New Book on Revisionist-Zionist Terrorists
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Lehi and the Arabs
Lehi and the Arabs Here we discuss Lehi’s personal contacts with the Arabs, as indicated by his family background and his association with Ishmael, whose descendants in the New World closely resemble the Ishmaelites (Bedouins) of the Old World. The names of Lehi and some of his sons are pure Arabic. The Book of Mormon depicts Lehi as a man of three worlds, and it has recently become generally recognized that the ancient Hebrews shared fully in the culture and traditions of the desert on the one hand and in the cultural heritage of Egypt on the other. Lehi’s ties with the Arabs are many and interesting. Since the only comprehensive study of this theme is a chapter of Lehi in the Desert, we can do no better in this lesson than to quote that chapter, with necessary alterations and additions. Signicance of Manasseh Now of all the tribes of Israel, Manasseh was the one which lived farthest out in the desert, came into the most frequent contact with the Arabs, intermarried with them most frequently, and at the same time had the closest traditional bonds with Egypt.1 The prominence of the name of Ammon in the Book of Mormon may have something to do with the fact that Ammon was Manasseh’s nearest neighbor and often fought him in the deserts east of Jordan; at the same time a prehistoric connection with the Ammon of Egypt is not at all out of the question. The seminomadic nature of Manasseh might explain why Lehi seems out of touch with things in Jerusalem. -
Down with Britain, Away with Zionism: the 'Canaanites'
DOWN WITH BRITAIN, AWAY WITH ZIONISM: THE ‘CANAANITES’ AND ‘LOHAMEY HERUT ISRAEL’ BETWEEN TWO ADVERSARIES Roman Vater* ABSTRACT: The imposition of the British Mandate over Palestine in 1922 put the Zionist leadership between a rock and a hard place, between its declared allegiance to the idea of Jewish sovereignty and the necessity of cooperation with a foreign ruler. Eventually, both Labour and Revisionist Zionism accommodated themselves to the new situation and chose a strategic partnership with the British Empire. However, dissident opinions within the Revisionist movement were voiced by a group known as the Maximalist Revisionists from the early 1930s. This article analyzes the intellectual and political development of two Maximalist Revisionists – Yonatan Ratosh and Israel Eldad – tracing their gradual shift to anti-Zionist positions. Some questions raised include: when does opposition to Zionist politics transform into opposition to Zionist ideology, and what are the implications of such a transition for the Israeli political scene after 1948? Introduction The standard narrative of Israel’s journey to independence goes generally as follows: when the British military rule in Palestine was replaced in 1922 with a Mandate of which the purpose was to implement the 1917 Balfour Declaration promising support for a Jewish ‘national home’, the Jewish Yishuv in Palestine gained a powerful protector. In consequence, Zionist politics underwent a serious shift when both the leftist Labour camp, led by David Ben-Gurion (1886-1973), and the rightist Revisionist camp, led by Zeev (Vladimir) Jabotinsky (1880-1940), threw in their lot with Britain. The idea of the ‘covenant between the Empire and the Hebrew state’1 became a paradigm for both camps, which (temporarily) replaced their demand for a Jewish state with the long-term prospect of bringing the Yishuv to qualitative and quantitative supremacy over the Palestinian Arabs under the wings of the British Empire. -
Efraim Karsh
EFRAIM KARSH Contact: [email protected]; [email protected] PRESENT POSITIONS Professor of Middle East and Mediterranean Studies, King’s College London, since 1996. Personal website Professor of Political Studies, Bar-Ilan University, since 2013 Senior Research Associate, Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Bar-Ilan University, since 2013 Principal Research Fellow, Middle East Forum, Philadelphia, since 2013 PREVIOUS POSITIONS Director, Middle East Forum, Philadelphia, 2011-12 Founding Director, Middle East & Mediterranean Studies Program, King’s College London, 1994-2010: Offers research and teaching on the history, politics, economics and international relations of the Middle East and Mediterranean at postgraduate level. Currently includes 9 fulltime members of staff, 6 visiting fellows, and over 120 students. Reader (Associate Professor) in War Studies, King’s College London, 1992-96 Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in War Studies, King’s College London, 1989-92 Senior Research Fellow, Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, Tel-Aviv University, 1984- 89 Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in Political Science, Tel-Aviv University, 1986-89 Director of Studies in International Relations, Israel’s Open University, 1982-85 Intelligence Analyst, Israel Defense Forces (IDF), attained rank of Major, 1974-81 VISITING POSITIONS First Nachshon Visiting Professor in Israel Studies, Harvard University, Fall Semester 2003 Starr Fellow in Jewish Studies, Harvard University, Spring Semester 2003 Visiting Professor, Universite Assas -
Sacred Landscape: the Buried History of the Holy Land Since 1948
REVIEWS | 159 Sacred Landscape: The Buried History of the Holy Land Since 1948. By Meron Benvenisti (trans. Maxine Kaufman-Lacusta) (Berkeley, Univer- sity of California Press, 2000) 366 pp. $35.00 Benvenisti has written a provocative but compassionate book with two purposes that appear to contradict each other. First, he traces the process by which war and expulsion transformed the map of Arab Palestine into the map of modern Israel. Then he advances the case that there is still sufªcient historical and physical space for both peoples to share their homeland, even though the Palestinian homeland is physically unrecog- nizable today. Benvenisti concentrates his research on the part of Palestine that be- came Israel in 1948, where an Arab landscape was entirely replaced by a Jewish landscape. When Palestinians claim the right to return to Pales- tine, they mean, ªrst and foremost, Israel, and not the West Bank and Gaza. Geographers will ªnd illuminating those sections of the book that focus on toponymistics, or the assignment of geographical names. Even before the end of the British Mandate, Zionist geographers, including Benvenisti’s father, had begun to attach Hebrew names to Arab sites. This effort accelerated after Israel’s establishment in 1948, as various Is- raeli commissions undertook to make permanent the facts of war. In this way, the map of Arab Palestine was systematically transformed into a modern Israeli map. Benvenisti estimates that 9,000 villages, ruins, and ºora and fauna of Palestine, all with Arabic names, were systematically renamed in Hebrew. Most controversial was the physical takeover of sites sacred to Mus- lims. -
The Partitioning of Palestine the Decision to Partition Palestine
MOMENTOUS DECISIONS The partitioning of Palestine The decision to partition Palestine. • Who made the decision? • The United Nations General Assembly. • When? • UN General Assembly Resolution 181 (Partition Plan) November 29, 1947. • Israel = blue. • Arab Palestine = sienna (clay colour). • Jerusalem = white. Two maps reviewed by UN Subcommittee 2 in considering partition. • Land ownership (%). • Green = Arab. • Red = Jewish. • White = public space. • Population distribution. • Black = Arab. • Grey = Jewish. • Circles 200,000, 100,000 • 50,000, 10,000. Background information. • After the uprising led by Bar Kockhba in 132CE had been quelled, the majority of the Jewish population of Judea was either killed, exiled, or sold into slavery and Jewish religious and political authority, including the Jesus sect, was suppressed far more brutally than previously. • This meant that Jews did not have a homeland. • After centuries of living in a diaspora, and many pogroms, the 1894 Dreyfus Affair in France highlighted the fact that the Jews would continue to suffer from arbitrary anti-Semitism until they had their own country. The Dreyfus Affair. 1. • Alfred Dreyfus, an obscure captain in the French army, came from a Jewish family that had left its native Alsace for Paris when Germany annexed that province in 1871. • In 1894, papers discovered in a wastebasket in the office of a German military attaché made it appear that a French military officer was providing secret information to the German government. The Dreyfus Affair. 2 • Dreyfus came under suspicion, probably because he was a Jew and also because he had access to the type of information that had been supplied to the German agent. -
Liberal Or Zionist? Ambiguity Or Ambivalence? Reply to Jonathan Hogg
Eras Journal - Dubnov, A.: Liberal or Zionist? Ambiguity or Ambivalence? Reply to Jonathan Hogg Liberal or Zionist? Ambiguity or Ambivalence? Reply to Jonathan Hogg Arie Dubnov (Hebrew University of Jerusalem) Whether defined as an ideology, a dogma or a creed, or more loosely, as a set of neutral values and principles with no clear hierarchy, most interpreters would describe Liberalism as a predominantly British world-view. For that reason it is not surprising that the political thought of Sir Isaiah Berlin (1909-1997), one of the most prominent defenders of Liberalism in the twentieth century, is also interpreted in most cases through the prism of this English, or Anglo-American intellectual tradition, although he himself defined his Englishness only as one of the three strands of his life.[1] Ignoring Berlin's Russian-Jewish identity, or treating it merely as a biographical fact makes it hard for historians to reinterpret and contextualize Berlin's thought. The main merit in Jonathan Hogg's thought-provoking essay is that it insists on taking seriously two critical questions, which might help in changing this perspective.[2]First, it inquires into the nature of Isaiah Berlin's role within Cold War liberal discourse, and secondly, it seeks to comprehend the exact nature of his Zionism. By doing so Hogg offers Berlin's future interpreters two major themes upon which to focus. Moreover, he prepares the ground for a more inclusive, coherent and comprehensive study of Berlin's thought, one that would treat it as a multilayered whole. Here, however, I will try to show that although Hogg posits two essential questions, the answers he proffers are not always sufficient or convincing. -
Review Essay Never Again . . . What? Law, History, and The
REVIEW ESSAY NEVER AGAIN . WHAT? LAW, HISTORY, AND THE USES OF THE HOLOCAUST Michael A. Livingston ALVIN H. ROSENFELD, THE END OF THE HOLOCAUST (Indiana University Press, 2011) PETER NOVICK, THE HOLOCAUST IN AMERICAN LIFE (Houghton Mifflin, 1999) IDITH ZERTAL, ISRAEL’S HOLOCAUST AND THE POLITICS OF NATIONHOOD (Cambridge University Press, 2005) TOM SEGEV, THE SEVENTH MILLION: THE ISRAELIS AND THE HOLOCAUST (Farrar Strauss Giroux, 1993) ROBERT S.C. GORDON, THE HOLOCAUST IN ITALIAN CULTURE, 1944-2010 (Stanford University Press, 2012) DAVID FRASER, LAW AFTER AUSCHWITZ: TOWARD A JURISPRUDENCE OF THE HOLOCAUST (Carolina Academic Press, 2005) PETER BEINART, THE CRISIS OF ZIONISM (New York Times Books, 2012) The Holocaust—the murder of six million European Jews in countries under German control between 1941 and 1945—is wide- ly regarded as one of the major events of the twentieth century. Yet its precise historical significance is a matter of ongoing debate. Is the Holocaust unique, or is it merely the most famous of a series of genocides that characterize modern history? Was it specifically a Jewish tragedy, or does it “belong,” in a moral and historical sense, to Europe, the Western World, or humanity in general? Does the Holocaust provide justification for the modern State of Israel, and how has that state been shaped, or distorted, by the Holocaust experience? Is the use of the word Holocaust (with or without a capital “H”) even appropriate, or should it be replaced with another term (and perhaps a different number of victims) that carries less or different historical baggage? The debate about the meaning of the Holocaust has become es- pecially intense during the past two decades. -
UNRWA Photographs 1950-1978: a View on History Or Shaped by History? Stephanie Latte
UNRWA Photographs 1950-1978: A View on History or Shaped by History? Stephanie Latte To cite this version: Stephanie Latte. UNRWA Photographs 1950-1978: A View on History or Shaped by History?. Issam Nassar; Rasha Salti. I would have Smiled. Photographing the Palestinian Refugee Experience (a trib- ute to Myrtle Winter-Chaumeny), The Institute for Palestine Studies, pp.43-65, 2009, 9780887283093. hal-02320135v2 HAL Id: hal-02320135 https://hal-sciencespo.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02320135v2 Submitted on 29 Apr 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Pour citer cet article : Stéphanie Latte Abdallah, « UNRWA Photographs 1950-1978: A View of History or Shaped by History? », in Issam Nassar, Rasha Salti (eds.), I would have Smiled. Photographing the Palestinian Refugee Experience (a tribute to Myrtle Winter- Chaumeny), Institute for Palestine Studies, 2009, p. 43-65. UNRWA Photographs 1950-1978: A View of History or Shaped by History? The establishment and the content of the photographic archive of UNRWA, and more broadly, of the audiovisual branch, are best deciphered within the historical and political constraints that have shaped the Palestinian and refugee issues as well as UNRWA’s role, the institution’s mandate and program since 1950. -
A One Percent Chance: Jabotinsky, Bernadotte, and the Iron Wall Doctrine
Chapman University Chapman University Digital Commons War and Society (MA) Theses Dissertations and Theses 5-2016 A One Percent Chance: Jabotinsky, Bernadotte, and the Iron Wall Doctrine Andrew Harman Chapman University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses Part of the Cultural History Commons, History of Religion Commons, International Relations Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Military History Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, Other History Commons, Other Political Science Commons, Political History Commons, Public History Commons, and the Social History Commons Recommended Citation Harman, Andrew. A One Percent Chance: Jabotinsky, Bernadotte, and the Iron Wall Doctrine. 2016. Chapman University, MA Thesis. Chapman University Digital Commons, https://doi.org/10.36837/ chapman.000018 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at Chapman University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in War and Society (MA) Theses by an authorized administrator of Chapman University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A One Percent Chance: Jabotinsky, Bernadotte, and the Iron Wall Doctrine A Thesis by Andrew Gregory Harman Chapman University Orange, CA Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in War and Society May 2016 Committee in charge: Leland Estes, Ph.D., Chair Gregory Daddis, Ph.D. Nubar Hovsepian, Ph.D. A One Percent Chance: Jabotinsky, Bernadotte, and the Iron Wall Doctrine Copyright © 2016 by Andrew Gregory Harman iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The extensive research and hard work put toward this Master’s thesis owes tribute to a great many people that have assisted in its execution along the way. -
Chapter 2: the Middle East Conflict in Outline
2 7KH0LGGOH(DVW&RQIOLFWLQ2XWOLQH Origins of the Conflict 2.1 The modern Middle East conflict between Israel and neighbouring Arab states could be said to have begun in 1897 when Theodor Hertzl convened the First World Zionist Congress in Basel, Switzerland. With Jews facing increased discrimination and pogroms in Europe and Russia, Dr Hertzl called for the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. 2.2 During the First World War, British officials in the Middle East promised independence to the Arabs in return for their support against Turkey. The 1916 Anglo-French (Sykes-Pikot) Agreement broke this promise and the region was divided into spheres of influence between France and Britain. Meanwhile, the campaign for a Jewish homeland continued, culminating in the Balfour Declaration of 2 November 1917, which stated that Britain viewed with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people. The Declaration, in the form of a letter from the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Balfour, was addressed to Baron Rothschild, a leader of British Jewry, following consideration in the Cabinet.1 The Declaration also indicated that, in supporting such an aim: … nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or 1 Historical material is this Chapter has been drawn from a number of sources, particularly— The BBC World Service website: www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/middleeast; the Avalon Project, Yale Law School website: www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/mideast/; M Ong, Department of the Parliamentary Library, Current Issues Brief No. 6, 2000-01, The Middle East Crisis: Losing Control?, 5 December 2000; L Joffe, Keesing's Guide to the Mid-East Peace Process, Catermill Publishing, London, 1996; and The Palestinian-Israeli Peace Agreement: A Documentary Record, published by the Institute for Palestine Studies, Washington DC, 1993. -
War, Peace, and the Politics of Israel's Identity POL 345 Y Y
Becoming Israel: War, Peace, and the Politics of Israel's Identity POL 345 Y Y Professor Emanuel Adler Fall 2013-Winter 2014 Lectures: Wednesday 2:00-5:00 Office Hours: Monday 2:00-4:00 Office: Munk School of Global Affairs, at the Observatory 315 Bloor Street, Room 218; Phone: 416-946-8931. E-mail Address: [email protected] Teaching Assistant: Israela Stein: [email protected] Israelis probably are among the few peoples in the world who, even after several generations of independent existence, still ask: "who were we?," "who are we?," "who is we?," "what are we?, "where are we?," and "who will we become?" Attempting to show why this is so, this course introduces students to Israeli politics, society, institutions and political practice from the distinctive perspective of the development of Israeli identity (identities). Special attention will be given to the sources of Israeli identity, the main players involved in its politics, and the role of regional war and the peace process in its development and inner conflicts. In particular, the course will trace the construction of Israeli identity, starting from the early times of Zionism and ending with the contemporary identity conflicts over the failed Oslo peace process with the Palestinians and the recent Intifada. I will try to show that there is a direct connection between Zionist constituting ideologies, the nature of Israel's institutions and society, and the split soul of Israeli identity. Course requirements: A review paper (20%) on Yael Zerubavel’s book Recovered Roots (maximum 5 pages, double space), which is due on November 6, 2013; a mid-term paper (30%) on the origins of Israeli political and social institutions (maximum 10 pages, double space), which is due on March 5, 2014 and two exams (25% each) at the end of the fall and winter semesters. -
The Events of 1948 and the Palestinian Refugees
The Events of 1948 and the Palestinian Refugees Summary by Ron Stockton We can learn much about history from first-hand reports. What follows are two types of reports: contemporary documents and the perspectives of those who were present, and the results of recent scholarship. There is an exceptional amount of rhetoric around these events. A polemic is an argument designed to prove that you are right and some rival group is wrong. There is a Jewish-Arab polemic and a Jewish-Jewish polemic [between the Ben-Gurion/Haganah/Labour left and the Begin/Herut/Likud right]. These polemics are only marginally included. Tessler discusses them more fully. The New Historians : When Menachem Begin became Prime Minister in 1977, he was so stung by allegations that he was a terrorist that he began to open the state archives to researchers. More archives were opened under the 50-year rule in 1997 and 1998. These produced a wave of new research based on documents, journals, reports, minutes. Israelis saw themselves as peaceful and accommodating and the Arab side as the problem. Four books shook the way Israelis saw this history. These were Simha Flapan’s The Birth of Israel: Myths and Realities; Benny Morris’ The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949; Ilan Pappe’s Britain and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-1951; Avi Shlain’s Collusion Across the Jordan: King Abdullah, The Zionist Movement, and the Partition of Palestine; and Tom Segev, 1949:The First Israelis. Background: Fighting in Palestine went through three distinct stages with different characteristics and different military forces.