DOCSLIB.ORG

On the Left Periphery"

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
On the Left Periphery <LINK "rou-n*">"rou-r20">"rou-r30"> <TARGET "rou" DOCINFO AUTHOR "Anna Roussou" TITLE "On the left periphery" SUBJECT "JGL, Volume 1" KEYWORDS "complementiser, focus, left periphery, modality, operator, particle, topic" SIZE HEIGHT "220" WIDTH "150" VOFFSET "4"> On the left periphery Modal particles and complementisers* Anna Roussou University of Cyprus The purpose of this paper is twofold: first, to provide a unified account of the particles θa, na and as in Greek, and second, to refine the articulated CP structure of Rizzi (1997). To this end, it is argued that θa, na, and as occupy the lowerC head, which is specified formodality. The particles na and as furtherraiseto a higherC head (partlysimilarto Rizzi’s Force), thus differ- ing from θa. The distribution of topic and focus in relation to the particles and the typical complementisers oti and an is used as evidence forthe postu- lation of an additional C head characterised as a subordinator/connector, typically occupied by the complementiser pu and optionally by oti and an. The resulting structure differs from Rizzi’s (1997) in that it provides a tripar- tite C structure and places FocusP/TopicP between the two higher C heads. In the light of this analysis we also considerthe position of negation, as well as the position of the verb in imperatives and gerunds. Keywords: complementiser, focus, left periphery, modality, operator, parti- cle, topic 1. Introduction Modern Greek (henceforth Greek) makes use of a number of modal particles, such as θa, na, and as. The particle θa is characterised as the future marker and along with the verb gives rise to a periphrastic future construction. The particle na has been analysed as the subjunctive marker (Veloudis & Philippaki War- burton 1983), while as is a hortative particle restricted to direct speech, thus found in root contexts only. Despite their different functions in the clause Journal of Greek Linguistics 1: (2000), 65–94. issn 1566–5844 © 2000 John Benjamins Publishing Company Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 12:38:00PM via free access <LINK "rou-r19">"rou-r6"> 66 Anna Roussou structure, these particles show a similar distribution. In particular, they precede clitics and can take ‘dependent’ (−past, +perfective) verbal forms. The distribu- tion of θa, na, and as is illustrated in (1) below: (1) a. Νοµζω [τι δεν θα το αγορσει. nomizo [oti δen θa to aγorasi] think-1sg [that not part it buy-3sg ‘I think that she will not buy it.’ b. Αναρωτιµαι [αν θα το αγορσει. anarotjeme [an θa to aγorasi] wonder-1sg [if part it buy-3sg ‘I wonderif/whethershe will buy it.’ c. Θλει [(*τι/*αν) να µην το αγορσει. θeli [(*oti/*an) na min to aγorasi] want-3sg [(*that/if part not it buy-3sg ‘She wants (him/her) not to buy it.’ d. Ας (µην) το αγορσει. as (min) to aγorasi part (not it buy-3sg ‘Let her(not) buy it.’ At the same time, these particles also exhibit a number of distinct properties, as the examples in (1) show. First, θa, unlike na and as, follows negation. Second, the negatorused with θa is δen, while that used with na/as is min. In fact, min is only found with these two particles, negated imperatives and gerunds (see Section 4); the negator δen, on the otherhand, is used in all the othercontexts. Finally, θa is compatible with the complementisers oti and an, while na isn’t (this of course does not apply to as). The position of these particles in the clause structure is an open issue. Rivero (1994) argues that both na and θa occupy the head of a Modal Phrase (MP) situated in the IP domain below NegP and above TP, as in (2) (see also Drachman (1994), for the same claim, following different assumptions): δ θ (2) [CP C[NegP en/min [MP na/ a[TP T…]]]] The order na min is derived by movement of na to Neg. The same could apply to as. The structure in (2) accounts for the fact that the particles θa and na have to some extent a similardistribution.Rivero(1994) furthersupportsheranalysis by consideringotherBalkan languages, which also use futureand/orsubjunctive particles. Let us refer to the representation in (2) as Analysis 1. One problematic Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 12:38:00PM via free access <LINK "rou-r10">"rou-r17">"rou-r30">"rou-r18"> On the left periphery 67 aspect of this approach is why na only has to move to Neg. There seems to be no obvious difference between the two negative elements, that is neither min nor δen areclitics: forexample, they can both bearemphatic stress(cf. na min fijis = don’t go, an δen fijis = if you don’t go) (but see Joseph (1990) forthe view that δen is an affix). Moreover, min can appearwithout na, as is the case with negative orders (min fijis = don’t go!) and gerunds (see Section 4). Thus if na moved to support min, then the question is what supports min in the absence of na. Philippaki-Warburton (1992, 1994, 1998), following earlier work on na by Veloudis & Philippaki-Warburton (1983), Philippaki-Warburton & Veloudis (1984), argues that na is in MoodP, while θa is the head of a phrase that marks future tense. In Philippaki-Warburton’s analysis, MoodP is above NegP, which dominates the θa projection, indicated as TP in (3) (see also Pollock (1997) for this order):1 δ θ (3) [CP C[MoodP na [NegP en/min [TP a …]]]] TP is followed by the projections that host the object clitics. The head Mood is specified as ±Indicative. The subjunctive particle na realises the −indicative value. The +indicative specification however, receives no overt realisation in Greek. The −indicative specification selects for Neg min, while +indicative selects for δen. Since the particle θa occurs with δen, the Mood head is +indica- tive, therefore na is excluded. Moreover, given this specification, Mood is realised by a zero morpheme; thus θa cannot be a mood marker itself. Let us refer to (3) as Analysis 2. This approach avoids the problem raised with respect to Analysis 1, namely na raising to Neg in order to get the na min order, since na is above NegP anyway. What is problematic in (3) though is the treatment of θa as a T (future) head. Notice that θa may occurin clauses that exclude the future interpretation, as in (4a-c): (4) a. Θα καθρισε το σπτι θakaθarise to spiti (kaθarise = +past, +perf.) part cleaned-3sg the house ‘He must have cleaned the house’ b. Θα καθριζε το σπτι θakaθarize to spiti (kaθarize = +past, −perf.) part cleaned-3sg the house ‘He was supposed to/would have cleaned the house.’ Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 12:38:00PM via free access <LINK "rou-r25">"rou-r19">"rou-r1">"rou-r27"> 68 Anna Roussou c. Θα καθαρζει το σπτι θakaθarizi to spiti (kaθarizi = −past, −perf.) part clean-3sg the house ‘He must be cleaning the house/He will be cleaning the house’ d. Θα καθαρσει το σπτι θakaθarisi to spiti (kaθarisi = −past, +perf.) part clean-3sg the house ‘He will clean the house’ As the English glosses show, the combination of θa with +past tense specifica- tion in (4a&b) blocks any future interpretation. Instead, (4a) has an epistemic reading and (4b) is a counterfactual. (4c), on the other hand, has a preferred epistemic reading, although the future interpretation is possible given the right context: for example, by adding the adverbial expression ‘tomorrow’. It is only (4d) that has a clear future reading (Tsangalidis 1999a:212). As the above examples show, θa cannot be simply analysed as a future marker, since it occurs in a number of modalised, non-future contexts. The different interpretations that arise crucially depend on the verbal specification (±past, ±perfective).2 Thus analysing θa as a T (or Future) head turns out to be problematic, while considering it a Modal head, along with na and as, as in Rivero’s (1994) analysis may turn out to be more promising. The third approach put forward in the literature (Analysis 3) takes na to be a complementiser. The relevant clause structure is given in (5) (Agouraki 1991; Tsoulas 1993): δ (5) [CP na [NegP en/min [TP T…]]] The treatment of na as a C element accounts forits incompatibility with oti/an (cf. (1c)), as both sets of heads introduce complement clauses. Moreover, it dispenses with the postulation of a MoodP, assuming that θa is a T head, although its status is not very clear in this approach. The problem with (5) is that na may cooccur with a wh-phrase in matrix and embedded interrogatives, as in (6a&b), orthe complementiser pu in relatives, as in (6c): (6) a. Ποιο βιβλο να διαβσω; pjo vivlio na δjavaso which book part read-1sg ‘Which book should I read?’ Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 12:38:00PM via free access <LINK "rou-r17">"rou-r22"> On the left periphery 69 b. ∆εν ξρω [ποιο βιβλο να διαβσω δen ksero [pjo vivlio na δjavaso] not know-1sg [which book part read-1sg ‘I don’t know which book to read’ c. Θλω να σπτι [που να χει µεγλο κ!πο θelo ena spiti [pu na exi meγalo kipo] want-1sg a house [that part have-3sg big garden ‘I want a house that has a big garden’ Even if we assume that the wh-phrase in spec,CP in (6a&b) does not violate the ‘Doubly-filled Comp Filter’, on the assumption that na, unlike oti/an, is not specified forthe ±wh-feature,we still have to account for(6c).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Modal Particles Ja and Doch and Their Interaction with Discourse
    The modal particles ja and doch and their interaction with dis- course structure: Corpus and experimental evidence1 Sophia Döring & Sophie Repp Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin September 2016 To appear in S. Featherston, R. Hörnig, S. von Wietersheim & S. Winkler (eds.), Information Structure and Semantic Processing. Introduction German modal particles have been in the centre of linguistic research for several years, the main focus lying on their semantic and pragmatic properties (e.g. Thurmair 1989; Lindner 1991; Jacobs 1991; Wal- tereit 2001; Karagjosova 2004; Zimmermann 2004, 2012; Gutzmann 2009; Egg 2013; Repp 2013; Ro- jas-Esponda 2014). Modal particles are usually thought to operate at the semantics-pragmatics interface. The meaning contributions that they have been claimed to make, roughly fall into three types. The first is a modification of the sentence type or the illocution(ary operator) of the utterance they occur in (e.g. Lindner 1991; Jacobs 1991; Waltereit 2001; Karagjosova 2004). For instance, in an assertion a particle may indicate that the speaker is uncertain about committing to the proposition that is asserted, i.e. the particle signals that the speaker modifies or cancels a felicity condition of the speech act assertion. The second is that modal particles relate the proposition they scope over to another proposition in the com- mon ground CG (e.g. Karagjosova 2004; Egg 2013; Repp 2013). The other proposition can be a propo- sition that was at issue in the previous utterance, a felicity condition of the previous utterance, or it can be a proposition that was entailed or implicated by earlier discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • The Intensifying Function of Modal Particles and Modal Elements in a Cross-Linguistic Perspective
    RASPRAVE. Časopis Instituta za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje 41/1 (2015.) UDK 811.112.2’367.63:811.163.42’367.63 811.112.2’367.63:811.111’367.63 Izvorni znanstveni rad Rukopis primljen 12. III. 2015. Prihvaćen za tisak 25. V. 2015. Mia Batinić Marijana Kresić Odjel za lingvistiku Sveučilišta u Zadru Anita Pavić Pintarić Odjel za germanistiku Sveučilišta u Zadru Mihovila Pavlinovića 1, HR-23000 Zadar [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] THe inTenSifying funcTiOn Of MOdAl particleS And MOdAl eleMenTS in A cROSS-linguiSTic PeRSPecTiVe The aim of this paper is to analyze the intensifying function of german mo- dal particles and equivalent modal expressions in croatian and english. Our hypothesis is that some modal particles in german and their functional equi- valents in croatian and english can express different degrees of intensity and types of intensification. The presented study comprises two parts. first, the use of intensifying modal particles by a group of speakers of l1 croatian and l2 german/english is investigated. On the basis of the results obtained, and by means of a previously conducted corpus analysis (cf. Kresić and Ba- tinić 2014), an intensification scale with respect to the inventory of german modal particles and corresponding particles in croatian as well as equivalent english expressions is suggested. Some german and croatian modal partic- les and equivalent modal elements in english can be classified on the upper and partially on the lower part of the proposed intensification scale when compared to the norm, i.e. an utterance unmarked by a modal particle.
    [Show full text]
  • German Modal Particles in the Ip-Domain
    Rivista di Grammatica Generativa, 32 – 2007, 3-37 GERMAN MODAL PARTICLES IN THE IP-DOMAIN Marco Coniglio 1. Introduction * German modal particles (MPs) are a group of about twenty words, 1 which are mainly used in spoken language. They have long been neglected by linguistic research, but have recently become an important field of study for many scholars interested in spoken-language phenomena. Their function is to express the speaker’s mental attitude toward or belief about what he or she is saying, i.e. they usually add the speaker’s subjective point of view to the basic meaning conveyed by the utterance. This group of words has mainly been analysed from a narrow perspective, i.e. only from a semantic and pragmatic one. No deep investigation has been made to capture their syntactic behaviour and most scholars limit themselves to the generic and vague statement that these particles can only occur in the Mittelfeld (middle * The present work is a shortened version of some chapters of my M.A. thesis, which was presented at the seminario di ricerca in sintassi avanzata held in Venice on January 30 th 2006. Some parts of sections 2 to 7 have also been presented at the Zweite Tagung Deutsche Sprachwissenschaft in Italien , held in Rome on February 9 th -11 th 2006) and have appeared in the Proceedings (Coniglio 2007). This work has circulated as “German Modal Particles in the Functional Structure of IP” in University of Venice, Working Papers in Linguistics 16. I would like to thank Anna Cardinaletti for her helpful comments and suggestions.
    [Show full text]
  • Inferential Processes in English and the Question Whether English Has Modal Particles
    Open Linguistics 2018; 4: 509–535 Research Article Kerstin Fischer, Maiken Heide Inferential Processes in English and the Question whether English has Modal Particles https://doi.org/10.1515/opli-2018-0025 Received February 9, 2018; accepted July 30, 2018 Abstract: In this paper, we ask whether English pragmatic markers may evoke similar inferential processes in discourse as German modal particles, studying alright/all right, already and then in more detail. Moreover, we investigate whether specific formal features are associated with these uses and thus whether there is any evidence for a productive modal particle category that can serve as a guideline for the creation and interpretation of modal particle uses of English pragmatic markers. Our analysis shows that even though evidence for a schematic modal particle construction is not conclusive, modal particle uses of pragmatic markers may be potentially widespread in English, and the inferential processes involved may be similar across languages. Keywords: modal particles; pragmatic markers; construction grammar 1 Introduction Various suggestions have been made in the literature concerning the equivalents of modal particles in English, and more recently, it has been suggested that English may be developing a modal particle category itself (e.g. Haselow 2013). Indeed, it seems strange that modal particles should play such an important role in some languages and not at all in English, especially if viewed from the perspective of the inferences made in interaction. That is, if modal particles
    [Show full text]
  • Modal Particles and Sentence Type Restrictions: a Construction Grammar
    a journal of Alm, Maria, et al. 2018. Modal particles and sentence type restrictions: general linguistics Glossa A construction grammar perspective. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 3(1): 133. 1–32, DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.702 RESEARCH Modal particles and sentence type restrictions: A construction grammar perspective Maria Alm1, Janina Behr2 and Kerstin Fischer1 1 Department of Design and Communication, SDU, Alsion 2, DK-6400 Sonderborg, DK 2 Leibniz School of Education, Leibniz University Hannover, Lange Laube 32, DE-30159 Hannover, DE Corresponding author: Maria Alm ([email protected]) The problem addressed in this study is the sentence type restrictions of modal particles. In the literature on modal particles, it is often noted that these items cannot occur freely in all kinds of sentence types, but are restricted to certain grammatical host structures. In this article, we first discuss previous work on the semantic, formal and functional factors that determine the usage of modal particles in different grammatical configurations. The results of this discussion show that a fine-grained representation on several different levels of both modal particles and their grammatical environments is necessary to account for the usage restrictions, which is why we turn to a construction grammatical description. In particular, we suggest that the sentence type restrictions of modal particles are the result of a complex interaction between the individual modal particle on the one hand and specific grammatical constructions on the other hand. In this paper, we focus on constructions of the kind encoding particular speech act orientations, namely sentence type constructions. We explore this interaction from a construction grammatical perspective.
    [Show full text]
  • Montague Grammatical Analysis of Japanese Case Particles
    Montague Grammatical Analysis of Japanese Case Particles Mitsuhiro Okada and Kazue Watanabe Keio University Sophia University 1 Introduction The Montague Grammar for English and other Indo-European languages in the literature is based on the subject-predicate relation, which has been the tradition since Aristotle in the Western language analysis. In this sense, for example, an object and a transitive verb are part of a verb phrase, that is, of a predicate, and the types of a transitive verb and of an object are assigned after the type of predicate (verb phrase) is fixed. When we try to construct categorial grammar and denotational semantics following this tradition, we meet the following deficiencies; • The type structure for transitive verbs and objects, hence their denota- tions, becomes very complicated. For example, the type for transitive verbs is; ((e t) —+ t) (e -4 t) • In order to get an appropriate type for a sentence within the ordinary categorial grammar, we first concatenate a transitive verb with an object and then a subject with the result of the first concatenation. Hence, the resulting grammar becomes very much word-order sensitive. It is easily seen that this kind of operation is not suitable for languages which have word-order flexibility like Japanese, where the following sentences are equivalent in meaning "I ate a cake."; (1) a. Watashi ga cake wo tabeta. I NOM cake ACC ate b. Cake wo watashi ga tabeta. cake ACC I NOM ate We employ the following notational convention in this paper. To each ex- ample sentence of Japanese, we append a gloss which shows the corresponding English expression to each Japanese word and an English translation.
    [Show full text]
  • D. Using Modal Particles
    Center for Advanced Language Proficiency Education and Research - The Pennsylvania State University German Modal Particles by Nina Vyatkina and Karen E. Johnson D. Using Modal Particles Handout 2: Using Modal Particles Combinations Below are some examples of frequently used modal particle combinations; in particular, those with other uninflected word classes, such as other particles or adverbs. These modal particle combinations are typically conventionalized or idiomatic and prevalent in conversational German. For each modal particle combination below, a brief explanation is given followed by concordance lines that illustrate appropriate usage. NOTE: The word order in these combinations may not be reversed. ja mal The ja mal modal particle combination is used for pointing out shared knowledge between speaker and listener (ja) while at the same time softening a suggestion/command (mal). ja auch The modal particle ja points out shared knowledge between speaker and listener and the logical particle auch ties the sentence to the preceding context. The combination ja auch implies that there is nothing surprising about the facts mentioned in the preceding context. auch mal The logical particle auch ties the sentence to the preceding context, and the modal particle mal makes an expressed intention less determined. © CALPER Publications 2007 Center for Advanced Language Proficiency Education and Research - The Pennsylvania State University German Modal Particles by Nina Vyatkina and Karen E. Johnson NOTE: If the three particles are used in one combination, they follow the order ja auch mal (line 9). doch mal The doch mal modal particle combination is used for softening commands and an expression of anticipated objection on part of the listener.
    [Show full text]
  • A Statistical, Grammar-Based Approach to Microplanning
    A Statistical, Grammar-Based Approach to Microplanning Claire Gardent∗ CNRS and Universit´ede Lorraine Laura Perez-Beltrachini∗∗ CNRS and Universit´ede Lorraine Although there has been much work in recent years on data-driven natural language generation, little attention has been paid to the fine-grained interactions that arise during microplanning between aggregation, surface realization, and sentence segmentation. In this article, we propose a hybrid symbolic/statistical approach to jointly model the constraints regulating these inter- actions. Our approach integrates a small handwritten grammar, a statistical hypertagger, and a surface realization algorithm. It is applied to the verbalization of knowledge base queries and tested on 13 knowledge bases to demonstrate domain independence. We evaluate our approach in several ways. A quantitative analysis shows that the hybrid approach outperforms a purely symbolic approach in terms of both speed and coverage. Results from a human study indicate that users find the output of this hybrid statistic/symbolic system more fluent than both a template-based and a purely symbolic grammar-based approach. Finally, we illustrate by means of examples that our approach can account for various factors impacting aggregation, sentence segmentation, and surface realization. 1. Introduction When generating a text, many choices must be made. The content to be expressed must be selected (content selection) and structured (document planning). Content must be distributed into sentences (sentence segmentation). Words (lexicalization) and syntac- tic structures (surface realization) must be chosen. Appropriate referring expressions must be identified to describe entities (referring expression generation). Coordinated and elliptical constructs may be exploited to omit repeated information (Aggregation).
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a Syntactically Motivated Analysis of Modifiers in German
    Tagset Annotation Experiment Parsing Experiments Towards a syntactically motivated analysis of modifiers in German Ines Rehbein & Hagen Hirschmann KONVENS 2014 October 8, 2014 Tagset Annotation Experiment Parsing Experiments Modifying parts of speech (POS) in the Stuttgart- T¨ubingenTagset (STTS) Relative frequencies of modifying POS in the TIGER corpus Tagset Annotation Experiment Parsing Experiments Modifying parts of speech (POS) in the Stuttgart- T¨ubingenTagset (STTS) Closed classes (e.g. nicht for PTKNEG { negation), relatively infrequent, relatively homogeneous syntax per class z }| { Relative frequencies of modifying POS in the TIGER corpus Tagset Annotation Experiment Parsing Experiments Modifying parts of speech (POS) in the Stuttgart- T¨ubingenTagset (STTS) Closed classes (e.g. nicht for PTKNEG { negation), relatively infrequent, relatively homogeneous syntax per class z }| { prenominal adjectives, fixed syntactic position, easy to parse Relative frequencies of modifying POS in the TIGER corpus Tagset Annotation Experiment Parsing Experiments Modifying parts of speech (POS) in the Stuttgart- T¨ubingenTagset (STTS) Closed classes (e.g. nicht for PTKNEG { negation), relatively infrequent, relatively homogeneous syntax per class z }| { very heterogeneous, open, residual class, hard to parse prenominal adjectives, fixed syntactic position, easy to parse Relative frequencies of modifying POS in the TIGER corpus • Syntactic underspecification (heterogeneity) of many single word modifiers in parser input data • Parsing difficulties: No clues
    [Show full text]
  • The Copula in Arabic: Description and Analysis
    The Copula in Arabic: Description and Analysis Ahmad S. Alotaibi A thesis submitted for the degree of PhD in Linguistics Department of Language and Linguistics University of Essex April 2017 i Dedication To the memory of my father, Samir Alotaibi (1939-1991) (may Allah have mercy on his soul) ii Acknowledgement First and foremost, I have to praise Allah for giving me the opportunity to study here at Essex University and for giving me the strength to accomplish this thesis. My thanks go to my supervisors: Prof Bob Borsley and Dr Doug Arnold for their help and guidance in both academic and non-academic matters. In fact, without them this thesis would not have been completed as it looks now. I would also like to thank my Supervisory Board chairs: Dr Philip Hofmeister, Dr Vineeta Chand and Dr Wyn Johnson for their kindness and advice. Thanks also go to the examiners of my thesis, Prof Louisa Sadler and Prof Ronnie Cann. I am essentially thankful for Prof Turki Alotaibi, Prof Solaiman Aloyuni, Dr Ibrahim Allahim and Dr Solaiman Alzumea for checking part of this thesis’ data. I will never forget to acknowledge the encouragement and support that my family and friends offered to me. I may forget to thank some people who contributed directly or indirectly in this thesis, so I deeply thank everyone who has helped me by any means. iii Abstract This thesis provides a description and analysis of the copula in Arabic. More precisely, it concerns the copula in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). First, the thesis describes the copula syntactically.
    [Show full text]
  • ROMANI GRAMMAR by Marcel Courthiade
    ROMANI GRAMMAR by Marcel Courthiade Volume 1: General Information, Phonology, and Morphology Translated from Albanian by Geoff Husič Originally published in Tirana, Albania, 1989 as Gramatika e gjuhes rrome Notes on the digital edition I originally completed this translation in 1989 and have recently digitized the print edition, the original text file of which is in a now-unconvertable format. Other than the few chances mentioned below, this pdf is identical to the print version. I have changed the original spelling of Romany to the more moden spelling Romani. Replacing text in a PDF is a fairly clunky procedure so there may be a few resulting format abberations. It was also not possible to change the spelling in few cases in the images in the text. The name of the author has been changed from Marcel Cortiade to his preferred spelling Marcel Courthiade. Geoff Husić Slavic & Near East Studies Librarian University of Kansas Libraries December 4, 2019 Contents Translator's Preface iv Part I: General Information On Romani. 1 The Common Romani Language • • • • • • • • • • • • • • . 1 Romany's Relationship To Other Languages • • • • • • • • • . 1 The Distribution of Romani and The Dialectal Composition• • . 3 Creolized and Atypical Dialects . • • • • • • • • • • • • 4 True Romani Dialects • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 5 • Standardization . • • • • • • ••••• • • . • • . 7 •The Principal of • • • • • • • • • • 7 StandardizationOne Common Standard, With Three Levels of Tolerance . • • . 10 The Common Romani Alphabet • • • • • • • • • • • • • . 12 Part 2: Phonology •• 15 Vowels . 15 Basic Vowels • • • • • • • • . • • • • • • • • 15 Pre-jotizing Vowels • • • • • • • • • • • . • . 15 Vowels Distinctive To Particular Dialects • • • • . • . 15 Stress . 17 Stress in Declined Words • . • . • • • • • • • • . • • 17 Stress in Conjugated Words • • • • • • . • • • • • • • 20 Stress in invariable Words • • • • • • • • • • • • • . 22 Conclusion and Practical Application • • • • • • • • . 22 Consonants • • • • .
    [Show full text]
  • A Balkan View on the Left Periphery: Modal and Discourse Particles
    languages Article A Balkan View on the Left Periphery: Modal and Discourse Particles Anna Roussou Department of Philology, University of Patras, 26504 Rion Patras, Greece; [email protected] Abstract: The present paper discusses two sets of so-called particles in the Balkan languages, arguing that the correspondences attested in the E-languages reveal abstract properties at the level of the I-language. The first set involves modal particles which participate in the analytic expressions of the “future” and the “subjunctive”. Future markers are construed as V-related elements externalizing a scope position of the verb, while the subjunctive markers take their features from the nominal set. The second set of data involves the discourse marker “haide” which is argued to externalize features associated with the force of the sentence and its anchoring to the discourse participants. In the case of modal particles, the languages under consideration retain their own lexica, while in the case of the discourse marker, they share the same lexical item (lexical borrowing). Analysis of these phenomena supports an articulated left periphery which also accounts for the similar distribution of the discourse marker “haide”. At the same time, the different externalizations leave room for further microparametric variation. Keywords: externalization; discourse; future; I-language; lexical borrowing; microvariation; modal- Citation: Roussou, Anna. 2021. A ity; subjunctive Balkan View on the Left Periphery: Modal and Discourse Particles. Languages 6: 75. https://doi.org/ 10.3390/languages6020075 1. Introduction Academic Editors: Ángel Gallego, The languages of the Balkans (Greek, Albanian, Balkan Slavic, Balkan Romance, Bruno Camus, Ricardo Etxepare, Balkan Romani, and their varieties) show typological similarities, although they are not Iván Ortega-Santos, Diego Pescarini, immediately related.
    [Show full text]