CHAPTER-I
BACKGROUND OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT
Civil Disobedience Movement was an important landmark in the history of Freedom movement in India.
Indian Freedom movement, which was confined to the upper
class in the society and the urban centres till the end
of Tilak era began to gradually assume the character of mass movement in Gandhi era. Civil Disobedience movement
was the first political movement to reach the rural parts
and different sections of the society. A few years before
the actual beginning of this movement many factors were
seen operating to prepare the necessary background.
Swarajist politics, Swadeshi and boycott of foreign goods,
influence of Mahatma Gandhi's leadership, peasant awakening, labour organizations, workers strikes and birth of Communist Party, Ail India Women's Conference, Youth Conferences, tour of national leaders etc., significant factors prepared the background of the Civil Disobedience movement.
Influence of Gandhiji1 s Leadership: After the death of Lokmanya Tilak in 1920, Mahatma Gandhi
assumed leadership of the congress and in the same year
he started the non-cooperation movement. His programme of non-cooperation movement consisted of surrender of
titles, boycott of schools and colleges, boycott of 2 legislative council elections and foreign goods etc..
There v/ere many political leaders like Deshbandhu C.R.
Das who did not favour Gandhiji's programme of boycott of legislative council. But the decision of boycott of the legislative council was taken by the Congress and so they had to accept it. In 1 922 Gandhi ji was sentenced to six years imprisonment. Upto that period he was not opposed by any political group except N.C. Kelkar partly in Maharashtra. However, during the late 1920's nationalist thought began to produce favourable effects upon the masses. Since 1927 Gandhiji's influence among the masses was steadily growing.
Gandhiji is rightly called the father of the nation. He advised the people to use Khadi and Swadeshi goods. He devoted his energies for Hindu-Muslim unity, eradication of untouchabiIity and emancipation of women. He brought women and'peasants in the national struggle and that is why Indian masses were attracted largely towards the Congress. He taught the people the technique of Satyagraha, which h8 first evolved in South Africa, and which is less dangerous and more effective. Satyagraha is a simple technique in which men women and children can participate. His Satyagraha was based upon the principle of truth and non-violence (Ahimsa), which he applied for achieving Indian Independence. Kelkar party in Maharashtra, which was influenced 3
by Lokmanya Tilak's philosophy, opposed Candhian philosophy. Further, Kelkar and his followers separated themselves from Swaraj Party in 1926 and formed 'Pratiyogita Sahakarita Party (Responsive Co-operationist Pary). The KeJkar party wanted to revolt against the Congress. In addition to that they wanted to show that
they belonged to Lokmanya party and so they named their party as ‘Pratiyogita Sahakarita1. They set an ill example by revolting against the Congress and Swaraj Party. But very soon the Kelpar Party's influence started declining.
There were two groups in it even when Tilak was alive.
Of these two groups, one was closer to the revolutionary party and in it persons like Kakasaheb Khadilkar,
Annasaheb Paranjape, Gangadharrao Deshpande were included.
The other group was closer to the moderate party of G.K. Cokhale. Persons like N.C. Kelkar and Dadasaheb Karandikar were included in it. As Tilak's politics was becoming more and more revolutionary, Kelkar and Khadilkar could not see eye to eye with Tilak. After the death of Tilak,
the revolutionary persons like Khadilkar, Paranjape and Deshpande joined the non-violent movement of Mahatma Candhi. At the same time the persons like Kakasaheb
Khadilkar, Shankarrao Deo, V.M. Bhuskute, Annasaheb
Dastane, Acharya Shankarrao Jawadekar, Acharya Bhagawat,
Kakasaheb CadgiI, Kakasaheb Kalelkar tried to propoyate
Candhian philosophy among the people of Maharashtra, Not 4 only that, but they included many Maharashtrians to take part in Candhiji‘s non-violent movement. So, Candhiji secured good response for his non-cooperation movement and further movements from Maharashtra. At the same time
Indian revolutionary philosophy was influenced slowly by the Marxist philosophy and so the Kelkar party started dec Iining.1
During and after the Non-cooperation movement,
Mahatma Candhi visited Maharashtra and delivered many speeches at Bombay, Poona, Sholapur, Dhule, Nasik etc.. He attended the first Maharashtra Provincial Conference at Wasai in 1921 in Thana district. On 24 May he visited Barsi and Kurduwadi and on 2 5**'May he was in Pandharpur 2 in Sholapur district. In January 1S24 Candhiji ws released from jail.
On the morning of 11 March 1924 he arrived at Bombay and resumed the editorship of Young India and Nava jivan. He delivered speeches at many places and appealed to the public to join the national struggle. On September 4,
1924 he visited Sevasadan and Ahilyashram in Poona and also attended the convocation ceremony of Tilak MahavidyaIaya, addressed the students and appealed to 3 them to struggle for Swaraj.
Swarajists1 Politics (Pro-changers—No-changers) ; Candhiji suddenly stopped the Non-cooperation movement due to the Chauri Chaura Incident. Therefor*', 5 many leaders of the Congress were frustrated and Swaraj within one year remained a dream. By the end of 1922
Congress was disturbed on the question of council entry. There were two groups - those who were against council entry were known as the no-changers and those who wished
to enter the council were called the pro-changers. On
the same issue Gaya Congress was held in December 1922 under the presidentship of Deshbandhu C.R. Das. C.R. Das,
Motilal Nehru and their supporters wished to enter the council. But they were defeated in the Gaya Congress.
After the defeat at Gaya session, C.R. Das resigned the
Congress Presidentship and formed a new party named the
'Congresss-Khilafat-Swaraj Party' within the Congress
in January 1 923. The main strategy of the party was to carry on constitutional fight in the council. Their aim was mending or ending t,he council.
Swaraj Party was quite powerful in many provinces. In Bombay province the prominent Swarajists were: Dr. M.R. Jaykar, N.C. Kelkar, Dr. Munje, M.S. Aney, J.M. Mehta, B.G. Kher, Shantaram N. Dabhoikar, A.G. Muigaonkar, K. Natarajan, K.F. Nariman, J.K. Mehta, Purshottamdas Tricumdas, S.H. Jabhwala, Bhulabhai Desai, R.N. Mandalik, M.B. Velkar, Jafferbhai H. La Iji, M.D.
Nanavati, Vitthalbhai Patel etc.. Swaraj Party won many
seats in the elections of 1923.
On Gandhiji's release from the jail in 1924 Deshbancu.u Das called on him in Bombay and discussed with him matters related to the council entry debate. After much discussion Candhiji agreed that the Congress should help Swarajists and Das assured of his support to the constructive work programme. He also assured that they would leave the council and join Satyagraha campaign under
Candhiji if they failed in working at the council. But
unfortunately the Deshpandhu died in 1925, Kelkar Party also separated itself from the Swaraj Party in 1926-27.
Thus, the work of Swaraj Party became very slow. Though
Swaraj Party got many seats in the election, they could not succeed in getting Swaraj.1*
Although the Swaraj Party survived for only a brief period, it cannot be denied that the party did render some useful service to the nationalist cause. It raised the enthusiasm of the people who had been
frustrated on account' of the sudden suspension of the Non-cooperation movement. By throwing bills and budgets introduced by the government, it created several obstacles. It also drew attention of the government to
the infeasibiIity of the system of dyarchy, and generally discredited the British in the eyes of the world. In 1925 it also carried by majority in the Central Legislative
Council a resolution demanding the establishment of full
responsible government in the country. In these ways the Swaraj Party fostered the cause of national movement and constitutional development but could not succeed in getti ng Swaraj.
Labour Organisations:
The overproduction crises (Economic depression)
of 1929, which covered the whole world, seriously affected
the Indian industrial workers. In 1928-29 there arose a wave of factory and railway workers* strike. A special
feature of the strike was that they were better organised and more militant. So, the emergence of industrial working class was an independent force. A number of workers' organisations like the All India Trade Union, Cirni Kamgar
Union etc. emerged and they organised the workers. They brought about several strikes. In 1923 a big strike bvroke out in Ahmedabad and in 1924 there took place a general strike of the
Bombay textile workers involving 1,60,000 workers. The strike lasted for almost three months. In 1925 a general
strike took place again among the Bombay textile workers
involving 1,52,000 workers, who rose up against the wage
cut. The strike ended in a victory for the workers. In
1926, 35,000 men of BengaI-Nagpur Railway went on strike
against the dismissal of the trade union functionary.
The striking railway men also demanded increase in their wages. The working class became more organised during the period of 1923-30.
In April 1928, 1,50,000 Bombay textile workers 8 went on strike under the banner of the Cirani Kamagar
Union. The Bombay strike continued for six months with a heavy loss of workdays and compelled the mi I(owners to recognize the revolutionary Cirani Kamgar Union and appointed a committee to enquire into wage-rate. While the strike was in progress at Bombay, the workers tools at several factories in Sholapur and at many stations on Creat indian Peninsular Railway (CIP for short}.5
Another significant development of this period was the emergence of Workers and Peasants Party. In the anti-imperialist movement peasants' and workers' views had been influenced by the socialists' ideology. The outlawed communist group played an important role in this respect. They realised that the workers and peasants were the principal decisive force in the struggle for national
liberation. From here on arose the idea of setting up
'Workers and Peasants Parties* as a block among the workers. The Workers and Peasants party in Bombay was formed In March 1927 with S.S. Mirajkar as its Secretary on the basis of the Congress labour group. The party published a weekly titled Kranti in Marathi language and it had a fairly strong workers' sections greatly
influenced by the communist. The Bombay Workers and Peasants Party gave wide f i) publicity to the resolution which it had put forth at the meeting of the All India Congress Committee in May
1927. The resolution accused the leaders of the National Congress of representing the interests of the Indian propertied class and called for the liberation of the
Congress from the 'fitters of class interests'. It urged that the aim of National Congress should be complete national independence which could be achieved through
Civil Disobedience and direct action. For the success of such a campaign it demanded that the Congress adopted a programme which would safeguard the interests of the working class.
The 'Bombay Workers and Peasants Party' led a number of big economic and political demonstrations of the working class. In Bombay and in Maharashtra it helped to organize revolutionary trade unions including 'Cirani Kamgar Union', the largest union of Bombay textile workers.6
Thus, the party remained largely a 'top organisation* and acted more or less as a club of the revolutionary leaders of the working class. Nevertheless, its work was of great importance for the later development of national liberation movement and increasing the role of the working people and peasants in it.
Birth of the Communist Party:
With the advance already made by the working class in its organisation and class struggle social is.-n. id
a new ideology of the working class began to develop for the first time as a political factor in India.
As Russian Communism succeeded in its revolution
in 1917, the youth in India had lost its belief in moderate politics and Swarajists politics. Such young men, under the leadership of Bhai Dange started a weekly,
Social ists, in English in October 1 922 and tried to form
Communist Party in India. Communist group began to be
formed in Indian industrial centres. By 1923 there were
such groups in Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Kanpur. The
British authorities regarded the emergence of Communist
movement as a real danger and they decided to crush it before it became strong. In 1924 they staged the Kanpur Bolshevik Conspiracy case. Several Indian Communists were
arrested. This case played an important role in spreading
socialist ideas. An open Communist conference was held at Kanpur in the last'week of December 1925 and a Central
Committee of the Communist Party of India {CPI) was formed. Shripad Amrut Dange, S.V, Ghate, K.N. Jogalekar,
S.S. Mirajkar, Mujaffar Ahamed etc. were prominent leaders
of the Communist Party, The influence of the socialist ideology
propagated by the Communist began to influence the youth end left section of the Indian nationalists. Towards the end of 1927 Jawaharlai Nehru and Mot Hal Nehru had returned from the tour of Europe. They had visited Soviet 11
Union (Russia) on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the October Revolution. Jawaharlal Nehru was very much influenced by Russian socialism and he became a socialist.
In the period of 1928-29 Jawaharlal Nehru visited many places in India and formed 'Swatantrya Sangha* and 'Youth
Sangha' and tried to implement the socialist philosophy in Indian politics and inspired the youths.7
Peasant Movement (Bardoli):
The peasant discontent against the British government marked an important feature of the period of 1923-30. During this period the condition of the peasant was very critical. British government had imposed heavy land taxes. There were no changes in area under cultivation. The over-production crisis of 1929 seriously affected the Indian economy and this crisis hit most severely Indian agriculture and agricultural produce fell sharply. The economic condition of the peasants continued to worsen. At the same time peasants were influenced by the Communist ideology. It helped in imparting the organised and conscious character to peasant struggle. Peasant discontent against British government was a familiar feature before 1 927, but the year 1928 witnessed a new and nation-wide awakening among the peasants. Bardoli strike was the first strike of the peasants conducted by a political party, i.e., the
Congress. The reason for the Bardoli agitation was that
the British government of Bombay province had decided to raise land assessment by 20 to 25 per cent in Bardoli taluka of Surat district in June 1927. A majority of the people of Bardoli were agriculturists and quite a considerable number of Candhiji's Satyagrahis in South
Africa were from Bardoli and they had during that historical struggle given enough evidence of their courage g and determination. So, there was discontent among the peasants against government's decision of raising the
land tax. At the same time Congress leadership had tried
to build up i ts i nf1uence among the peasants and the v i 1 1 agers to pressurise the British government. So, the
Congress carried on no-tax agitation of Bardo1i i n 1928 under the leadership of Vallabhbhai Patel to pressurise the British government. Vallabhbhai declared that "this
is no-tax campaign launched for the purpose of obtaining
redress of an agrarian grievance".
The Bardoli no-tax agitation was quite successful. Out of the total number of 14,855 land revenue assessees only 1,830 paid their land revenue to the government. Under the leadership of Patel peasants
refrained from any violence. They courted arrest but paid no taxes. Strong Pathan police of British government were unable to break the resistance of the peasants which conti nued despite confiscation of their land, household chatties and cattle. Many village officials, the Patels and J 3
Talathis resigned their posts in sympathy with the moveme nt. Eight members of Bombay Legislative Council resigned and even Vithalbhai Patel declared his intention to resign from the Presidentship of the Central Legislative Assembly
if the government did not relent.
The news of Bardoli event soon spread far and wide and all sections of the Indian people called for conceding the demands of the peasants. Meetings and rallies in support of the Bardoli peasants* demands were held all over the country. At a meeting in Bombay
Presidency thousands of peasants resolved to follow the
Bardoli example and prevent any rise in land taxes. On
Mahatma Gandhi’s appeal, 12 June 1928 was observed as
the ‘Bardoli Day* throughout the country. In this way
Bardoli campaign rapidly assumed an all India importance.
At last a formula was evolved conceding the
substance of the peasants' demand for an impartial inquiry
and also saving face of the government. A court of enquiry
consisting of Mr Broomfield and Mr Maxwell went into the matter and declared that no more than 6H per cent should
be the measure of enhancement. The credit for the
settlement lay in the restoration of the sold out lands
to their owners and the Patels and the Talathis to their
jobs. So, In July 1928 Congress called off the Bardoli
9 campaign. There was also a wave of strong resentmejift 14 the peasants in Maharashtra against the British government. V.R. Shinde, a social reformer, after his retirement from the work of untouchable service, devoted himself to solve problems of the peasants. In 1927 Bombay provincial government framed a Bill on small holding which consisted of a proposal to prevent further fragmentation by limiting the ability to divide land among heirs and forcing the sale of uneconomical fragments and a programme for consolidation of fragmented strips owned by the same person in selected villages. So, there was a wave of strong resentment against the bill throughout Maharashtra,
in 1928 Bombay Provincial Peasants' Conference was held at Poona under the presidentship of Maharshi V.R. Shinde.
He in his speeches surveyed the conditions of the farmers and suggested practical measures to avoid the evil results of land consolidation. Towards the end of his speech he warned that the peasants will have to offer Satyagraha under Mahatma Gandhi's leadership in order to get rid of poverty and indebtedness.10
Thus widespread nationalist awakening was effected among the peasantry, the most numerous class of the nation, towards the end of 1920s.
Youth League:
From the middle of 1924 there was a wave of national awakening among the Indian youths. Jawaharial
Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose emerged as the leaders 15 of this new wave of youth and students. They formed many youth organisations in the country. Youth conferences, meetings and youth rallies were held throughout the nation. Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose travelled from province to province addressing and presiding over youth conferences. A public meeting was held on 4 December 1927 in Jinnah Hall at Bombay under the auspices of the Bombay
Youth League to protest against the ban on exhibiting
Mahatma Candhi's portrait. About 200 people, mostly students, were present. B.C. Horniman presided over the meeting and criticised the tendency of the education department to belittle the greatness of India and her national heroes. Yusuf Meheraii assured the students of the V.J. Technical Institute (VJTI) that the Youth League would stand by them until the ban was removed. He further stated that he would also place the matter for discussion before the All India Youth Conference to be held at Poona and would carry out the mandate given by the Conference.1'*
All India Youth Conference was held at Poona in May 1928 under the presidentship of Subhash Chandra Bose. He appealed to the students and youths to join the national struggle to achieve complete independence. Many youth leaders were attracted towards the new lines of activity which Bose had urged for in this conference.
Since then youths like S.M. Joshi, N.C. Core, R.K. Khadilkar, Yusuf Meherali etc. started taking part in the national movement.
During 1929 Bose presided over a large number of youth and students' conferences and tried to win over the students to his philosophy of progressive dynamism.
He presided over Central Province Youth Conference, Nagpur and Berar Students' Conference, Amraoti and urged on the 1 2 students and youths to join the national struggle.
In 1929, the youth conference with Kamaiadevi
Chattopadhyaya as its chairperson passed a resolution 1 3 in favour of complete independence.
All India Women's Conference:
The All India Women's Conference was founded in 1927. The first national conference of All India
Women's Conference was held at Poona in 1 927 under the presidentship of » Margarate Cousin. Kamaiadevi
Chattopadhyaya was Organising Secretary of this conference. This organisation was working for improvement of women's conditions in all spheres. Margarate Cousin,
Sarojini Naidu, Kamaiadevi Chattopadhyaya were the main leading figures of this conference. Representatives from
200 branches all over India participated in it. Its main function was to involve women in education and social service.
In 1 930 the conference met at Bombay under the presidentship of Sarojini Naidu and a resolution was passed in favour of complete equality in the matters of
inheritance and control of property. Schools of various types were founded all over India under the auspices of the conference.1**
Simon Commission and Anti-Imperialists Struggle;
A new tide of mass anti-imperia Iist struggle arose in 1 928 with a dispatch of Simon Commission which met everywhere in the country with hartals and big demonstrations. As Montagu-CheImsford Reforms could not satisfy the Congress and citizens of India, nation-wide non-cooperation agitation was started. Swaraj party also continued to obstruct British government in the council.
So, British government appointed a Commission under Sir
John Simon. As it consisted of all White members, Indian
National Congress decided to boycott the Commission when it would visit India. According to the directives of the
Congress Working Committee, a meeting of Bombay Provincial Committee was held on 21 January 1 928 and decided that students should also cooperate in the proposed boycott. Many men, women and students from Bombay participated
in the meeting and then in the Simon Commission boycott movement. The Rashtriya Sabha, a leading organisation of women in Bombay, also participated in the boycott movement. The Simon Commission was greeted with black flags by the people of Bombay on the day of its arrival, i.e., 18
3 February 1928. A strict hartal was observed in ail parts of Bombay city. In the afternoon of the same day, a meeting of students of Bombay was held at Sir Cowasji Jahangir Hall. Mr K.F. Nariman presided over the meeting, where about 2,000 citizens including students were present. In the meeting speeches were made by Yusuf J. Meherali, Mrs Sarojini Naidu, Ms Prema Kantak etc., and they all congratulated the students for taking very bold and active part in the demonstrations against Simon
Commission. «
Like Bombay, in all other parts of Maharashtra people including women and youths protested against the
Simon Commission and there were huge demonstrations under the banner 'Simon go back*. According to Mridula Mukherjee
"The Simon boycott movement provided the first test of political action to a new generation of youth. They were the ones who played the most active role in this protest, and it was they who gave the movement its militant flavour". 1 5 Sumit Sarkar says that "... the Simon boycott movement stimulated the rapid growth of radical forces, demanding not only complete independence but a variety 1 6 of socio-economic changes in a socialistic direction".
Towards the Civil Disobedience Movement: Simon Commission was totally boycotted by the
Indian people on the ground that no Indian was included in the Commission. However, Simon Commission published
its report at London in May 1 930. Meanwhile Lord
Birkenhead, the then Secretary of States for India, challenged the Indians to prepare an ail agreed constitution and submit it to the parliament for consideration. Indians accepted his challenge and an all-party committee was set up under the presidentship of Motiial Nehru to draft a constitution. Sir Tej Bahadur,
Sir Aii-lmam, Mr M.S. Aney, Sardar Mangalsingh, Mr C.R.
Pradhan and Subhash Chandra Bose were its members. The committee drafted a constitution with Dominion status as its main objective. This was known as Nehru-repor t. Mr Mohammad Ali Jinnah opposed this scheme of constitution and he announced his 14 points embodying the minimum demands of the Muslims. But the Congress did not accept his points. The younger section in the Congress led by
Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose opposed the
Nehru report on the ground that it was based on the objective of Dominion status. They wanted nothing short of complete independence. However, Candhiji persuaded
the Congress to accept Nehru report on some conditions.
Candhiji further suggested that if Nehru report were not accepted by the government within a year complete independence would be the aim of the Congress. However, the British government refused to accept Nehru report. ?0
Thus, a serious political deadlock was created. There was growing influence of the leftist thought within the
Congress. Gandhiji in order to counter the growing
influence of Bolshevism in India had to launch another struggle.
Under these circumstances Indian National
Congress held its annual session at Lahore in December
1929. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru presided over the session.
He made it clear in his presidential speech that complete
independence for India was the goal of Congress and the resolution was accordingly passed and 26 January was declared as the Independence Day. On 26 January 1930
Jawaharlal Nehru inaugurated the first 'Independence Day' at Lahore and hoisted the national tricolour flag. People observed January 26 as the independence Day throughout the country. On that day meetings were held in almost every town and village and independence pledge drafted by Gandhiji was taken. In February 1930 Gandhiji published in Young India his 11 demands for the substance of independence and appealed to the Viceroy to accept the demands. But the Viceroy paid no attention towards Gandhiji's demands. Instead the government started arresting important Congressmen in order to suppress the movement.
The Congress Working Committee passed a resolution in mid-February 1930 and authorised Gandhiji n to launch the Civil Disobedience Movement. Candhiji announced his intention to start the Civil Disobedience Movement by violating salt law and his famous campaign began with Dandi march from Sabarmati Ashram on 12 March 1930.
There were two clearly discernible phases in the history of Civil Disobdience movement. The first phase lasted from April 1930 to March 1931 and came to an end with the conclusion of Candhi-lrwin Pact on 5 March 1931. The pact was followed by an interlude of peace. According to Candhi- lrwin Pact Candhiji attended the Second Round Table Conference held at London in November 1931 to decide the new constitution for India. But Candhiji could not get anything from the Second Round Table Conference and he came back with empty hands. After the failure of the Second Round Table Conference, Candhiji returned to India in December 1931 and gave the signal for resumption of Civil Disobedience movement. Thus the second phase of Civil Disobedience Movement began in January 1932 and the movement was eventually called off by the Congress in May 1934.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1 Jawadekar, S.D., Adhunik Bharat, p. 391. 2 Mahatma Candhi in Maharashtra, 1915 to 1946, Vol.lX, (ed.) Kunte, Dr. B.C., Gazetteer Deptt. of Maharashtra, 1980, pp. 129-30. 3 Ibid., pp. 151, 154-155. Kv tv
4 Jawadekar, S.D., Op.cit., p. 386.
5 S i'vakumar, Peasants and Indian National Movement,
1919-33, p. 131.
6 Sivakumar, Op.cit., pp. 135-36.
7 Jawadekar, S.D., Op.cit., p. 385.
8 Sivakumar, Op.cit., p. 146.
9 Ibid., p. 148.
1 0
1 1 Das, Hari Hara, Subhas Chandra Bose and Indian
National Movement, p. 127.
1 2 Mahatma Gandhi in Maharashtra, Op.cit., pp.
191-92.
1 3 Chopra, Dr. P.N. (ed.), Indian Struggle for
Freedom, Role of Associated Movements, Vol. IV,
p. 97.
1 4 Ibid.
1 5 Mukherjee, Mridula, The Gathering Storm, 1927-29,
p. 22 in India's struggle for independence
1857-1947 edited by Bipin Chandra and others.
16 Sarkar, Sumit, Modern India (1885-47), p.