Columbia University Graduate School of Arts & Sciences Liberal Studies Master of Arts South Asian Studies

Politics of Discrimination: Study of Caste against Ravidasi Sikhs in the Diaspora

MA Thesis by Harmeet Kaur

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts May 2011

Contents

Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………4

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………..5

Chapter 1 – Introduction

A. Nature and Scope of Research…………………………………………..6

B. Literary Review…………………………………………………………9

C. Analysis…………………………………………………………………22

D. Methodology……………………………………………………………26

E. Overview of Paper………………………………………………………28

Chapter 2 – Migration Patterns of Sikhs…………………………………………...31

A. Prominence of ………………………………………………34

Chapter 3 – Background on …………………………………………………37

A. Conversion to ………………………………………………….40

B. Sectarian Groups – Singh Sabha………………………………………..43

C. Ad Dharm Movement…………………………………………………...49

D. and Ravidasi Sikhs…………………………………………….53

Chapter 4 – Lives of Sikhs in the Diaspora………………………………….56

A. Treatment in the Religious Sector……………………………………...59

B. Inter-caste Marriages…………………………………………………...62

C. Employment Sector…………………………………………………….62

D. Social Sector……………………………………………………………64

E. Why is caste discrimination rampant abroad?...... 65

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F. Case of Violence against Dalit Sikhs – Vienna Incident……………….66

Chapter 5: Conclusion……………………………………………………...... 68

Bibliography………………………………………………………………………...73

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Abstract

This paper reviews the various debates circulating amongst scholars on the topic

of Dalit Sikhs. I argue in this paper that although, theoretically, caste is not

supposed to be practiced in the Sikh tradition, it continues to be the cause for

discrimination against Dalit Sikhs and manifests itself in religious practices. I will

argue that while caste is practiced amongst Sikhs, it was not practiced amongst

the Sikh , and the Sikh Gurus, in fact, wanted the whole system of caste to

be abolished. I hope to locate my discussion of diasporic Dalit Sikhs within a

particular focus on whether or not caste continues to play a role in their lives

while living abroad.

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Chapter 6: Lives of Dalit Sikhs in the Diaspora

New York City is the hub of migration from foreigners; however, this study was restricted to one particular borough of the city, Queens. By 1980, of the total New York

City Indian population of 40,945, only 6,037 (15 percent) lived in Manhattan, as opposed to 21,736 (53 percent) in Queens. This region takes in a total population of 777,584 inhabitants and had included in its 1990 census 2,694 Asian/Indian persons. By 1990, 8 percent lived in Manhattan in comparison with 60 percent in Queens (U.S. Census 1980,

1990).1 The Queens neighborhoods where Indians concentrate are Flushing, Jackson

Heights, Elmhurst, Corona, Rego Park, Forest Hills, and Richmond Hill. The Sri

Ravidas Temple where the interviews took place is located in Woodside, near Jackson

Heights.2

Since this paper is focused on the treatment of Dalit Sikhs in the religious sector, the subjects who were selected for interviews were chosen on the basis of the role they play in the management of the Sri Ravidas Temple. The case just happened to be that all of the 15-20 committee members who were interviewed were men between the ages of

25-60. They migrated to the United States about 10-30 years ago and speak both Punjabi

1 Madhulika S. Khandelwal “Indian Immigrants in Queens, New York City: Patterns of Spatial Concentration and Distribution, 1965-1990” in Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora, edited by Peter van der Veer (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pages 178-196. 2 There are three upper caste Sikh gurdwaras in Richmond Hill. These gurdwaras are considerably larger than the Sri Ravidas Temple in Woodside, Jackson Heights which signifies the amount of donations that they receive. In the interviews, when the Ravidasi Sikhs speak about conflicts with ‘other gurdwaras’, they are referring to these gurdwaras in Richmond Hill.

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and English. Occupationally, one committee member is a writer, another is a real estate agent, and a few others own businesses.

Two visits were paid to this ; the first visit was intended to be an introduction of my research and myself. The first meeting lasted less than an hour but the second visit lasted for four to five hours. The recorded interviews took place on the second visit and I spoke with 15-20 committee members. Since it was a mass interview, I will write about the interview according to the questions that I asked the committee members when they came to the US, their life in the temple and outside the temple, and their experiences with upper caste Sikhs and non-Indians.

This temple3 is located on 61-01 Broadway (Woodside), Queens, NY 11377, on the corner of 61st and Broadway. Unlike other gurdwaras I have been to in the US, this temple was small, modest brick building.4 The only indication that this is a temple was the sign on the outside of the building with read: “Sri Guru Ravidas Temple of New

York”. My first visit to the temple took place on March 5, 2011. Following the customs that I was used to, I took off my shoes, washed my hands and walked to the main hall where the was placed. After bowing before the Guru Granth, I sat down and noticed the picture of and Ravidas that hung behind the Guru

4 Many other gurdwaras I have been are white, marble structures with a huge dome and a yellow nishan sahib (a triangular flag made of cotton with the symbol of a [double-edge sword, with a circular (chakkar) middle and two single-edged swords ()] stamped on it. The nishan sahib normally hangs on a pole and is a holy symbol that signifies the presence of the .

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Granth.5 There were also Ravidas’s couplets written in Punjabi and framed on the walls.

After sitting down for a few minutes, I asked to speak to the president6 of the temple and

I was led upstairs to the library. While I waited, I noticed a huge portrait of Dr.

Ambedkar on the wall, along with numerous copies of Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste in the bookcase along the wall. On the wall were 5-10 profile pictures of Dalit who had been killed in various villages in Punjab. The pictures were labeled as “shaheed” [martyr] and I noticed that some dates were as recent as 2008 and 2009. After waiting for a few minutes, a gentleman wearing a suit walked in and introduced himself as the president of the temple. I introduced my project and myself and after mentioning that I am studying at

Columbia University, I was asked the following question by the president: “Do you know what the significance of Columbia University is?” I asked him to expand and he stated that “Dr. Ambedkar, a Dalit, was a graduate of Columbia and he led a courageous fight on behalf of Dalits in .” After speaking about Dr. Ambedkar for a few more minutes, the president told me that I was welcome to their temple anytime and they were happy to have me there. I was hesitant, in my first visit, to bring up the issue of caste, but I was pleasantly surprised to find that members of the temple themselves were very open to speaking about caste and were quite eager to speak with me.

5 From my previous experience visiting gurdwaras, I have noticed that the pictures of other Gurus (even Guru Nanak Dev Ji) are never placed in the presence of the Guru Granth. While there may be pictures of the Golden Temple, however, the pictures of Gurus and martyrs are not placed in the presence of the Guru Granth but can be found hanging in the langar hall. 6 To maintain anonymity, I will not be using names in this paper.

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The second visit took place on March 27, 2011, on the occasion of a visit from a

Punjabi Dalit advocate, Mr. S.L. Virdi, from India. After listening to kirtan7 for 40 minutes, I went downstairs to the basement to eat langar,8 and when I came back upstairs,

I noticed that the visiting advocate had taken the stage. Speaking in Punjabi, Mr. Virdi was lecturing about the degradation that the caste system bestows upon Dalits. Speaking about the history of Dalit rights in India, Mr. Virdi mentioned Dr. Ambedkar, the Poona

Pact, and atrocities that Dalits faced and continue to face in India. He also reinforced the spirit of resilience in Dalits to not allow themselves to be subjugated to ill treatment any longer. He expressed pride in the fact that when he looks around the room, he sees men dressed in coats and suits and women in nice clothes, whereas at one point in Indian history, Dalits did not even own nice clothing or if they did, they were beaten for dressing up. Mr. Virdi also stated that if Dalits are abused now, they will not take it lying down but will fight back. Whenever the advocate made a comment that pleased the audience, they responded by shouting a jaikara in Ravidas’s name.

A. Treatment in the Religious Sector

After the advocate’s speech, I met in the library with the members of the Shri

Guru Ravidas Temple committee, along with the visiting advocate, and asked them questions about how they are treated by non-Dalit Sikhs in Queens and what discrimination they face. My first question was when did they come from India and were

7 is the singing of the poems from the Guru Granth Sahib. Kirtan is normally sung on-stage with instruments by three granthis, custodians of the temple. 8 As previously mentioned, langar is food that is prepared in the temple and served to the , attendees. Langar is served to everyone regardless of caste or religion. The sangat sits on the ground in a line, pangat, which signifies equality.

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opportunities were in place that allowed them to migrate. One committee member volunteered that he came to the US about twenty years, after doing his MA, and since resources were not in place through the government to allow Dalits to migrate to the US, he had to come to the US through different means.9

Mr. Virdi added that in the five weeks since he has been in the US, he has noticed that the ‘virus’ of caste does exist in the US. He said that this is visible through the fact that there are separate gurdwaras for the upper castes and separate gurdwaras for the lower caste, in both New York and California. He further stated that ‘casteism’ is stronger in the US in the sector of religion because in Punjab, the lower castes do worship in the upper caste gurdwaras and vice versa. However, in the US, the lower castes only attend their own temples while the upper castes worship at their own. Other committee members stated that if they try to enter the upper caste gurdwaras with the “Guru

Ravidas” scarf on their head, they are told to take the scarf off. He then angrily stated,

“then what is the purpose of attending such gurdwaras?!” Another committee member stated that they are discriminated against because they do not wear turbans and nor do they use “Singh” as their surname. He then shared a story about a Jatt Sikh in the upper caste gurdwara, who was forbidden to perform the chaur seva10 because of the fact that he cuts his hair. This comment reminded me of the ideology in the early twentieth century when the caliber of being “good Sikhs” was whether or not they

9 Find out if there are resources in place now that assist Dalits with migration abroad 10 A chaur is a duster-like object made of yak hair and attached to a steel or metal handle. During a service, a chaur is waved over the Guru Granth Sahib as a demonstration of respect and dedication to the Guru Granth Sahib. More information about this practice can be found at: http://www.sikhiwiki.org/index.php/Chaur_sahib

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followed all the 5 K’s. This further supports my argument that early sectarian groups had an enormous influence on Sikhs because those same standards are being applied even in the twenty-first century.

When I asked the committee members to comment on the rise of caste-based gurdwaras abroad, I was told that separate gurdwaras were created when different castes, the Balmikis, Ravidasis, Baniya, and Ramgharias,11 came abroad and realized that they were receiving the same treatment by the upper castes as they did in India. The lower caste was not receiving recognition from the higher castes and thus different castes began their own gurdwaras. A committee member explained that people just want peace of mind when they worship and they do not feel comfortable worshiping in a place where they are not respected. The committee members agreed that discrimination should have ended in the temples since it is forbidden in Sikhism to discriminate on the basis of caste; however, the the committee members commented, upper caste became angry when the

Ravidasis attempted to build their separate gurdwara and they tried to prevent them from constructing it. The upper caste tried to create problems within the members of the

Ravidasi committee themselves in hopes that construction of the gurdwara will not be undertaken. One committee member angrily proclaimed: “They [upper caste Sikhs] have slapped the Gurus in the face by not practicing their anti-caste ideology.”

The committee members stated that this Sri Guru Ravidas Temple was created because of the discrimination that was faced by the upper caste. One member described that, “We used to go to the upper castes to ask for access to the Guru Granth when we

11 Baniya is a trading caste, Ramgharia is the carpenter caste, and Balmikis are sweepers. http://peoplegroupsindia.is2c.com/profiles/

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wanted to celebrate the birthday of Ravidas. However, we were rejected and told that they would not give the Guru Granth for this purpose. The upper caste believe that only the bani12 of the ten Gurus should be read while the banis of the other should be left out. They do not respect the other saints.”

B. Inter-caste Marriages

The committee members all stated that inter-caste marriages are not permitted by the upper castes. They shared a story of a distant relative of one of the committee members: The Jat girl was born in the US, and she fell in love with a boy from the Saini caste.13 The girl studied the Guru Granth and learned that caste is not allowed to be practiced in Sikhism; she attempted to use this information to persuade them to allow her inter-caste marriage to take place. However, the girl’s father responded that he would marry her to a blind or disabled Jat but never to a Saini. The girl argued that the man she wants to marry is still Sikh but the father stated: “No! He is not a Sikh, he is a Saini!”

The girl was kicked out of the house and she ended up having a court marriage. The committee members stated that the upper caste are teaching their children to practice caste in the US. “Look at how they are trying to spread the virus in their children!” said one committee member.

C. Employment Sector

I asked the committee members if they experience caste-based discrimination when they attempt to seek a job in the US. They stated that while they do not face

12 Poetry in the Guru Granth is referred to as bani. 13 Sainis, according to the Scheduled Caste list, are considered as backward caste.

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discrimination from non-Indians, they do experience biased treatment by Indians.14 They shared with me a story about a Dalit-owned market called Singh Farm in Canada. They said that Singh Farm was a bombing business 25 years ago in Canada; about 150-200 employees worked in the market and it was a million dollar company. However, when customers found out that the owners of the market were from the caste, they stopped going to their stores. Due to the drop in the clientele, the company was forced to shut down and the owners left Canada and moved to the US. Another example was provided about a local Dalit-owned grocery store in Queens that is only visited by Dalits.

Upper caste members refuse to shop there.

One committee member stated that his uncle works as a cook, and when he seeks employment with Indian restaurants, he is always asked what caste he belongs to.

Another member explained his wife’s experience to me: his wife is employed as a supervisor at a local cafe15, and one of her employees was an upper caste Punjabi woman.

When the employee discovered that her employer is a Dalit, she proclaimed that she is not going to work under her any longer. The wife tried to explain to her employee that jobs are not found in the US on the basis of caste; however, her employee reiterated that since she is from an upper caste, she will not work for someone who is from the lower caste. The employee then quit her job. Another similar example about the refusal of the upper caste to hold positions of inferiority with the lower caste is the following: if lower

14 He did not differentiate if he was speaking about Punjabis only; since he used the term “Indians,” I am assuming that he is referring to all upper caste Indians. This can be interpreted to mean that caste-based discrimination in the US doesn’t take place at the hands of Punjabis only. 15 The location of employment is been kept anonymous.

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caste member owns and house and is renting out a room or a portion of the house, the upper caste members, although interested in renting, will refuse to be tenants of someone from a lower caste. This example supports the claim made by a committee member earlier in the interview, that the upper caste is afraid of the lower caste becoming their equals in the US.

D. Social Sector

As far as discrimination in the social sector is concerned, I was told a story about a lower caste singer, Amrita Virk, who came to the US a few years ago to do a performance. The committee had sponsored the singer themselves16 and during the show, some Jatt men made comments stating “Look at that Chamari17 dancing on stage.” The committee members asked “Why did they spend money on purchasing a ticket for the concert if they were just going to make inappropriate comments about her?”

There are upper caste Sikhs, however, who are on friendly terms with Dalits Sikhs

18 and one story told by a committee member provides an insight on their views towards caste practices. A popular deli in Manhattan is owned by upper caste Punjabis, who are friends of some members of the Sri Guru Ravidas Temple. A committee member explained that in the deli, there are framed pictures of Guru Nanak, the first Sikh Guru, and . When the committee member asked the deli owners to hang a

16 It is common for committees and organizations to sponsor singers and dancers to come to the US to put on shows for the Indian audience. 17 The usage of this term in this context is meant to be derogatory. 18 The focus of this paper is on the experiences of Dalit Sikhs, therefore, I will not include a discussion of the views of the upper caste. However, this is definitely one area in which more work needs to be done in order to understand why the upper caste continue to practice caste in the Diaspora.

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picture of Ravidas, he was denied. The deli owners stated that they do not have any objections to framing a picture of Ravidas and hanging it in the deli; however, they are afraid of losing business from their upper caste clients, who frequently visit the deli. This scenario makes it clear that those upper caste Sikhs who do interact with the Ravidasis on a friendly basis, find themselves caught in a middle position – while on the one hand, they understand the desire on part of the Ravidasis to want representation by having a picture of Ravidas hung in the deli, they are also aware of the reaction this might cause from the upper caste.

E. Why is caste discrimination rampant abroad?

In response to this question, one member stated: “We were kept down in India, but now in the US, the upper caste are afraid that we might become equals like them.

They want to make it clear to other non-Indians in the community that these people were lower than us in India so that we might not mix with them in this country.” He explained that the upper caste do not have extra privileges in this country on the basis of their caste.

For example, everyone shops at the same markets, all the houses are the same, all the cars are designed the same, therefore, the upper caste is worried that lower caste members might become their equals. Because of this reason, he proclaimed that “they have tried to oppress us even further and keep us in a lower position than we were before.” He explained that although the upper caste have left everything in India; their houses, jobs, occupations, but they have managed to bring their jati with them.

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F. Case of violence against Dalit Sikhs – Vienna incident

An attack on a gurdwara in Vienna, Austria made headlines in May 2009. As details about the incident slowly began to surface, everyone was shocked to learn that this attack occurred in a Ravidasi temple and was a conflict between the upper caste and lower caste. I want to briefly examine this incident to see how it was portrayed in the media and what type of reaction it received from the lower caste as well as the upper caste.19

Reports state that on May 24, 2009, a group of six Sikh men, armed with knives and guns, entered the Sri Guru Ravidas Sabha and began attacking the crowd in objection to the sermon that was being delivered by the visiting preacher, Nand.20 The

56-year-old religious figure was killed in the attack, another visiting preacher, Sant

Niranjan Dass and 16 others were wounded. Both preachers were visiting from

Sachkhand, which is the hub of the Ravidasis in district Jalandhar.21 Sant Rama Nand was a great spiritual leader for the Ravidasis and he travelled internationally to spread knowledge about Ravidas and his followers.22 Thus, after the death of Sant Rama Nand, riots broke out in Jalandhar as Ravidasis expressed anger at the loss of their spiritual

19 Please note that an academic work on this incident has yet to be published. Thus, all the information I gathered has been derived from newspaper publications and I found that some newspapers presented conflicting information. Nevertheless, I did my best to read several sources and present the information as accurately as possible. 20 Punjab Newsline Network, May 24, 2009; http://www.punjabnewsline.com/content/vienna-police-confirmed-death-sant-rama-nand- preacher-ravidass-temple-near-jalandhar 21 One Sri Ravidas website stated that Dera Sachkhand is considered the mecca for Dalits (http://www.gururavidassguruji.com/satgururamanandji.htm). The Ad Dharm Movement also had its headquarters in Jalandhar. 22 To see more about the importance of Sant Rama Nand to the Ravisasi community, please see the following link: http://www.gururavidassguruji.com/satgururamanandji.htm

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leader. A curfew was imposed and the military was called in to restore order.23 There have been conflicting reports about the reason for the attack on this Ravidasi temple.

Some reports claim that this attack is the result of a “longstanding and long simmering tension” between Sikhs and Ravidasis,24 while others state that this conflict began because the attackers felt that the Ravidasis were not being respectful towards the Guru

Granth Sahib.25 Even the description of the attackers themselves varied intensely: some reports called the attacks “fundamental Sikhs,”26 while others referred to them as

“extremist Sikhs”,27 and others simply “bearded and turbaned men.”28

It is still not clear why exactly the Ravidas temple was attacked, however, it is obvious that this was a planned attack since it took place on the day when two of the holiest Ravidasi sants were paying a visit to the temple.

As a result of the attack on the Sri Guru Ravidas Sabha in Vienna, in February

2010, the Ravidasis from Dera Sachkhand Ballan declared a separate religion for the

23 http://www.apnaorg.com/research-papers-pdf/kathryn.pdf 24 Ibid. 25 May 25, 2009, “Indian Sikh dies after Vienna attack,” http://www.adnkronos.com/AKI/English/Religion/?id=3.0.3354551455. 26 http://www.apnaorg.com/research-papers-pdf/kathryn.pdf 27 “Six charged for gun attack at Vienna Ravidass Temple”, http://www.austriantimes.at/news/General_News/2010-05- 18/23463/Six_charged_for_gun_attack_at_Vienna%92s_Ravidass_Temple 28 May 25, 2009, “Indian Sikh dies after Vienna attack,” http://www.adnkronos.com/AKI/English/Religion/?id=3.0.3354551455. In the media, more emphasis was placed on the different religious practices between the Ravidasis and upper caste Sikhs, and less on the caste differences. This could be contributed to the fact that non-Indian agencies were reporting on this incident and they do not enough knowledge about the caste differences between the two groups. Also, the various reports on this incident are also illustrative of the misunderstandings that are inherent in the public’s eye about Sikhism in general.

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community called ‘Ravisassia.’29 They released a separate religious book called ‘Amrit

Bank Guru Ravidas’ to replace the Guru Granth Sahib and affirmed Ravidas as their sole master. However, not all Ravidasi centers agreed with this decision. The Ravidass

Sadhu Sampradaye Society30 rejected the separate religion declared by the Dera

Sachkhand Ballan. They argued that they were not notified about this decision and a separate dera (temple) does not have the right to speak on behalf of the whole community.31 They called for the Guru Granth Sahib to continue to be installed in the

Ravidasi Temples; this explains why the Sri Guru Ravidas Temple in Queens has not adopted a separate book of only Ravidas’s work but continue to keep the Guru Granth in place.

29 February 1, 2010, http://www.sikhnet.com/news/ravidass-followers-declare-separate- religion-release-separate-granth 30 The only information available about this organization is that it consists of 150 Ravidasi (saints) who serve as spiritual guides and are in charge of Ravidasi temples all around the world. More information can be found at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ravidasi 31 http://www.sikhsangat.org/2010/02/bhagat-ravidass-sampradaye-rejects-separate- religion/

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