A Balkan View on the Left Periphery: Modal and Discourse Particles
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I Just Think. . . : the Meaning and Discourse Role of Just 1 Just As A
I just think. : The meaning and discourse role of just Stephen Emet March 1, 2017 The following are some examples from the Switchboard corpus (Godfrey and Holliman, 1993), which give a sense of just's frequency and flexibility in conversation: (1) we enjoyed watching the country and the Grammies and stuff but i just i just don't care for him i just never have (2) i just i just i thought that it might be convenient for me sometime to just like i said just pull over and fish for a while (3) oh ye[ah]- yeah well i- you know i don't i don't know all that much myself i just i just know when i hear it that i like it" (4) well it's i just i just think the more you you know you just each person has to consciously think about doing something little or something big whatever you can do 1 Just as a hedge? Just can be used to attenuate the force of a directive. (5) (a) Just sit down in that chair. (b) Just close your eyes. (c) If you'd just sign there for us. (Lee, 1987) The just seems to make the directive more polite than the bare imperative. Just can also reduce the force of an assertion, by indicating uncertainty. (6) um-hum that's true i i like i say i don't have any problem with people using firearms you know for sporting purposes or hunting purposes i just think it's just maybe a little too easy you know to acquire one I just think acts as a \plausibility shield" (Prince et al., 1982), indicating the speaker's level of commitment. -
Allocutive Marking and the Theory of Agreement
Allocutive marking and the theory of agreement SyntaxLab, University of Cambridge, November 5th, 2019 Thomas McFadden Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS), Berlin [email protected] 1 Introduction In many colloquial varieties of Tamil (Dravidian; South Asia), one commonly comes across utterances of the following kind:1 (1) Naan Ãaaŋgiri vaaŋg-in-een-ŋgæ. I Jangri buy-pst-1sg.sbj-alloc ‘I bought Jangri.’2 Aside from the good news it brings, (1) is of interest because it contains two different types of agreement stacked on top of each other. 1. -een marks quite normal agreement with with the 1sg subject. 2. -ŋgæ marks something far less common: so-called allocutive agreement. + Rather than cross-referencing properties of one of the arguments of the main predicate, allocuative agreement provides information about the addressee. + The addition of -ŋgæ specifically indicates a plural addressee or a singular one who the speaker uses polite forms of address with. + If the addressee is a single familiar person, the suffix is simply lacking, as in (2). (2) Naan Ãaaŋgiri vaaŋg-in-een. I Jangri buy-pst-1sg.sbj ‘I bought Jangri.’ Allocutive agreement (henceforth AllAgr) has been identified in a handful of languages and is characterized by the following properties (see Antonov, 2015, for an initial typological overview): • It marks properties (gender, politeness. ) of the addressee of the current speech context. • It is crucially not limited to cases where the addressee is an argument of the local predicate. • It involves the use of grammaticalized morphological markers in the verbal or clausal inflectional system, thus is distinct from special vocative forms like English ma’am or sir. -
Discourse Marker Sequencing and Grammaticalization*
Berkeley Linguistics Society. 2013. 108-122. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v39i1.3873 39 Published by the Linguistic Society of America Discourse Marker Sequencing and Grammaticalization* CHRISTIAN KOOPS AND ARNE LOHMANN University of New Mexico and University of Vienna 1 Introduction This paper deals with the grammatical properties of discourse markers (DMs), specifically their ordering preferences relative to one another. While the data presented here are synchronic, we approach the topic of DM sequencing from the perspective of grammaticalization. From this perspective, DMs can be understood as the result of a process in which elements serving other functions, for example grammatical functions at the level of sentential syntax, come to be conventionally used as markers of discourse-level relations, or what Schiffrin (1987: 31) operationally defined as “sequentially dependent elements which bracket units of talk.” Here we are concerned with the final outcome of this process. We ask: to what degree do fully formed DMs retain or lose the grammatical properties associated with their previous role, specifically their syntactic co-occurrence constraints? In other words, what degree of syntactic decategorialization (in the sense of Hopper 1991) do DMs display? This raises the question of how DMs grammaticalize. As they constitute a broad and diverse class of elements with different developmental trajectories, we draw on Auer’s (1996) taxonomy of relevant grammaticalization processes, which covers a wide range of diverse types. Auer’s analysis deals specifically with grammaticalization in the syntactic position known as the “pre-front field” (Vor- Vorfeld) of spoken German. In drawing on his model, we assume that this * We thank the audiences at BLS 39 in Berkeley and HLDS 10 in Albuquerque for their comments and suggestions on our analysis. -
The Modal Particles Ja and Doch and Their Interaction with Discourse
The modal particles ja and doch and their interaction with dis- course structure: Corpus and experimental evidence1 Sophia Döring & Sophie Repp Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin September 2016 To appear in S. Featherston, R. Hörnig, S. von Wietersheim & S. Winkler (eds.), Information Structure and Semantic Processing. Introduction German modal particles have been in the centre of linguistic research for several years, the main focus lying on their semantic and pragmatic properties (e.g. Thurmair 1989; Lindner 1991; Jacobs 1991; Wal- tereit 2001; Karagjosova 2004; Zimmermann 2004, 2012; Gutzmann 2009; Egg 2013; Repp 2013; Ro- jas-Esponda 2014). Modal particles are usually thought to operate at the semantics-pragmatics interface. The meaning contributions that they have been claimed to make, roughly fall into three types. The first is a modification of the sentence type or the illocution(ary operator) of the utterance they occur in (e.g. Lindner 1991; Jacobs 1991; Waltereit 2001; Karagjosova 2004). For instance, in an assertion a particle may indicate that the speaker is uncertain about committing to the proposition that is asserted, i.e. the particle signals that the speaker modifies or cancels a felicity condition of the speech act assertion. The second is that modal particles relate the proposition they scope over to another proposition in the com- mon ground CG (e.g. Karagjosova 2004; Egg 2013; Repp 2013). The other proposition can be a propo- sition that was at issue in the previous utterance, a felicity condition of the previous utterance, or it can be a proposition that was entailed or implicated by earlier discourse. -
Linguistics 203 - Languages of the World Language Study Guide
Linguistics 203 - Languages of the World Language Study Guide This exam may consist of anything discussed on or after October 20. Be sure to check out the slides on the class webpage for this date onward, as well as the syntax/morphology language notes. This guide discusses the aspects of specific languages we looked at, and you will want to look at the notes of specific languages in the ‘language notes: syntax/morphology’ section of the webpage for examples and basic explanations. This guide does not discuss the linguistic topics we discussed in a more general sense (i.e. where we didn’t focus on a specific language), but you are expected to understand these area as well. On the webpage, these areas are found in the ‘lecture notes/slides’ section. As you study, keep in mind that there are a number of ways I might pose a question to test your knowledge. If you understand the concept, you should be able to answer any of them. These include: Definitional If a language is considered an ergative-absolutive language, what does this mean? Contrastive (definitional) Explain how an ergative-absolutive language differs from a nominative- accusative language. Identificational (which may include a definitional question as well...) Looking at the example below, identify whether language A is an ergative- absolutive language or a nominative accusative language. How do you know? (example) Contrastive (identificational) Below are examples from two different languages. In terms of case marking, how is language A different from language B? (ex. of ergative-absolutive language) (ex. of nominative-accusative language) True / False question T F Basque is an ergative-absolutive language. -
Honorificity, Indexicality and Their Interaction in Magahi
SPEAKER AND ADDRESSEE IN NATURAL LANGUAGE: HONORIFICITY, INDEXICALITY AND THEIR INTERACTION IN MAGAHI BY DEEPAK ALOK A dissertation submitted to the School of Graduate Studies Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Linguistics Written under the direction of Mark Baker and Veneeta Dayal and approved by New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2020 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Speaker and Addressee in Natural Language: Honorificity, Indexicality and their Interaction in Magahi By Deepak Alok Dissertation Director: Mark Baker and Veneeta Dayal Natural language uses first and second person pronouns to refer to the speaker and addressee. This dissertation takes as its starting point the view that speaker and addressee are also implicated in sentences that do not have such pronouns (Speas and Tenny 2003). It investigates two linguistic phenomena: honorification and indexical shift, and the interactions between them, andshow that these discourse participants have an important role to play. The investigation is based on Magahi, an Eastern Indo-Aryan language spoken mainly in the state of Bihar (India), where these phenomena manifest themselves in ways not previously attested in the literature. The phenomena are analyzed based on the native speaker judgements of the author along with judgements of one more native speaker, and sometimes with others as the occasion has presented itself. Magahi shows a rich honorification system (the encoding of “social status” in grammar) along several interrelated dimensions. Not only 2nd person pronouns but 3rd person pronouns also morphologically mark the honorificity of the referent with respect to the speaker. -
Mismatches in Honorificity Across Allocutive Languages
Mismatches in honorificity across allocutive languages Gurmeet Kaur, Göttingen Akitaka Yamada, Osaka [email protected] [email protected] Symposium: The features of allocutivity, honorifics and social relation @ LSA 2021 1 Introduction • Allocutivity is a phenomenon, where certain languages have distinct verbal morphology that encodes the addressee of the speech act (Oyharçabal, 1993; Miyagawa, 2012; Antonov, 2015; McFadden, 2020; Kaur, 2017; 2020a; 2020b; Haddican, 2018; Alok and Baker, 2018; Yamada, 2019b; Alok, 2020 etc.) • A classic example comes from Basque. (1) a. Pette-k lan egin di-k Peter-ERG work do.PFV 3ERG-M ‘Peter worked.’ (said to a male friend) b. Pette-k lan egin di-n Peter-ERG work do.PFV 3ERG-F ‘Peter worked.’ (said to a female friend) (Oyharçabal, 1993: 92-93) • As existing documentation shows, allocutive forms may or may not interact with 2nd person arguments in the clause. • This divides allocutive languages into two groups: • Group 1 disallows allocutivity with agreeing 2nd person arguments (Basque, Tamil, Magahi, Punjabi). In the absence of phi-agreement, Group 2 (Korean, Japanese) does not restrict allocutivity with any 2nd person arguments. (2) Punjabi a. tusii raam-nuu bulaa raye so (*je) 2pl.nom Ram-DOM call prog.m.hon be.pst.2pl alloc.pl ‘You were calling Ram.’ b. raam twaa-nuu bulaa reyaa sii je Ram.nom 2pl.obl-DOM call prog.m.sg be.pst.3sg alloc.pl ‘Ram was calling you.’ 1 (3) Japanese a. anata-wa ramu-o yon-dei-masi-ta. 2hon-TOP Ram-ACC call-PRG-HONA-PST ‘You were calling Ram.’ b. -
Signaling Coherence Relations in Text Generation: a Case Study of German Temporal Discourse Markers
. Signaling coherence relations in text generation: A case study of German temporal discourse markers Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorw¨urde durch den Promotionsausschuss Dr. phil der Universit¨at Bremen vorgelegt von Brigitte Grote Berlin, den 29. Januar 2003 Contents 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Motivation.................................... 1 1.1.1 Discoursemarkersinwrittentext . .. 2 1.1.2 Discourse marker choice in text generation . ..... 6 1.2 Scopeofthestudy ............................... 8 1.3 Goalsofthisresearch............................. 9 1.4 Organizationofthethesis . .. 11 I State of the art and methodology 15 2 Earlier research on discourse markers 17 2.1 Definitionsinresearchliterature . ...... 17 2.1.1 Terminologyanddefinitions . 18 2.1.2 Identifying discourse markers in text . .... 21 2.2 Discourse markers in multilingual generation . ......... 23 2.2.1 Marker occurrence and placement . 25 2.2.2 Markerselection ............................ 26 2.2.3 Discourse marker choice in the overall generation process ...... 33 2.3 Discourse markers in descriptive linguistics . .......... 36 2.3.1 In-depth studies of small sets of discourse markers . ........ 37 2.3.2 Accounts covering a large range of discourse markers . ....... 38 2.4 Conclusions ................................... 41 i ii CONTENTS 3 Discourse representation in TG 43 3.1 Introduction: Coherence relations in text generation . ............ 43 3.2 RhetoricalStructureTheory . ... 46 3.2.1 RSTintextanalysis .......................... 46 3.2.2 RSTinautomatictextgeneration . 49 3.3 EnhancingRST................................. 53 3.3.1 Setofrelations ............................. 53 3.3.2 Minimalunits.............................. 56 3.3.3 Language specificity and relation to the linguistic surface ...... 57 3.3.4 Types of relations and levels of discourse representation....... 59 3.3.5 Decomposing coherence relations . .. 63 3.4 Conclusions ................................... 66 4 Framework and methodology 69 4.1 Framework................................... -
The Intensifying Function of Modal Particles and Modal Elements in a Cross-Linguistic Perspective
RASPRAVE. Časopis Instituta za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje 41/1 (2015.) UDK 811.112.2’367.63:811.163.42’367.63 811.112.2’367.63:811.111’367.63 Izvorni znanstveni rad Rukopis primljen 12. III. 2015. Prihvaćen za tisak 25. V. 2015. Mia Batinić Marijana Kresić Odjel za lingvistiku Sveučilišta u Zadru Anita Pavić Pintarić Odjel za germanistiku Sveučilišta u Zadru Mihovila Pavlinovića 1, HR-23000 Zadar [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] THe inTenSifying funcTiOn Of MOdAl particleS And MOdAl eleMenTS in A cROSS-linguiSTic PeRSPecTiVe The aim of this paper is to analyze the intensifying function of german mo- dal particles and equivalent modal expressions in croatian and english. Our hypothesis is that some modal particles in german and their functional equi- valents in croatian and english can express different degrees of intensity and types of intensification. The presented study comprises two parts. first, the use of intensifying modal particles by a group of speakers of l1 croatian and l2 german/english is investigated. On the basis of the results obtained, and by means of a previously conducted corpus analysis (cf. Kresić and Ba- tinić 2014), an intensification scale with respect to the inventory of german modal particles and corresponding particles in croatian as well as equivalent english expressions is suggested. Some german and croatian modal partic- les and equivalent modal elements in english can be classified on the upper and partially on the lower part of the proposed intensification scale when compared to the norm, i.e. an utterance unmarked by a modal particle. -
Demonstratives in Discourse Åshild Næss University of Oslo Anna Margetts Monash University Yvonne Treis LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO)
Chapter 1 Introduction: Demonstratives in discourse Åshild Næss University of Oslo Anna Margetts Monash University Yvonne Treis LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO) 1 Discourse markers and their functions Over the last decades, there has been extensive discussion in the typological lit- erature of the functions and uses of demonstratives. It is well established that demonstratives are not restricted to referring to items in situational use based on concrete spatial parameters, but that discourse deictic, anaphoric/tracking, and recognitional uses are also common, if not universal, functions of demonstra- tives (see Himmelmann 1996; 1997; and Diessel 1999 for systematic overviews). Studies have shown that many parameters beyond location and configuration of referents and speech-act participants play a role in demonstrative choice. In particular, directing the addressee’s attention towards a target entity and prior knowledge of a referent either through the previous discourse or from the real world have been identified as relevant (see e.g. Burenhult 2003; Dawuda 2009; Diessel 2006; Enfield 2003; Hanks 1990; 1992; 2005; 2009; Küntay & Özyürek 2006; Özyürek 1998). The diachronic development from demonstratives to other types of markers with grammatical and discourse functions has also been extensively discussed (see again Himmelmann 1996; 1997; Diessel 1999). Åshild Næss, Anna Margetts & Yvonne Treis. 2020. Introduction: Demonstratives in discourse. In Åshild Næss, Anna Margetts & Yvonne Treis (eds.), Demonstratives in discourse, 1–20. Berlin: Language Science Press. DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.4055812 Åshild Næss, Anna Margetts & Yvonne Treis This volume investigates discourse functions of demonstratives, that is, the type of functions demonstratives perform when they develop into discourse markers.1 The notion of discourse marker is not very clearly defined, and the question thus arises which functions they comprise, how they can be described, and to what ex- tent demonstratives and their functions match this description. -
German Modal Particles in the Ip-Domain
Rivista di Grammatica Generativa, 32 – 2007, 3-37 GERMAN MODAL PARTICLES IN THE IP-DOMAIN Marco Coniglio 1. Introduction * German modal particles (MPs) are a group of about twenty words, 1 which are mainly used in spoken language. They have long been neglected by linguistic research, but have recently become an important field of study for many scholars interested in spoken-language phenomena. Their function is to express the speaker’s mental attitude toward or belief about what he or she is saying, i.e. they usually add the speaker’s subjective point of view to the basic meaning conveyed by the utterance. This group of words has mainly been analysed from a narrow perspective, i.e. only from a semantic and pragmatic one. No deep investigation has been made to capture their syntactic behaviour and most scholars limit themselves to the generic and vague statement that these particles can only occur in the Mittelfeld (middle * The present work is a shortened version of some chapters of my M.A. thesis, which was presented at the seminario di ricerca in sintassi avanzata held in Venice on January 30 th 2006. Some parts of sections 2 to 7 have also been presented at the Zweite Tagung Deutsche Sprachwissenschaft in Italien , held in Rome on February 9 th -11 th 2006) and have appeared in the Proceedings (Coniglio 2007). This work has circulated as “German Modal Particles in the Functional Structure of IP” in University of Venice, Working Papers in Linguistics 16. I would like to thank Anna Cardinaletti for her helpful comments and suggestions. -
Inferential Processes in English and the Question Whether English Has Modal Particles
Open Linguistics 2018; 4: 509–535 Research Article Kerstin Fischer, Maiken Heide Inferential Processes in English and the Question whether English has Modal Particles https://doi.org/10.1515/opli-2018-0025 Received February 9, 2018; accepted July 30, 2018 Abstract: In this paper, we ask whether English pragmatic markers may evoke similar inferential processes in discourse as German modal particles, studying alright/all right, already and then in more detail. Moreover, we investigate whether specific formal features are associated with these uses and thus whether there is any evidence for a productive modal particle category that can serve as a guideline for the creation and interpretation of modal particle uses of English pragmatic markers. Our analysis shows that even though evidence for a schematic modal particle construction is not conclusive, modal particle uses of pragmatic markers may be potentially widespread in English, and the inferential processes involved may be similar across languages. Keywords: modal particles; pragmatic markers; construction grammar 1 Introduction Various suggestions have been made in the literature concerning the equivalents of modal particles in English, and more recently, it has been suggested that English may be developing a modal particle category itself (e.g. Haselow 2013). Indeed, it seems strange that modal particles should play such an important role in some languages and not at all in English, especially if viewed from the perspective of the inferences made in interaction. That is, if modal particles