DOCSLIB.ORG

The Mexican Revolution (Spanish: Revolución Mexicana) Or Mexican

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Mexican Revolution (Spanish: Revolución Mexicana) Or Mexican The Mexican Revolution (Spanish: Revolución mexicana) or Mexican Civil War (Spanish: Guerra civil mexicana) was a major armed struggle that started in 1910, with an uprising led by Francisco I. Madero against longtime autocrat Porfirio Díaz, and lasted for the better part of a decade until around 1920.[5] Over time the revolution changed from a revolt against the established order to a multi-sided civil war with frequently shifting power struggles. This armed conflict is often categorized as the most important sociopolitical event in Mexico and one of the greatest upheavals of the 20th century;[6] it resulted in an important experimentation and reformation in social organization.[7] After prolonged struggles, its representatives produced the Mexican Constitution of 1917 during Venustiano Carranza's term.[5] The revolution is generally considered to have lasted until 1920, although the country continued to have sporadic, but comparatively minor, outbreaks of warfare well into the 1920s. The Cristero War of 1926 to 1929 was the most significant relapse into bloodshed. The revolution led to the creation of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario ("National Revolutionary Party") in 1929; it was renamed the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party) (PRI) in 1946. Under a variety of leaders, the PRI monopolized power through the 20th century until the general election of 2000. Contents [hide] 1 Porfirio Díaz 2 Francisco I. Madero 3 Victoriano Huerta o 3.1 Legacy 4 Pancho Villa 5 Venustiano Carranza 6 Emiliano Zapata o 6.1 Zapatistas 7 Agrarian land reform 8 Role of the United States 9 Role of the Catholic Church 10 Youth in the revolution 11 End of the revolution 12 Legacy o 12.1 Rise of the PRI o 12.2 Transformation of the political landscape 13 See also 14 Notes 15 References o 15.1 General o 15.2 Memory and cultural dimension o 15.3 Historiography o 15.4 Online 16 External links Porfirio Díaz Main article: Porfirio Díaz Part of a series on the History of Mexico Pre-Columbian Spanish rule[show] First Republic [show] Second Federal Republic [show] 1864–1928[hide] Second Empire Restored Republic The Porfiriato Revolution La decena trágica Plan of Guadalupe Tampico Affair Occupation of Veracruz Cristero War Modern[show] Timeline Mexico portal V T E After Benito Juárez died in 1872, liberal General Porfirio Díaz attempted to gain the presidency, but failed as Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada succeeded Juárez. As liberal allies, Juárez and Díaz had opposed the French Intervention. Porfirio Díaz was one of the military heroes of the Battle of Puebla on May 5, 1862 Cinco de Mayo, which briefly impeded the French invasion of Mexico, which resulted in the installation of Maximilian I as emperor. Following the ouster of the French in 1867, Juárez, who had been president in exile, and supported and recognized by the people as the legitimate political leader of Mexico, returned to exercise power. Díaz tried to unseat him, but failed. When Juárez died in office, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada succeeded him. When Lerdo ran for the presidency, Díaz ousted him, coming to power as president in 1876 and ruling until May 1911.[8] Francisco I. Madero overthrew him, taking office in November. [9] Díaz's regime is remembered for the advances he brought in industry and modernization, at the expense of human rights and liberal reforms. Díaz's rule from 1876 to 1911 has become known as the era of the Porfiriato. Díaz had a strict "No Re-election" policy whereby presidents could not serve consecutive terms in office.[citation needed] He followed this rule when he stepped down (1880) after his first term and was succeeded by Manuel González Flores.[citation needed] González was controlled by Díaz and was commonly known as Díaz's puppet.[citation needed] The new president's period in office was marred by political corruption and official incompetence.[citation needed] When Díaz ran in the next election (1884), he was a welcome replacement. In future elections, Díaz put aside his "No Re-election" slogan and ran for president in exercises that were widely seen as fraudulent. Díaz was an early liberal, but had changed his views after Juárez took office. Díaz became the dictator against whom he had warned the people. Through an armed police force directly under control of the president, the Rurales, a paramilitary force that kept order in the countryside, and gangs of thugs, Díaz frightened people into voting for him. When bullying citizens into voting for him failed, he rigged the votes in his favor.[10] He justified his stay in office by claiming that Mexico was not yet ready to govern itself;[citation needed] only he knew what was best for his country and he enforced his belief with a strong hand. "Order and Progress" were the watchwords of his rule.[citation needed] Leaders of the 1910 revolt pose for a photo after the First Battle of Juárez. Present are José María Pino Suárez, Venustiano Carranza, Francisco I. Madero(and his father), Pascual Orozco, Pancho Villa, Gustavo Madero, Raul Madero, Abraham González, and Giuseppe Garibaldi Jr. Díaz's presidency was characterized by promotion of industry and development of infrastructure by opening the country to foreign investment. He believed opposition needed to be suppressed and order maintained to reassure foreign entrepreneurs that their investments were safe. The modernization and progress in cities came at the expense of the rising working class and the peasantry. Farmers and peasants both complained of oppression and exploitation. The economy took a great leap during the Porfiriato, as he encouraged the construction of factories and industries, and infrastructure such as roads and dams, as well as improving agriculture. Industrialization resulted in the rise of an urban proletariat and attracted an influx of foreign capital (principally from the United States and Great Britain). Part of his success in maintaining power came from mitigating U.S. influence through European investments—primarily from Great Britain and Imperial Germany. Progress came at a price, however, as Díaz suspended basic rights such as freedom of the press in order to suppress opposition.[11] The growing influence of the U.S. was a constant concern for .[citation needed] Wealth, political power and access to education were concentrated among a handful of elite landholding families, overwhelmingly of European descent, known as hacendados, who controlled vast swaths of the country by virtue of their huge estates (for example, the Terrazas had one estate in Sonora that alone comprised more than a million acres). Most people in Mexico were landless, peasants laboring on the vast estates or industrial workers in the mines for little more than slave wages. Foreign companies, mostly from the United Kingdom, France and the U.S., also exercised influence in Mexico. "Manifestación antireeleccionista" by José Guadalupe Posada Díaz changed land reform efforts that were begun under previous leaders. His new "reforms" virtually undid all the work by leaders such as Juárez. No peasant or farmer could claim the land he occupied without formal legal title. Helpless and angry small farmers and landless peasants saw no hope for themselves and their families under a Díaz regime, and concluded that a change of leadership was needed to offer hope for themselves and their country. Leaders such as Francisco I. Madero, Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata arose to take part in the rebellion against Díaz, and separate efforts eventually coalesced into what became known as the Mexican Revolution. More than 95% of Mexico's land was owned by less than 5% of the population. This vastly unequal distribution of land—and, therefore, wealth—had plagued Mexico for many years, to the anger and dismay of the working classes. Workers on the vast "haciendas" were often treated like slaves, being beaten for the slightest infraction—real or imagined—and murders of workers by their "masters" were common. Worker were also often overworked to death.[12] Another way to ensure that farmers and workers were kept under the thumb of the wealthy classes was to make sure that any debt incurred was passed down from generation to generation, thereby ensuring that it would never be paid off and the farmers would be kept in perpetual debt bondage. Most historians mark the end of the Porfiriato in 1911 as the beginning of the Mexican Revolution. In a 1908 interview with U.S. journalist James Creelman, Díaz stated that Mexico was ready for democracy and elections and that he would step down to allow other candidates to compete for the presidency.[13][14][15] Growing "old and careless", Díaz figured he would retire to Europe and allow a younger man to take over his presidency. Because of the turmoil this caused, Díaz decided to run again in 1910 for the last time, with an eye toward arranging a succession in the middle of his term. In 1909, Díaz and US President William Howard Taft planned a summit to be held both in El Paso, Texas, and Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, an historic first meeting between a U.S. president and a Mexican president. It was the first time a United States president would cross the border into Mexico.[16] Diaz requested the meeting to show U.S. support for his planned eighth run as president, and Taft agreed to support Diaz in order to protect the several billion dollars of American capital then invested in Mexico.[17] At the meeting, Diaz explained, "Since I am responsible for bringing several billion dollars in foreign investments into my country, I think I should continue in my position until a competent successor is found."[18] Both sides agreed that the disputed Chamizal strip connecting El Paso to Ciudad Juárez would be considered neutral territory with no flags present during the summit.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Divisions in Mexican Support of Republican Spain
    1 Divisions In Mexican Support Of Republican Spain Carlos Nava [email protected] (214) 245-8209 Presented to the History Department, Southern Methodist University In completion of the Undergraduate History Junior Seminar Research Paper Requirement HIST 4300 Dr. James K. Hopkins Southern Methodist University 05/05/2014 2 On July 17, 1936 the news of the Nationalist uprising in Morocco was confirmed by a radio station at Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, after General Franco alerted his fellow conspirators in the mainland with a telegram that the uprising against the Popular Front government of Spain had begun.1 General Quiepo de Llano occupied Seville after bitter fighting on July 18; General Varela held the port of Cádiz and the eastern coast down to Algeciras near Gibraltar. General Miguel Cabanellas rose in Zaragoza; in Castile the rebellion placed the principal towns In Nationalist hands, and General Mola controlled Pamplona, the capital of Navarre by July 19.2 The initial plan of the coup was for the Army of Africa to mobilize in the early morning of July 18, to be followed 24 hours later by the Army in Spain with the goals of capturing the country’s major cities and communication centers. This would be followed with the ferrying of Franco’s African Army to the peninsula by Navy ships that had joined the rebellion. The forces would converge in Madrid and force the transfer of power, which had happen numerous times in recent Spanish history. However, the uprising of July 17 failed in its initial goal of toppling the Republic in a swift coup.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Movements in Tampico & the Huaste
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Peripheries of Power, Centers of Resistance: Anarchist Movements in Tampico & the Huasteca Region, 1910-1945 A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Latin American Studies (History) by Kevan Antonio Aguilar Committee in Charge: Professor Christine Hunefeldt, Co-Chair Professor Michael Monteon, Co-Chair Professor Max Parra Professor Eric Van Young 2014 The Thesis of Kevan Antonio Aguilar is approved and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Co-Chair University of California, San Diego 2014 iii DEDICATION: For my grandfather, Teodoro Aguilar, who taught me to love history and to remember where I came from. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page……………………………………………………………..…………..…iii Dedication……………………………………………………………………………...…iv Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………….v List of Figures………………………………………………………………………….…vi Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………vii Abstract of the Thesis…………………………………………………………………….xi Introduction……………………………………………………………………………......1 Chapter 1: Geography & Peripheral Anarchism in the Huasteca Region, 1860-1917…………………………………………………………….10 Chapter 2: Anarchist Responses to Post-Revolutionary State Formations, 1918-1930…………………………………………………………….60 Chapter 3: Crisis & the Networks of Revolution: Regional Shifts towards International Solidarity Movements, 1931-1945………………95 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….......126 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………129 v LIST
    [Show full text]
  • De La Revolución Mexicana
    X Jornadas Interescuelas/Departamentos de Historia. Escuela de Historia de la Facultad de Humanidades y Artes, Universidad Nacional del Rosario. Departamento de Historia de la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación, Universidad Nacional del Litoral, Rosario, 2005. EZLN. La 'permanencia' de la revolución mexicana. Rodríguez Sebastián y Gurbanov, Ivan. Cita: Rodríguez Sebastián y Gurbanov, Ivan (2005). EZLN. La 'permanencia' de la revolución mexicana. X Jornadas Interescuelas/Departamentos de Historia. Escuela de Historia de la Facultad de Humanidades y Artes, Universidad Nacional del Rosario. Departamento de Historia de la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación, Universidad Nacional del Litoral, Rosario. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/000-006/800 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: https://www.aacademica.org. EZLN LA “PERMANENCIA” DE LA REVOLUCIÓN MEXICANA Andrés Iván GURBANOV Sebastián J. RODRIGUEZ1 1 Los autores son egresados de la carrera de Historia, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, UBA. El presente artículo se trata de una síntesis de un trabajo presentado en julio de 2003 en el marco de la cátedra “Problemas Latinoamericanos Contemporáneos” de Gustavo Guevara, y revisado a instancias de la presente publicación. Andrés GURBANOV – Sebastián RODRIGUEZ EZLN - La permanencia de la Revolución Mexicana Bueno, empezaré a explicar. No nos lo propusimos. En realidad lo único que nos hemos propuesto es cambiar el mundo, lo demás lo hemos ido improvisando. Nuestra cuadrada concepción del mundo y de la revolución quedó bastante abollada en la confrontación con la realidad indígena chiapaneca.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuartel General Del Sur
    Archivo General de la Nación Dirección del Archivo Histórico Central Cuartel General del Sur. DIGITALIZADO Departamento de Organización y Descripción Documental Signatura Título Fechas Volúmen Alcance y contenido Remisión de cartas, informes, telegramas, actas, y otros documentos 187762 Caja 1 1915 para el general Emiliano Zapata, sobre las operaciones militares de los diferentes generales. Informe del general Fortino Ayala, de Huamuxtitlan. Informe mecano escrito remitido al general Emiliano los sucesos en el pueblo de Zacualpa Zapata, por parte de Fortino Salgado, sobre los sucesos en el pueblo 187762/1 09/07/1915 1 Foja de Zacualpa y también que algunos soldados entorpecen su labor en el Distrito de Zaragoza. Carta de Luis G. Barrera, del rumor de Huehuetlán. Carta manuscrita de Luis G. Barrera dirigida al general la muerte del general Coss. Emiliano Zapata, para informarle que los señores de la Primavera 187762/2 05/07/1915 1 Foja querían enterarlo sobre el rumor de la muerte del general Coss en Puebla. Carta de Mauricio Soriano, solicitando Cuernavaca. Carta manuscrita de Mauricio Soriano dirigida al 187762/3 ayuda económica. 21/08/1915 1 Foja general Emiliano Zapata, solicitándole ayuda económica por encontrarse enfermo. Carta del general Ricardo Reyes Acatlán. Carta mecano escrita del general Ricardo Reyes Márquez Márquez, informando las acciones del dirigida al general Emiliano Zapata, sobre perseguir y abatir al 187762/4 27/09/1915 1 Foja coronel Daniel Gil y el general coronel Daniel Gil, e informe de los abusos del general Guadalupe L. Guadalupe Bravo. Bravo. Carta de Ricardo Reyes Márquez, sobre Acatlán. Carta mecano escrita del general Ricardo Reyes Márquez la falta de elementos de primera dirigida al general Emiliano Zapata, informando la falta de elementos 187762/5 21/09/1915 2 Fojas necesidad.
    [Show full text]
  • Vínculos Entre Los Zapatistas Y Los Magonistas Durante La Revolución Mexicana
    Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana ISSN: 1315-5216 ISSN: 2477-9555 [email protected] Universidad del Zulia Venezuela Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana TREJO MUÑOZ, Rubén Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana, vol. 25, núm. 90, 2020 Universidad del Zulia, Venezuela Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=27965038006 PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Rubén TREJO MUÑOZ. Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana ARTÍCULOS Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana Rubén TREJO MUÑOZ Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México, México id=27965038006 [email protected] Recepción: 02 Febrero 2020 Aprobación: 30 Abril 2020 Resumen: Recuperar la memoria histórica de las dos tendencias radicales y anticapitalistas de la Revolución Mexicana desarrollada entre 1910 y 1920. El presente texto forma parte de una investigación en curso sobre los vínculos entre el zapatismo y el magonismo durante la Revolución Mexicana. Exponemos únicamente dos episodios que muestran esa colaboración. El primero refiere la participación de Ángel Barrios, magonista y zapatista destacado, en la lucha tanto del PLM como del Ejército Libertador del Sur. El segundo, es la narración de la visita que hace el magonista José Guerra a Emiliano Zapata en 1913. Palabras clave: Magonismo, zapatismo, Revolucion Mexicana, Tierra y Libertad. Abstract: Recovering the historical memory of the two radical and anticapitalistic tendencies in the 1910-1920 Mexican Revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 6. Agricultural Policy and Rural Poverty– 139
    Chapter 6. Agricultural policy and rural poverty– 139 Chapter 6. Agricultural policy and rural poverty Introduction There are several reasons to expect that agricultural policies have an impact on rural poverty in Mexico, and this view is widely held. First, the high incidence of poverty in rural areas and the fact that agriculture is a rural activity means that the two overlap in spatial terms. Consequently, many poor people are involved in agriculture, and a part of total agricultural output is provided by poor land-owners and poor labourers. Second, the historical role of the land tenure system in Mexico to redistribute wealth is closely connected to the agricultural sector for which land is a critical input: the process of dividing land holdings has an impact on agriculture, and the evolution of agriculture affects returns to land. These associations give rise to an expectation that agricultural policies can, should or do alleviate poverty in rural areas. Thus, while the focus of this study is on agricultural policies, and previous chapters have discussed their effects on the agricultural sector and commodity markets, in this chapter the effects of agricultural policies on rural poverty is explored in terms of the incidence of support. The focus on agricultural policy is maintained, save in those cases where programmes provided outside the confines of sectoral policy provide an important benchmark, so this assessment is strictly relevant to the impacts of agricultural policies on rural poverty.1 Moreover, the direct effects of income transfers are addressed, not second-round effects; the potential that an agricultural policy would generate greater regional short- or long-run economic growth that helps poorer people indirectly, by raising their wages for example, is not entertained here.2 Evidence shows that the reforms to agricultural policies brought about substantial improvements in the distribution of transfers, but this success is relative to a basis that, as of the early 1990s, exhibited a pronounced bias against the rural poor.
    [Show full text]
  • @ Copyrighted by Ward Sloan Albro, Iii 1967
    Ricardo Flores Magón and the Liberal Party: an inquiry into the origins of the Mexican revolution of 1910 Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Albro, Ward S. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 04/10/2021 11:00:40 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/565157 @ COPYRIGHTED BY WARD SLOAN ALBRO, III 1967 RICARDO FLORES MAGON AND THE LIBERAL PARTY: AN INQUIRY INTO THE ORIGINS OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION OF 1910 by Ward Sloan Albro, III A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 19 6 7 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my direction by Ward Sloan Albro. Ill____________________________ entitled ftir.ardo Flores Maron and the Liberal Party: An Inquiry into the Origins of the Mexican Revolution of 1910 be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy_________________________________ After inspection of the dissertation, the following members of the Final Examination Committee concur in its approval and recommend its acceptance:* f + 6 7 Q/Aa. 1/ / 9&7 /?& .V, pa z Z *This approval and acceptance is contingent on the candidate's adequate performance and defense of this dissertation at the final oral examination.
    [Show full text]
  • Open Research Online Oro.Open.Ac.Uk
    Open Research Online The Open University’s repository of research publications and other research outputs The Slow Fuse of the Revolutionary Mural: Diego Rivera, Historical Revisionism and Poststructuralism Journal Item How to cite: Carter, Warren (2019). The Slow Fuse of the Revolutionary Mural: Diego Rivera, Historical Revisionism and Poststructuralism. Acta Academiae Artium Vilnensis, 94 pp. 39–59. For guidance on citations see FAQs. c 2019 Acta Academiae Artium Vilnensis Version: Version of Record Link(s) to article on publisher’s website: http://leidykla.vda.lt/Files/file/Acta_94/Acta_94_Carter.pdf Copyright and Moral Rights for the articles on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. For more information on Open Research Online’s data policy on reuse of materials please consult the policies page. oro.open.ac.uk 39 The Slow Fuse of the Revolutionary Mural: Diego Rivera, Historical Revisionism and Poststructuralism1 Warren Carter The Open University United Kingdom [email protected] In this paper I will analyse the links between the revisionist histo- riography of the Mexican Revolution of 1910–20 and the revisionist literatu- re on the Mexican murals produced in the period immediately afterwards, as well as the theoretical arguments that underpin both, before making a call for a “post-revisionist” reading of the art. I will then finish by making a post-revisionist iconographical analysis of Diego Rivera’s History of Mexi- co mural produced between 1929-35 as a counterpoint to revisionist ones that instead read it as government propaganda pure and simple. Keywords: Diego Rivera, Mexican Revolution, Mexican muralism, revi­ sionism, Marxism, structuralism, poststructuralism.
    [Show full text]
  • Authoritarian Survival and Poverty Traps: Land Reform in Mexico
    World Development Vol. 77, pp. 154–170, 2016 0305-750X/Ó 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. www.elsevier.com/locate/worlddev http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.08.013 Authoritarian Survival and Poverty Traps: Land Reform in Mexico MICHAEL ALBERTUS a, ALBERTO DIAZ-CAYEROS b, BEATRIZ MAGALONI b and BARRY R. WEINGAST b,* a University of Chicago, USA b Stanford University, USA Summary. — Why do governments in underdeveloped countries pursue policies that undercut long-term economic growth? Focusing on Mexico’s massive but inefficient land reform, we argue that governments do so to underpin political survival. Using a panel dataset of Mexican states from 1917 to 1992, we find that land distribution was higher during election years and where the threat of rural unrest was greater. Furthermore, PRI support eroded more slowly in states receiving more reform. The program, which carried restrictive property rights, thus served the PRI regime’s electoral interests. But while land distribution generated a loyal political clientele, it generated steep costs – lower long-term economic growth. Ó 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Key words — economic growth, land reform, authoritarian regimes, clientelism, redistribution, Mexico 1. INTRODUCTION Mun˜oz-Pin˜a, de Janvry, & Sadoulet, 2003). The literature in political science, history, and sociology suggests that land A general conundrum of government in underdeveloped reform was either employed as an instrument of peasant con- countries is why political officials pursue policies that under- trol or regime ‘‘legitimation” (e.g., Esteva, 1980; Warman, mine long-term economic growth. Governing coalitions in 1972). these countries create monopolies and limit economic entry to We build on these works, focusing on why the governing create rents for favored constituents that distort prices and pre- Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) structured property vent competitive markets (North, Wallis, & Weingast, 2009); rights in an inefficient manner.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Fall of Venustiano Carranza and His Contributions to Mexican Constitutionality and Nationalism, 1910-1920
    Godfather of the Mexican Revolution: The Rise and Fall of Venustiano Carranza and His Contributions to Mexican Constitutionality and Nationalism, 1910-1920 The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Rubalcaba, Christian Jesus. 2011. Godfather of the Mexican Revolution: The Rise and Fall of Venustiano Carranza and His Contributions to Mexican Constitutionality and Nationalism, 1910-1920. Master's thesis, Harvard University, Extension School. Citable link https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HUL.INSTREPOS:37367556 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Godfather of the Mexican Revolution: The Rise and Fall of Venustiano Carranza and His Contributions to Mexican Constitutionality and Nationalism, 1910-1920 Christian Jesus Rubalcaba A Thesis in the Field of History for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University March 2011 Copyright 2011 Christian Jesus Rubalcaba Abstract Most of the academic attention devoted to the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920) in recent times has focused on revolutionary leaders. Inspiration for this thesis comes from a desire to understand an important participant of the Revolution, Venustiano Carranza, whose story deserves further investigation because of his catalytic role in the ten-year conflict. This thesis poses the argument that fluctuations in the rhetoric of Carranza’s Constitutionalist campaign reflect a sense of willingness on his part to adapt strategically to new contexts; however, to show deep conviction, he always stood behind a platform that was characterized by an unwavering faith in the political doctrine of constitutionality.
    [Show full text]
  • Adolfo Gilly's Revision of the Mexican Revolution
    Vol. 4, No. 2, Winter 2007, 243-253 www.ncsu.edu/project/acontracorriente Review/Reseña Adolfo Gilly. The Mexican Revolution: A People’s History. Trans. Patrick Camiller. (New York: The New Press, 2005) From Marxism to Social History: Adolfo Gilly’s Revision of The Mexican Revolution Luis F. Ruiz University of Oregon Adolfo Gilly’s The Mexican Revolution, published in The New Press’s series A People’s History, directed by Howard Zinn, is an updated translation of his influential book La Revolución interrumpida, published originally in 1971. Gilly’s book is a welcome addition to the available literature in English on the Mexican Revolution. Most of the recent books on the Mexican Revolution are either specialized studies of regional history or extensive volumes Ruiz 244 that would overwhelm a good number of undergraduate students and lay readers. With the exception of Michael J. Gonzales’s The Mexican Revolution 1910-1940 (2002), few works in English provide the kind of useful overview presented by Gilly in The Mexican Revolution (2005). Because Gilly focuses on the lower classes and their role as “prime movers” of the revolutionary movement, his work could be described as a bottom-up social history of the Mexican Revolution. His study of class warfare and class relations provides a reasonable interpretation of the complex revolutionary process. Although recent studies on regionalism have made the overall narrative of the Mexican Revolution less succinct and more problematic, historians still need to discuss the event as a whole. Gilly’s work offers one possible interpretive framework for the Mexican Revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Radio, Revolution, and the Mexican State, 1897-1938
    UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE WIRELESS: RADIO, REVOLUTION, AND THE MEXICAN STATE, 1897-1938 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By JOSEPH JUSTIN CASTRO Norman, Oklahoma 2013 WIRELESS: RADIO, REVOLUTION, AND THE MEXICAN STATE, 1897-1938 A DISSERTATION APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY ______________________________ Dr. Terry Rugeley, Chair ______________________________ Dr. Sterling Evans ______________________________ Dr. James Cane-Carrasco _______________________________ Dr. Alan McPherson _______________________________ Dr. José Juan Colín © Copyright by JOSEPH JUSTIN CASTRO 2013 All Rights Reserved. Acknowledgements There are a number of people who have aided this project, my development as a professional scholar, and my success at the University of Oklahoma. I owe a huge debt to Dr. Terry Rugeley, my advisor and mentor for the last four and a half years. From my first day at the University of Oklahoma he encouraged me to pursue my own interests and provided key insights into the historian’s craft. He went out of his way to personally introduce me to a number of archives, people, and cities in Mexico. He further acquainted me with other historians in the United States. Most importantly, he gave his time. He never failed to be there when I needed assistance and he always read, critiqued, and returned chapter drafts in a timely manner. Dr. Rugeley and his wife Dr. Margarita Peraza-Rugeley always welcomed me into their home, providing hospitality, sound advice, the occasional side job, and friendship. Thank you both. Other professors at OU helped guide my development as a historian, and their assistance made this dissertation a stronger work.
    [Show full text]