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Columbia University Graduate School of Arts & Sciences Liberal Studies Master of Arts South Asian Studies Politics of Discrimination: Study of Caste against Ravidasi Sikhs in the Diaspora MA Thesis by Harmeet Kaur Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts May 2011 Contents Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………4 Abstract……………………………………………………………………………..5 Chapter 1 – Introduction A. Nature and Scope of Research…………………………………………..6 B. Literary Review…………………………………………………………9 C. Analysis…………………………………………………………………22 D. Methodology……………………………………………………………26 E. Overview of Paper………………………………………………………28 Chapter 2 – Migration Patterns of Sikhs…………………………………………...31 A. Prominence of Gurdwaras………………………………………………34 Chapter 3 – Background on Dalits…………………………………………………37 A. Conversion to Sikhism………………………………………………….40 B. Sectarian Groups – Singh Sabha………………………………………..43 C. Ad Dharm Movement…………………………………………………...49 D. Ravidas and Ravidasi Sikhs…………………………………………….53 Chapter 4 – Lives of Dalit Sikhs in the Diaspora………………………………….56 A. Treatment in the Religious Sector……………………………………...59 B. Inter-caste Marriages…………………………………………………...62 C. Employment Sector…………………………………………………….62 D. Social Sector……………………………………………………………64 E. Why is caste discrimination rampant abroad?.........................................65 2 F. Case of Violence against Dalit Sikhs – Vienna Incident……………….66 Chapter 5: Conclusion……………………………………………………................68 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………...73 3 Abstract This paper reviews the various debates circulating amongst scholars on the topic of Dalit Sikhs. I argue in this paper that although, theoretically, caste is not supposed to be practiced in the Sikh tradition, it continues to be the cause for discrimination against Dalit Sikhs and manifests itself in religious practices. I will argue that while caste is practiced amongst Sikhs, it was not practiced amongst the Sikh Gurus, and the Sikh Gurus, in fact, wanted the whole system of caste to be abolished. I hope to locate my discussion of diasporic Dalit Sikhs within a particular focus on whether or not caste continues to play a role in their lives while living abroad. 4 Chapter 6: Lives of Dalit Sikhs in the Diaspora New York City is the hub of migration from foreigners; however, this study was restricted to one particular borough of the city, Queens. By 1980, of the total New York City Indian population of 40,945, only 6,037 (15 percent) lived in Manhattan, as opposed to 21,736 (53 percent) in Queens. This region takes in a total population of 777,584 inhabitants and had included in its 1990 census 2,694 Asian/Indian persons. By 1990, 8 percent lived in Manhattan in comparison with 60 percent in Queens (U.S. Census 1980, 1990).1 The Queens neighborhoods where Indians concentrate are Flushing, Jackson Heights, Elmhurst, Corona, Rego Park, Forest Hills, and Richmond Hill. The Sri Guru Ravidas Temple where the interviews took place is located in Woodside, near Jackson Heights.2 Since this paper is focused on the treatment of Dalit Sikhs in the religious sector, the subjects who were selected for interviews were chosen on the basis of the role they play in the management of the Sri Ravidas Temple. The case just happened to be that all of the 15-20 committee members who were interviewed were men between the ages of 25-60. They migrated to the United States about 10-30 years ago and speak both Punjabi 1 Madhulika S. Khandelwal “Indian Immigrants in Queens, New York City: Patterns of Spatial Concentration and Distribution, 1965-1990” in Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora, edited by Peter van der Veer (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pages 178-196. 2 There are three upper caste Sikh gurdwaras in Richmond Hill. These gurdwaras are considerably larger than the Sri Ravidas Temple in Woodside, Jackson Heights which signifies the amount of donations that they receive. In the interviews, when the Ravidasi Sikhs speak about conflicts with ‘other gurdwaras’, they are referring to these gurdwaras in Richmond Hill. 5 and English. Occupationally, one committee member is a writer, another is a real estate agent, and a few others own businesses. Two visits were paid to this gurdwara; the first visit was intended to be an introduction of my research and myself. The first meeting lasted less than an hour but the second visit lasted for four to five hours. The recorded interviews took place on the second visit and I spoke with 15-20 committee members. Since it was a mass interview, I will write about the interview according to the questions that I asked the committee members when they came to the US, their life in the temple and outside the temple, and their experiences with upper caste Sikhs and non-Indians. This temple3 is located on 61-01 Broadway (Woodside), Queens, NY 11377, on the corner of 61st and Broadway. Unlike other gurdwaras I have been to in the US, this temple was small, modest brick building.4 The only indication that this is a temple was the sign on the outside of the building with read: “Sri Guru Ravidas Temple of New York”. My first visit to the temple took place on March 5, 2011. Following the customs that I was used to, I took off my shoes, washed my hands and walked to the main hall where the Guru Granth Sahib was placed. After bowing before the Guru Granth, I sat down and noticed the picture of Guru Nanak and Ravidas that hung behind the Guru 4 Many other gurdwaras I have been are white, marble structures with a huge dome and a yellow nishan sahib (a triangular flag made of cotton with the symbol of a khanda [double-edge sword, with a circular (chakkar) middle and two single-edged swords (kirpans)] stamped on it. The nishan sahib normally hangs on a pole and is a holy symbol that signifies the presence of the Khalsa. 6 Granth.5 There were also Ravidas’s couplets written in Punjabi and framed on the walls. After sitting down for a few minutes, I asked to speak to the president6 of the temple and I was led upstairs to the library. While I waited, I noticed a huge portrait of Dr. Ambedkar on the wall, along with numerous copies of Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste in the bookcase along the wall. On the wall were 5-10 profile pictures of Dalit who had been killed in various villages in Punjab. The pictures were labeled as “shaheed” [martyr] and I noticed that some dates were as recent as 2008 and 2009. After waiting for a few minutes, a gentleman wearing a suit walked in and introduced himself as the president of the temple. I introduced my project and myself and after mentioning that I am studying at Columbia University, I was asked the following question by the president: “Do you know what the significance of Columbia University is?” I asked him to expand and he stated that “Dr. Ambedkar, a Dalit, was a graduate of Columbia and he led a courageous fight on behalf of Dalits in India.” After speaking about Dr. Ambedkar for a few more minutes, the president told me that I was welcome to their temple anytime and they were happy to have me there. I was hesitant, in my first visit, to bring up the issue of caste, but I was pleasantly surprised to find that members of the temple themselves were very open to speaking about caste and were quite eager to speak with me. 5 From my previous experience visiting gurdwaras, I have noticed that the pictures of other Gurus (even Guru Nanak Dev Ji) are never placed in the presence of the Guru Granth. While there may be pictures of the Golden Temple, however, the pictures of Gurus and martyrs are not placed in the presence of the Guru Granth but can be found hanging in the langar hall. 6 To maintain anonymity, I will not be using names in this paper. 7 The second visit took place on March 27, 2011, on the occasion of a visit from a Punjabi Dalit advocate, Mr. S.L. Virdi, from India. After listening to kirtan7 for 40 minutes, I went downstairs to the basement to eat langar,8 and when I came back upstairs, I noticed that the visiting advocate had taken the stage. Speaking in Punjabi, Mr. Virdi was lecturing about the degradation that the caste system bestows upon Dalits. Speaking about the history of Dalit rights in India, Mr. Virdi mentioned Dr. Ambedkar, the Poona Pact, and atrocities that Dalits faced and continue to face in India. He also reinforced the spirit of resilience in Dalits to not allow themselves to be subjugated to ill treatment any longer. He expressed pride in the fact that when he looks around the room, he sees men dressed in coats and suits and women in nice clothes, whereas at one point in Indian history, Dalits did not even own nice clothing or if they did, they were beaten for dressing up. Mr. Virdi also stated that if Dalits are abused now, they will not take it lying down but will fight back. Whenever the advocate made a comment that pleased the audience, they responded by shouting a jaikara in Ravidas’s name. A. Treatment in the Religious Sector After the advocate’s speech, I met in the library with the members of the Shri Guru Ravidas Temple committee, along with the visiting advocate, and asked them questions about how they are treated by non-Dalit Sikhs in Queens and what discrimination they face. My first question was when did they come from India and were 7 Kirtan is the singing of the poems from the Guru Granth Sahib. Kirtan is normally sung on-stage with instruments by three granthis, custodians of the temple. 8 As previously mentioned, langar is food that is prepared in the temple and served to the sangat, attendees.

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