri Lanka [email protected] Keywords: Parliamentary election of Sri Lanka 2015, Politics of Sri Lanka, Political party, Proportional Representation, Abstract Sri Lanka emerges from this latest election with a hung Parliament in 2015. A coalition called the United National Front for Good Governance (UNFGG) won 106 seats and secured ten out of 22 electoral districts, including Colombo to obtain the largest block of seats at the parliamentary polls, though it couldn’t secure a simple majority in 225-member parliament. It also has the backing of smaller parties that support its agenda of electoral. -
269 Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant General 102–3
Index Abdul Aziz Angkat 17 Turkmenistan and 88 Abdul Qadir Baloch, Lieutenant US and 83, 99, 143–4, 195, General 102–3 252, 253, 256 Abeywardana, Lakshman Yapa 172 Uyghurs and 194, 196 Abu Ghraib 119 Zaranj–Delarum link highway 95 Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) 251, 260 Africa 5, 244 Abuza, Z. 43, 44 Ahmad Humam 24 Aceh 15–16, 17, 31–2 Aimols 123 armed resistance and 27 Akbar Khan Bugti, Nawab 103, 104 independence sentiment and 28 Akhtar Mengal, Sardar 103, 104 as Military Operation Zone Akkaripattu- Oluvil area 165 (DOM) 20, 21 Aksu disturbances 193 peace process and Thailand 54 Albania 194 secessionism 18–25 Algeria Aceh Legislative Council 24 colonial brutality and 245 Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) 24 radicalization in 264 Aceh Referendum Information Centre Ali Jan Orakzai, Lieutenant General 103 (SIRA) 22, 24 Al Jazeera 44 Acheh- Sumatra National Liberation All Manipur Social Reformation, women Front (ASNLF) 19 protesters of 126–7 Aceh Transition Committee (Komite All Party Committee on Development Peralihan Aceh) (KPA) 24 and Reconciliation ‘act of free choice’, 1969 Papuan (Sri Lanka) 174, 176 ‘plebiscite’ 27 All Party Representative Committee Adivasi Cobra Force 131 (APRC), Sri Lanka 170–1 adivasis (original inhabitants) 131, All- Assam Students’ Union (AASU) 132 132–3 All- Bodo Students’ Union–Bodo Afghanistan 1–2, 74, 199 Peoples’ Action Committee Balochistan and 83, 100 (ABSU–BPAC) 128–9, 130 Central Asian republics and 85 Bansbari conference 129 China and 183–4, 189, 198 Langhin Tinali conference 130 India and 143 al- Qaeda 99, 143, -
Reforming Sri Lankan Presidentialism: Provenance, Problems and Prospects Volume 2
Reforming Sri Lankan Presidentialism: Provenance, Problems and Prospects Edited by Asanga Welikala Volume 2 18 Failure of Quasi-Gaullist Presidentialism in Sri Lanka Suri Ratnapala Constitutional Choices Sri Lanka’s Constitution combines a presidential system selectively borrowed from the Gaullist Constitution of France with a system of proportional representation in Parliament. The scheme of proportional representation replaced the ‘first past the post’ elections of the independence constitution and of the first republican constitution of 1972. It is strongly favoured by minority parties and several minor parties that owe their very existence to proportional representation. The elective executive presidency, at least initially, enjoyed substantial minority support as the president is directly elected by a national electorate, making it hard for a candidate to win without minority support. (Sri Lanka’s ethnic minorities constitute about 25 per cent of the population.) However, there is a growing national consensus that the quasi-Gaullist experiment has failed. All major political parties have called for its replacement while in opposition although in government, they are invariably seduced to silence by the fruits of office. Assuming that there is political will and ability to change the system, what alternative model should the nation embrace? Constitutions of nations in the modern era tend fall into four categories. 1.! Various forms of authoritarian government. These include absolute monarchies (emirates and sultanates of the Islamic world), personal dictatorships, oligarchies, theocracies (Iran) and single party rule (remaining real or nominal communist states). 2.! Parliamentary government based on the Westminster system with a largely ceremonial constitutional monarch or president. Most Western European countries, India, Japan, Israel and many former British colonies have this model with local variations. -
Sri Lanka Anketell Final
The Silence of Sri Lanka’s Tamil Leaders on Accountability for War Crimes: Self- Preservation or Indifference? Niran Anketell 11 May 2011 A ‘wikileaked’ cable of 15 January 2010 penned by Patricia Butenis, U.S Ambassador to Sri Lanka, entitled ‘SRI LANKA WAR-CRIMES ACCOUNTABILITY: THE TAMIL PERSPECTIVE’, suggested that Tamils within Sri Lanka are more concerned about economic and social issues and political reform than about pursuing accountability for war crimes. She also said that there was an ‘obvious split’ between diaspora Tamils and Tamils within Sri Lanka on how and when to address the issue of accountability. Tamil political leaders for their part, notably those from the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), had made no public remarks on the issue of accountability until 18 April 2011, when they welcomed the UN Secretary-General’s Expert Panel report on accountability in Sri Lanka. That silence was observed by some as an indication that Tamils in Sri Lanka have not prioritised the pursuit of accountability to the degree that their diaspora counterparts have. At a panel discussion on Sri Lanka held on 10 February 2011 in Washington D.C., former Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, Donald Camp, cited the Butenis cable to argue that the United States should shift its focus from one of pursuing accountability for war abuses to ‘constructive engagement’ with the Rajapakse regime. Camp is not alone. There is significant support within the centres of power in the West that a policy of engagement with Colombo is a better option than threatening it with war crimes investigations and prosecutions. -
Jfcqjsptlpq Learning-Politics-From
LEARNING POLITICS FROM SIVARAM The Life and Death of a Revolutionary Tamil Journalist in Sri Lanka MARK P. WHITAKER Pluto P Press LONDON • ANN ARBOR, MI Whitaker 00 PLUTO pre iii 14/11/06 08:40:31 First published 2007 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA and 839 Greene Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Mark P. Whitaker 2007 The right of Mark P. Whitaker to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Hardback ISBN-10 0 7453 2354 5 ISBN-13 978 0 7453 2354 1 Paperback ISBN-10 0 7453 2353 7 ISBN-13 978 0 7453 2353 4 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data applied for 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Designed and produced for Pluto Press by Chase Publishing Services Ltd, Fortescue, Sidmouth, EX10 9QG, England Typeset from disk by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England Printed and bound in the European Union by Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham and Eastbourne, England Whitaker 00 PLUTO pre iv 14/11/06 08:40:31 CONTENTS Acknowledgements vi Note on Transliteration, Translation, Names, and Neutrality ix Three Prologues xi 1. Introduction: Why an Intellectual Biography of Sivaram Dharmeratnam? 1 2. Learning Politics from Sivaram 18 3. The Family Elephant 32 4. Ananthan and the Readers’ Circle 52 5. From SR to Taraki – A ‘Serious Unserious’ Journey 79 6. -
Sugathapala Mendis and Another V Chandrika Kumaratunga and Others S C ( Waters Edge Case) 339
Sugathapala Mendis and Another v Chandrika Kumaratunga and Others S C ( Waters Edge Case) 339 SUGATHAPALA MENDIS AND ANOTHR V CHANDRIKA KUMARATUNGA AND OTHERS (WATERS EDGE CASE) SUPREME COURT S.N. SILVA, C.J. TILAKAWARDANE, J RATNAYAKE, J. SC FR 352/07. MAY 29, 2008 JUNE 25, 26, 2008 JULY 14, 31,2008 Fundamental Rights - Article 12(1) - Public Interest litigation - Time limit - locus standi - Doctrine of Public Trust - Violation - Is the President subject to the Rule of the Law? - What is public purpose requirement? The petitioners/lntervenient petitioners complained of infringement pertaining to the acquisition of land on the premise that such land would be utilized to serve a public purpose whereas by the impugned executive or administrative action the land was knowingly, deliberately and manipulatively sold to a private entrepreneur to serve as an exclusive private golf resort in Sri Lanka. It was contented that, this was done through a process thatwas conniving and contrary to the equal protection of the law guaranteed by Article 12(1) of the Constitution which assures to the people the Rule of Law. It was further contended that those alleged to have initiated, facilitated and or empowered to achieve this outcome were those from the highest echelons of the executive and included senior officials members of the public sector, statutory bodies of the government, the former President (1st respondent) high government agencies. Held: (1) The Nature of large scale developments is that they occur over-time. In the instant case, though communication with UDA commenced in1997, completion of the project was delegated extensions granted and particulars changed, such that the project at the time this claim was brought remained unfinished. -
Freedom of the World 2018 Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka Page 1 of 8 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Sri Lanka Sri Lanka Country: Sri Lanka Year: 2018 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 3 Civil Liberties: 4 Aggregate Score: 55 Freedom Rating: 3.5 Overview: Sri Lanka has experienced improvements in political rights and civil liberties since the 2015 election of President Maithripala Sirisena, who reversed a number of repressive policies and has worked to repair government relations with the ethnic Tamil minority. However, the government has been slow to implement transitional justice mechanisms needed to address the aftermath of a 26-year civil war between government forces and Tamil rebels, which ended in 2009. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: POLITICAL RIGHTS: 24 / 40 A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 8 / 16 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 3 / 4 The 1978 constitution vested strong executive powers in the president, but the approval in 2015 of the 19th Amendment curtailed those powers somewhat by reintroducing term limits—limiting the president to two five-year terms—and requiring the president to consult https://freedomhouse.org/print/50137 4/19/2018 Sri Lanka Page 2 of 8 the prime minister on ministerial appointments. In the 2015 presidential election, then president Mahinda Rajapaksa suffered a surprise defeat, with his opponent, Maithripala Sirisena, winning 51 percent of the vote; turnout was a record 82 percent. Monitors from the Commonwealth Observer Group noted government abuses of administrative resources, as well as preelection violence that mainly affected Sirisena supporters, but deemed the election generally credible.