Globalization and Identity “Glocal” Japanese Self-Identity: A Missiological Perspective on Paradigmatic Shifts in Urban Tokyo by Gary Fujino

he question of identity is fast becoming a missiological issue of global proportions. Fundamental questions such as “Who are we?” and T “Who are they?” have become ever more complicated and intricate amidst the contemporary forces of globalization. A new “glocal” reality is impacting and shifting personal identities at the core, at the level of a person’s daily life, creating an intermingling of identities that could potentially affect our missional efforts to reach people in terms of who they are.

This complex mix of identities is quite apparent in the context of urban Tokyo dwellers where I live and minister. I’m convinced that if I fail to grasp the nature of identity amidst the modern mix of Tokyo, it will hinder my efforts to reach these urban Japanese. And I believe this is just as true for similar popula- tions across the globe. Identity and the sense of self—and how they interact with globalization—affect how we answer the key question of how the Japanese can be reached in terms of who they are.

I’d like to focus this article on how multiple identities emerge in the lives of these urban dwellers. I fi rst want to introduce a location in central Tokyo that affects identity beyond mere geography, then examine how multiple identities function within the Japanese context. Next we will consider globalization and glocalization in reference to urban Japanese self-identity, exploring missiological implications within each section.1

Gary Fujino (Ph.D., Trinity A Tokyo-Based Case Study of Urban Japanese Identities Evangelical Divinity School) is I live and work downtown. Twenty-three wards and twenty-seven towns make an IMB strategist for the Japanese up the city of Tokyo proper; our home is in one of the eight central wards. Diaspora. Gary has lived and worked in the Greater Tokyo area The greater Tokyo/Yokohama megalopolis has a population of 35.7 million, doing urban evangelism and church according to the United Nations.2 Tokyo is a part of the Kanto plain, the largest planting since 1995. He and his wife, fl at area in Japan, which accommodates around 44 million persons, more than Lynn, have four children, two in college and two at home. Gary can be one-third of the country’s population of 127 million souls. The cry of the Lord contacted at [email protected]. for that great Old Testament city, Nineveh, is mine as well for that great 21st-

International Journal of Frontier Missiology 27:4 Winter 2010•171 172 “Glocal” Japanese Self-Identity: A Missiological Perspective on Paradigmatic Shifts in Urban Tokyo century megalopolis, Tokyo. “Should from all over to see and meet exclusive shops. Talent scouts I not be concerned for that great city?” these normal citizens turned and pimps alike haunt these (Jonah 4:11, NIV) faux idols, photographing trendy streets looking for rising them or having their pictures stars, or victims. Buying or In Shibuya Ward, where I live, there taken with them. Here, living fi nding “another self,” as well is an amazing variety of cultures and “as another self” or having as consumerism and material- subcultures, each of which have a pro- “a second life,” as it is called ism best describe how this part found effect on urban Japanese identi- in Japan, is prominent. The of Harajuku infl uences the ties. For example, one of the stations desire to live “in disguise” or diversifi ed, urban identity of we frequent, Harajuku/Meiji-jingumae “anonymously” is very strong. Tok yo Japanese. (hereafter, “Harajuku station”) is where • Going east from Harajuku • Within the same 1.5 kilometer station, taking a different exit, radius of Harajuku station that two subway lines and a train line meet one comes onto Takeshita- enfolds Omotesando, Meiji and one can view in microcosm the dori. This short, narrow street Shrine, and Takeshita-dori is cultures and sub-cultures represent- extends only a few blocks Yoyogi Park to the west, and ing urban Japan, any of which can eastward, yet it is a mecca the former Olympic National mold urban Japanese identity, creating for Japanese youth culture. Gymnasium and its park multiple identities within the same person. area to the southwest. These Here’s a picture of one microcosm of places are a stone’s throw from globalization that creates this inter- the station and are visited by Tokyoites regularly for sport- mingling of identity: ing events, concerts, picnick- • Immediately west of the The desire to live ing and cultural festivals. The station is one of the larg- Canadian circus, Cirque du est Shinto shrines in Japan. “in disguise” or Soleil, has been a fi xture here Meiji Jingu, or “Meiji Grand for years. For many urban Shrine,” that was named after “anonymously” is dwellers Yoyogi Park means the Emperor Meiji, who ruled very strong. peace and open space, gardens, when Japan was re-opened old trees, and nature in a city to the West in 1853. During where everything else seems the most important holiday of too crowded, narrow and made the year, New Year’s, nearly of concrete. Life seems slower four million worshippers there and you will often see visit between December 31st Youth from all over Tokyo, people doing group exercises or and January 2nd to observe a and even other parts of Japan, sports.3 “Communal,” “natu- “two year pilgrimage” (ni- fl ock here to eat, shop, play, ral,” “cultural” and “event- nen maeri) or to buy charms congregate, and hang out. oriented” describe how these to ward off evil and give Even the parents of ‘tweens, locales around Harajuku affect good luck for the coming teenagers and college students Japanese urban identities. year. Meiji Shrine is visited like to be in this trendy place, Japanese coming to this area of Tokyo throughout the year but the where those under age thirty may choose to be involved in only one feel right at home. Some New Year holiday is what it of these locations, or all, or in parts is known for. “Religious” and mothers shop there with their of some. But their choices are inten- “spiritual” best describe the daughters to buy designer effect this part of Harajuku “twin clothing.” This part of tional, fl owing from who they are, has on a Japanese urbanite’s Harajuku addresses the need how they perceive themselves at that variegated identity. of urban Japanese to belong— time, and how they want to be per- • In front of the station, i.e., mothers trying to identify ceived by the group within each of these adjacent to the entry gate of with their daughters’ culture. contexts. These shifting identities are Meiji Shrine, is a large open • To the south and paralleling not dependent upon mere geography, area which is home to street Takeshita-dori is the larger but upon affi nities like those listed artisans, couples on dates and Omotesando road. It has above, as well as music, fi lm, business, become a brand name equiva- tourists. On weekends espe- language, entertainment, religion, cially this space is frequented lent to Park Avenue or Rodeo by fans of Gothic clothing Drive in the USA, and is friendship, etc. Add on the hierarchies and music, or by “CosPlay” associated with designers such of age, gender, social standing and the (“Costume Play”) advocates— as Louis Vuitton, Gucci, GAP, backgrounds of people with whom men and women who dress Coach, etc. As with Takeshita- they interact, and identities become as popular Japanese cartoon dori and Meiji Shrine, Japanese quite multifaceted. or comic characters. Fans come from all over to be seen descend on Harajuku station there or to buy from one of its

International Journal of Frontier Missiology Gary Fujino 173 For example, the mother who shops he idea of shifting and multiple identities is more along Takeshita-dori to identify with her teenage daughter may also go a than a concept to the Japanese; it is a way of life few blocks over to Omotesando and even at the unconscious level. buy herself a $2,000 Gucci purse. T Later in the week she may return that the Japanese “omote-ura (front- Globalization and Tokyo to catch a show at the circus or visit back) can be defi ned only in relative Urban Identity Yoyogi Park with her family for a terms; hence the border between The word “globalization” was coined picnic. At the end of the year she 9 the two remains fl exible” (Goffman by sociologist Roland Robertson in may go to Meiji Shrine to pick up a proposed a more fi xed front and his 1992 book of the same name. He charm or take part in a ritual. What back). What Ishida says is important defi nes it this way: is important for this paper is that missiologically because it shows that multiple and interdependent identities self-perception and identity can differ Globalization as a concept refers to exist in the same person, with much between cultures. Just a year earlier, both the compression of the world and intensifi cation of consciousness of the shift between identities being Smith had foreshadowed Ishida’s idea intentional and specifi c to context and of the world as a whole...both con- of “a fl exible border” between front crete global interdependence and relationships. Missiologically, we must and back when he stated, “There are consciousness of the global whole.12 engage such persons “where they are no fi xed points, either ‘self’ or ‘other’ at,” complicated as that might be (cf. 1 . . . there is no fi xed center from While “globalization” is a new term, Cor. 9: 19-23). which, in effect, the individual asserts Japan has been infl uenced by global a noncontingent existence.”10 Thus, forces almost since its beginnings. Multiple Japanese the Japanese self is depicted here as What is different today is “the speed, Self-Identities and Context constantly changing. the scale, the scope, and the complex- Sociologist Erving Goffman4 called ity of global connections.”13 this manifestation of identities “the Other Japanese researchers point out presentation of self in everyday life,” that the Japanese self is contextual Japan and “That Which Is From the manner in which people take on or situational, even acting differently Without”: Contextualization different social roles for various aspects toward different persons within the through Wakon-Yosai of their lives. This relates back to those same situation. Sociologist Eshun Japan has long imported, adapted, and 14 missiological questions of “Who are Hamaguchi calls this kanjinshugi, indigenized (or, “contextualized”!) our people?” and “How can we best literally, “the principle of what is what it receives—yet, always in a reach them?” But some Japanese social between persons” (in English, “con- discriminating manner. Robertson scientists have pushed these contextual textualism”). His neologism is crafted calls this “Japan’s high degree of care- understandings of self-presentation against the Western idea of individu- ful selectivity concerning what is to be 15 beyond Goffman. alism, or kojinshugi. The similarities accepted or rejected from without.” in spelling and phonetics between A traditional proverb offers further 5 Psychoanalyst Takeo Doi was one the words are intended. The word is insight. Wakon kansai means “Japanese of the fi rst to popularize honne and fabricated from kan, meaning “space” spirit, Chinese learning,” which shows tatemae, the idea that who Japanese or “between,” and jin, or “person.” a bent towards bringing in ideas, tech- really are on the inside (honne) is often So, one could literally interpret it as nology, and goods from outside Japan, at variance with what they present on “the space between persons which ties but then making it Japanese. The the surface (tatemae). This is important them together” (my translation). Both proverb shifted to wakon yosai, liter- when speaking of multiple self-identi- the wording and the concept is an ally, “Japanese spirit, Western learning,” ties because while the honne remains a assault on the idea of humans exist- after the opening of Japan to the West constant, the way in which the tatemae ing in isolation from other humans. in the late nineteenth century. This is made manifest can vary from person In Japanese self-theory, self is always proverb captures both Japan’s interac- to person, even within the same situa- seen in relation to others, never apart tions with global forces—with China, 6 tion. While this may be true for other from them. Thus, identity becomes then Europe, and later America—as cultures as well, the idea of shifting situational to a great extent and well as the ideas of honne-tatemae and and multiple identities is more than a Japanese “individuals” are in some omote-ura, where the surface or “front” concept to the Japanese; it is a way of respects “multi-cultural” within them- might change but not the core of one’s life even at the unconscious level. selves.11 Identity, then, is about where self. William Dyrness affi rms Pierce Later writers, such as Takeshi Ishida7, one is, i.e., the situation, and whom Beaver’s assertion that “in one sense… challenged Goffman’s “front region” one is with in that situation. none of the generalities of Asia apply and “back region” motif8 by saying to Japan. It is ancient, medieval, and

27:4 Winter 2010 174 “Glocal” Japanese Self-Identity: A Missiological Perspective on Paradigmatic Shifts in Urban Tokyo modern; it is Eastern and Western. In other words, the genkan serves phone line with our conversation And all these characteristics exist in as the transition point or boundary partner. In other words, within the dynamic interrelationship.” 16 Thus, between the world outside (soto) and confi nes of our home, the telephone the Japanese deal with global forces the world within (uchi). This entryway has become another (boundary) like by selectively taking what is foreign motif, both real and conceptual, links the genkan… thus, there is no more appropriate location for the telephone and indigenizing it so that its foreign to Japanese sensibilities of pollution to fulfi ll its role than to place it in the origins are eradicated, synthesized, and purity. It functions to keep what boundary area (genkan) where this forgotten, or overlooked. So complete is unclean outside the house in order to community called the family makes is this transformation that whatever keep one’s insides clean, both physi- contact with society.21 “it” is becomes a part of Japanese life cally and spiritually. In individualism- and is no longer considered foreign. A collectivism studies, these are known Like the genkan the home telephone clear example is that many Japanese as in-groups (uchi) and out-groups in Japan served as a boundary marker think the McDonald’s restaurant chain (soto). This uchi-soto combination between the outside world and the originated in Japan. The wakon yosai relates directly to honne-tatemae and inside of the home and, by extension, spirit allows for global interaction, omote-ura, but uchi-soto is more vitally of the Japanese self. So, the eventual yet, at the same time, protects the sui movement, literally, of the telephone generis mystique of Japanese ethnicity from the genkan to the inner parts of and national identity. the house refl ected not only a physical shift of the telephone but a mental shift The Advent of the Home Telephone: The Japanese deal in how the Japanese self interacted Keeping the Boundaries with global forces with the outside world. The telephone is an example of a At fi rst “telephone space” was halfway foreign technology that transformed by selectively taking between the public and private realms, not only communications but also in the border territory of the entryway infl uenced Japanese self-identity. what is foreign and (genkan), but with the emergence of According to social commentator indigenizing it. cordless phones, extension phones, and Toru Takeda, home telephones only cell phones, telephone space became became commonplace in Japan after increasingly personalized.22 The shift World War II, and were in just 3.6 from the genkan to anywhere in the million homes by 1960, when the house created a malleable boundary connected to interaction of the self country’s population was at 93 mil- between inside and outside worlds, with others.19 Uchi is more like “self- lion. That number swelled to 30 mil- similar to what Ishida argued against identity toward others,” and relates lion by 1975, with 54 percent of the Goffman above. And the change from to a locality, a group—in this case, population using home telephones, the cord telephone to cordless, and 17 one’s “inner circle.” Uchi can include and to 70 percent in the 1980s. then to wireless, made the telephone friends, fellow workers, and other In its early days, the telephone was portable, which caused a revolution in close relationships. Conceptually generally placed in the genkan, the how Japanese related to others. Now, uchi-soto can help us understand how entryway of the traditional Japanese not only was the self movable, but a call Japanese relate to others in a group house. Thus, in order to answer the home—to one’s uchi (one’s in-group)— setting, and especially with social phone people would have to come from could fi t into a pocket or purse and be networking, as we will see below.20 inside the house to the front door, near taken anywhere. the genkan, to talk. British anthropolo- The Telephone as Genkan and In the genkan, all phone conversations gist David C. Lewis talks about the Shifting Boundaries of the Self: were public. One’s voice could be clearly genkan as being Toward a Portable Uchi heard. But when moved inside the where one leaves behind one’s The signifi cance of the telephone was house, to one’s own room, for example, shoes and the outside dirt carried that it carried people outside of their inquisitive family members could on them…. In modern houses, these houses, i.e., outside of themselves, even be kept out of hearing range, which former “peripheral” areas have been though one could be at home while allowed for truly private conversations brought within the confi nes of the conversing. A University of Tokyo and a further inward (uchi) withdrawal house itself but the social boundaries researcher describes it this way: of the self. This correlates with Naoko are kept distinct. Spatial and footwear boundaries automatically keep the [W]hen we are using the telephone, Odaka’s observation that genkan, toilet, bath and tokonoma even though physically we are in the earlier generations of Japanese have rooms distinct.18 home, in our consciousness we have been very conscious of the eyes of left the house and have to share a others, while the post-bubble genera-

International Journal of Frontier Missiology Gary Fujino 175 tion sets its own personal space and is unconcerned with those outside hen sharing the gospel, one must take into that space. They open the channel of account that a Japanese person is not simply communication with those they want to talk to or with those they judge to an individual self. share their own way of thinking but W coolly close off communication with virtual but not limited to that—creates place. One example is the challenge those who don’t get it.23 different selves within the same American behemoth Facebook is person24, all combining to make up a facing in the Japanese social network- Odaka references new cell phone- single individual. An additional problem ing market. based, virtual communities, an intensi- is that not all of these selves are healthy. fi ed focus on an individual’s phonemate In Takeda’s words, these virtual connec- Social Networking, Facebook community, to personal choice, and tions between persons can and Anonymity to how increased individualism all Compared to 60 percent of US form a community (kyodotai), but not contribute to the increased variegation Internet users, only 2 percent of Japan’s of Japanese urban self-identity. This a public society (kokyoteki na shakai). By shutting out any diverse opinion online population logs on to Facebook. returns us to the Harajuku case study and contact with those outside their Japanese prefer native-born internet 27 above, where identity is selected and closed group, they are hindered in service providers. The three major displayed in multiple ways, but only to developing a healthy sense of self Japanese-created social network- those who “get it.” Japan’s post-bubble and interpersonal social skills through ing sites have more than 21 million generation (born after 1970) tends interaction with outsiders.25 members each. Facebook Japan, which to exclude or include others based arrived in mid-2008, is dwarfed in The infl uence of technology upon on personal choice and displays an comparison, hovering at a paltry 2 mil- human existence, particularly self- even more severe in-group (uchi) and lion members.28 Why the difference? out-group (soto) distinction than their identity, cannot be underestimated. One reason is that Japanese social parents’ generation. Marshall McLuhan’s pithy dictum still holds: “The message is the medium.” networking sites permit anonym- The transformation of this uchi-soto Use of the telephone and the internet, ity. A person does not have to share reality raises important missiological too, creates non-neutral contexts which name, gender, or anything personal, questions. Does the church function literally change identity. And as one of to become a member. Anonymity as the primary uchi or in-group for the McLuhan’s interpreters notes, “[e]very relates to our discussion above about individual? In most cases, the response medium is an extension of our human- “disguise,” “another self” and “a second would be negative, but metaphors of the ity… All forms of media (i.e., any life,” as well as to multiple identities. Body (1 Cor. 12), or of Israel and God human invention or technology) extend Marketing research has borne out being the centerpiece of the nations or amplify some part of ourselves.”26 this Japanese penchant for privacy. (Ps. 67), might offer a different answer. So, for us as persons created in the “In a survey of 2,130 Japanese mobile Or how might this Japanese sense of image and likeness of God, the way in web users by Tokyo-based MMD self implicate how we share the gospel? which the self (or selves) permits itself Laboratory, 89 percent of respondents While the urban Japanese self is increas- to become extended by technology is said they were reluctant to disclose ingly portable and private, it is never the missiological crux. their real names on the Web.”29 One alone, so, when sharing the gospel, one woman was adamant, “‘I don’t want to must take into account that a Japanese Self-Contextualizing through give it my real name… what if strang- person is not simply an individual self. the Internet in Japan ers fi nd out who you are? Or someone Each person represents a larger, unseen If the telephone caused a national from your company?”30 community, instantly available by identity shift, then cell phones and the In contrast, the appeal of Facebook technology, and consolidated into that Internet initiated a sea change as Japan is its openness and the way it allows person’s identity, made manifest for that embraced online communities. There people to share with people they know moment. Distinct personas, i.e., mul- were more than 94 million Internet and like. Whether it be fi nding old tiple identities, form in the same person users in Japan at the end of 2009, with grade school acquaintances or chat- because of that individual’s interactions 78 percent of Japan’s population of 127 ting about the latest, Facebook thrives with numerous and often contiguous million accessing the Internet regularly. on people sharing who they are via communities, virtual and otherwise. As in other countries, the Internet their true identities. “She friended me” Individuals become their own bosses by allowed the creation of virtual com- or “I un-friended him” have become their lifestyle choices and the networks munities where people interact without common phrases for the English- in which they become involved. I call meeting face to face, but the difference speaking online population. We are this “matrixed identity,” where interac- in Japan is how these interactions take able to “friend” or “unfriend” because tion with various groups—particularly 27:4 Winter 2010 176 “Glocal” Japanese Self-Identity: A Missiological Perspective on Paradigmatic Shifts in Urban Tokyo we know, at least to some degree, who whether to use Zuckerberg’s map, or of personhood found in many Asian is knocking at our cybernetic door, another map. In Japan, should “trust societies, especially in India, China which allows us to decide whether relationships” be the criterion for and Japan.”35 Clammer compares this that person becomes our newest mapping, or anonymity? “globalist, inclusive and democratic” “friend.” Facebook co-founder Mark image—which he sees as coming Zuckerberg shared his thoughts on a Epistemological Maps and Japanese directly from Christianity—to a “map” for networking people: Understandings of the Self mainstream self-identity in Japan that Paul Hiebert gives us some direc- “We’re trying to map out what exists is “shifting, other-directed, depen- tion at this juncture. Hiebert likened in the world,” he says. “In the world, dent, multiple and based ultimately there’s trust. I think as humans we human perceptions of reality to on a dynamist epistemology in which fundamentally parse the world viewing a map or a blueprint. Unlike the being is the expression or embodi- through the people and relation- a photograph, with its literal cor- ment of universal energy or ki.”36 At ships we have around us. So, at its respondence to reality, a map or its base, then, the Christian sense of core, what we’re trying to do is map blueprint gives an accurate outline, selfhood is “in radical contrast to the out all of those trust relationships, such as that of a house, yet not exact. Japanese conception of the self.”37 which you can call, colloquially, most What this means for Facebook, and of the time, ‘friendships.’ He calls this Christianity, is that epistemological map the social graph, and it’s a net- maps must be taken into account and work of an entirely new kind.”31 acknowledged as being different for a A natural outcome of Zuckerberg’s starting point, otherwise, friction and map of friendship and being able The Christian sense misunderstanding are sure to result. to “friend” or “unfriend” is that of self is “in radical The assumption that one idea or Facebook Japan insists that people use application or product or worldview their real names to join. How “friend- contrast to the Japanese applies to all peoples is one reason for ship” is defi ned comes into question conception of the self.” the slow growth of both Facebook and here, but, for our purposes, it is safe to Christianity in Japan. But in respond- say that Mr. Zuckerberg’s logic does ing to the missiological questions of not necessarily follow when taken Who are we? and Who are they? we outside of the United States. A 2010 need to return to the topic of differ- Microsoft survey asking about Asia- 34 ing self-identities. Do we view urban Pacifi c social networking sites found It is “‘true’, but in a certain way.” Tokyo Japanese as being the same as that of 3,000 people in 11 countries, Thus, maps or blueprints of reality will differ from person to person us? Do they view us as being the same only about one-quarter of their and culture to culture. This chal- as them? Should the starting point be, friends on social networking sites lenges Zuckerberg’s assumption We are all the same? How we answer were close friends. In Japan more that humans “fundamentally parse this question will affect how we than half of all respondents said that engage those we are trying to reach Not one of their acquaintances on the world through the people and with the gospel. It will also inform social networks was a close friend.32 relationships we have around us.” It raises the question: fundamental for how they respond to that message. Further, whom? Does Zuckerberg’s sense of We can conclude, therefore, that specialists say that while Facebook “human” include the Japanese? This Japanese urban dwellers should not users in the United States tend to last question might seem strange, be dealt with as if they were mere recreate real-life social relationships yet his map of trust relationships is individuals, at least as Americans online, many Japanese use Web ano- in confl ict with the Japanese map of understand individuals. We must nymity to express themselves, free multiple identities. try to see the communities that exist from the pressure to fi t into a con- behind and within them, and which formist workplace.33 These differing maps of reality also come into play when discussing vary depending upon the situation What is at work is that intuitive, Christianity in Japan, particularly as it and who is else involved. We must contextualizing forces within Japan relates to self-identity. John Clammer allow for differences yet recognize are selectively resisting non-Japanese notes the diffi culty for Japanese in that many urban Japanese are looking globalizing forces, such as Facebook, incorporating a religious identity that for better communities to which they which require Japanese users to do links individuality, autonomy and “the can belong. it their way. The point of conten- possession of an essence (a permanent In our case, this would be a com- tion is whether a person’s identity is core of being) into a seamless whole munity of faith, the church, which conveyed openly or anonymously, i.e., in a way very distinct from the images might serve the needs of these com- International Journal of Frontier Missiology Gary Fujino 177 plex individuals in ways that non- religious groups cannot. Too often, hese urban Japanese can sense a defi ciency though, we “clothe” our evangelism, when they fail to discover real belonging and disciple making and “doing church” in Western patterns. These urban identifi cation in fellowship with the body of Christ.

Japanese can sense a defi ciency when T 49 Where global and the local touch, a multiplicity of self-identities.” they fail to discover real belonging they become “glocal,” and at that point “Border-crossing,” “on the move,” and identifi cation in fellowship with they affect culture and identity, which “multivocality,” where “a single the body of Christ. Healthy, cultur- in turn is infl uenced by ethnicity. symbol may stand for many things,” 50 ally appropriate community can be are ideas refl ective of glocalization, as important as spiritual conver- Ethnicity and Its Relationship which was birthed in part from sion. 38 We can provide this only by to Glocalization in Tokyo Barth’s pioneering thought. respecting the way they map their I have not spoken of ethnicity until multiple identities. now, and have purposely subsumed So, is it possible to have a glocal iden- it under glocalization because, in tity? If so, what are the missiological Glocalization and Tokyo Tokyo, it is diffi cult to separate the implications? In answer to the fi rst Urban Identity two. Ethnicity and race are clas- question, Schreiter, Hiebert and Catholic missiologist Robert Schreiter sifi cations that can be diffi cult to the Japanese themselves would give was one of the fi rst to discuss “glo- categorize,43 yet are what we deal a resounding “yes.” Interestingly, calization” in a Christian context, with every day. Here I follow the Hiebert applied the concept of a though he credits Roland Robertson defi nition of Romanucci-Ross, who glocal identity to missionaries, calling for coming up with the term in describes ethnicity as being more a them “inbetweeners,” “transcultural 39 1995. Schreiter describes glocaliza- “self-perceived group” than having a persons” and “glocal mediators” tion in this way: “common lineage.” Thus, ethnicity is because “the heart of missions has always been—and remains—the task Even as globalizing processes homog- always made and remade, especially enize the world, they create at the by politicians.44 “Being Japanese” 45 of bridging the gulf between the 51 same time a heightened sense of is so ingrained that it has even gospel and the world.” the particular. This attention to the been called a religion, Nihonkyo, or Schreiter speaks more generally of particular and to the local takes on a the “religion of being Japanese.” 46 what has happened with identity in considerable variety of forms which Harumi Befu compares how Japanese the world as context has changed. can range from accommodations of view their identity to buying ready- He names three distinct shifts: First, the global to an assertive resistance made clothing off the rack. Each “context as a concept has become to it.40 person buys something that fi ts his increasingly deterritorialized”; second, Schreiter’s sense of local accom- or her personality, tastes, etc., but “contexts are becoming hyperdif- modation and resistance to global they are all off the same rack.47 As ferentiated”; and third, “contexts are forces is indicative of urban Tokyo with buying clothing, Japanese make more clearly hybridized.” 52 Essentially, identity, but he is quick to assert that choices in revealing their inward he’s saying that the nature of context “neither global, homogenizing forces selves. As the clothes suit the person, itself needs to be assessed. As Lamin nor the local forms of accommoda- so the identity suits the context—for Sanneh underlines, tion and resistance can of themselves that day or even that moment. context is not passive but comes provide an adequate explanation of In his seminal work on ethnic bound- preloaded with its own biases, the phenomenon.”41 We can see this aries, Fredrik Barth uses the idea of ready to contest whatever claims it in our case study—the urban Tokyo “border-crossing,” 48 a corollary to our encounters. Contexts, after all, are identity is globally infl uenced yet, in discussion of global and local. Barth’s constructed strategies. As such, a its essence, Japanese. For example, the context sensitive approach should be approach changed how anthropology trendsetting Omotesando area— responsive without being naïve.53 viewed ethnic groups. The focus went where “$1.2 million in handbags, from bounded, static communities watches, luggage and other accesso- Missiological Implications to groups on the move. He studied ries” were sold on the fi rst day Louis of Glocal Identities those who crossed over rather than Vuitton opened there in 200242—is In this fi nal part of our discussion on the group that was left behind. It was less than half a kilometer from the glocalization I would like to address “the ethnic boundary that defi nes the respected and austere Meiji Shrine. four issues on this matter of context: group, not the cultural stuff that it Global and local can meld seam- fi rst, the effects of changes in con- encloses” (emphasis his). “Barth also lessly in central Tokyo, yet, as with text and contextualization; second, allow(ed) for multivocality of mean- Facebook, often do so only selectively. the non-neutrality of context; third, ing within an ethnic group through 27:4 Winter 2010 178 “Glocal” Japanese Self-Identity: A Missiological Perspective on Paradigmatic Shifts in Urban Tokyo the effects of the urban context on one hybrid culture mixing to pass in Japan, in its deterritorialized identity; and, fi nally—to answer the with another.”59 form. However, its realization was not second question above—What are the We have discussed hyperdifferentia- through social networking sites like missiological implications of a glocal tion and hybridization in the Japanese Facebook or Mixi, but through por- identity among urban Tokyoites, both context, though we used the terms table cell phones (perhaps because the non-Christian and Christian? “matrixed identity,” tatemae-honne, overwhelming majority of the heaviest omote-ura, and uchi-soto; the idea of First, let’s begin with the effects of users, teenagers, access the Internet multiple belonging was depicted in 62 globalization on context outlined in only from their mobile phone). the Harajuku case study. But what Schreiter’s The New Catholicity: The second issue, the non-neutrality about deterritorialization? How does of context, means that from the 1. Deterritorialization: Fueled that relate to Japanese self-identity? by immigration, diasporic outset, an agenda must be assumed. movements and the Internet, The Zuckerberg Facebook article also Beginning with Sanneh’s analysis, deterritorialization has included this utopian scene: identity comes “preloaded with its “ensur(ed) that our cultural You’ll be working and living inside a own biases, ready to contest whatever experiences, identities, and network of people, and you’ll never claims it encounters.” Identity is shift- practices are becoming ing and variegated, but is neither neu- separated from the places we tral nor passive, since one’s identity (or inhabit.” 54 Schreiter attributes deterritorialization to the identities) always exist in context. In compression of global space, More than half other words, Japanese make conscious and believes it as focused of Japanese survey choices based on how they want their around boundaries of differ- identity to be manifested in a particu- ence, not territory. “Because respondents said that lar context. the space along boundaries is often a space of great semiotic not one of their social Jonathan Ingleby argues in this way, activity, this has importance By defi nition, contextualization has for understanding how cul- network acquaintances to pay close attention to the context. tures are being reshaped and The question is, are all contexts equal what consequences this holds was a close friend. or are some more equal than others? 55 for theology.” When we enter a context with the 2. Hyperdifferentiation: This gospel and attempt to identify with is Schreiter’s term for glo- have to be alone again. The Internet, it, are we not usually confronted by a balization and glocalization, and the whole world, will feel more variety of cultures? What seems at a which, he says, has humans like a family, or a college dorm, or distance to be homogeneous is, the “participating in different an offi ce where your co-workers are more we understand it, various and realities at the same time— also your best friends.60 uneven… more confusingly, there there is multiple belonging. may be more than one culture exist- This has to be taken into Again, more than one half of Japanese ing and indeed intermingling in the account in any attempt to survey respondents said that not one same locality. Furthermore, discov- express identity where mul- of their social network acquaintances ery leads to the need for decision. If tiple cultures interact at the was a close friend. So, the virtual inti- we fi nd we are dealing with a multi- same time… occupying the plicity of cultures within one locality, same space.” 56 macy predicted by Facebook doesn’t some sort of choice will have to be 3. Hybridization: On main- work, at least, on Japanese social made among them. And how do we taining cultural purity, “in a network sites. But there is a contex- make this choice? Should the choice globalized word it becomes tual manifestation of deterritorialized itself be based on some external cri- increasingly untenable as a relationships, known as “tele-cocoon- concept.” 57 Kapchan says of ing.” This is practiced using mobile teria, and if so, what are they? What will be the reaction to the gospel be ethnic identities, “hybridity phones and is “the production of is effected whenever two or for those who belong to the culture social identities through small, insular or cultures that are not, at least for more historically separate 61 social groups.” Research in Japan 63 realms come together in the time being, the chosen ones? has found that while the average user any degree that challenges The missiological implication is their socially constructed may have one or two hundred contacts that we should assume nothing, and autonomy” 58 and Lewellen in their phone, they exchange a vast asserts that “all cultures majority of their information with while engaging the context—and the are already hybrid, so what only 2-5 of those persons. On this people in that context—one “should we are witnessing today is level, Zuckerberg’s vision of “living be responsive without being naïve,” inside a network of people” has come as Sanneh suggests. In this way,

International Journal of Frontier Missiology Gary Fujino 179 when the global and local converge, hen a Japanese believer is “crucifi ed with the cross-cultural worker will not be tempted to say, “it’s just the way the Christ,” and the “I” no longer lives, many Japanese do it,” or the Japanese to sincere Japanese believers struggle. say, “this is from America, it must be W good.” Rather, “that which is from The city also provides opportunity social construct of multiple selves. without” must be evaluated at the for Japanese. The scale, anonymity, Tadataka Maruyama, inaugural presi- point of convergence and be received and depersonalization of urban living dent of Tokyo Christian University, or put aside.64 allows, paradoxically, free and open explains that the battle within a A third issue for glocalization and interactions which would not be pos- Japanese believer is whether to go by contextualization in urban Tokyo is sible in the countryside, where family the designation “Christian Japanese” the city itself. Tokyo is one of three and societal networks are tight. or “Japanese Christian.” The ordering “global cities,” 65 according to urban- Finally, what are the missiological of the two is the point. ologist Saskia Sassen, who catego- implications for this urban context? [T]he term Christian Japanese rizes it with London and New York. Hiebert agrees with Sanneh, suggest- assumes a prior allegiance to the uni- This means that Tokyo is different ing, “there is no such thing as passive versal religion of Christianity before not just from other cities in Japan but response to globalization.” 67 As noted any particular association with the nation of one’s birth. As Scripture also from almost every other city in earlier, the Japanese, especially urban says, “For he [God] chose us in him the world. This makes it diffi cult to dwellers, are constantly changing [Christ] before the creation of the generalize from Tokyo to the rest of their identities, not all of which are world” (Eph 1:4), so the one who was Japan. As Manuel Castells observes, healthy. Thus, a key response is to act chosen to be a Christian was born while cosmopolitans—or what I call proactively rather than be repeatedly as a Japanese and now practices glocal urban Japanese—do exist, they surprised by these changes. his or her faith as a Christian who are in the minority. He documents A second implication is that mis- happens to be Japanese. Although that “barely 13 percent of people this concept may be biblical and cor- sionaries must show respect and surveyed worldwide” consider them- rect, for the Japanese–even among help Japanese believers “navigate” selves to be “citizens of the world.” 66 Christians–it is unnatural and diffi - themselves. Clammer declares that Tokyoites are among these barely cult to comprehend.69 modernity has left the Japanese 13 percent. as “privatized and atomistic This struggle is common among Life in the city is obviously differ- individual(s).” 68 This does not bode Christians in Japan and is best ent from life in the countryside, but well for people who have been brought exemplifi ed by well-known Catholic what is not obvious is that standard up in an interdependent context. novelist, Shusaku Endo, who grieved techniques of evangelism, church What this means missiologically is that his conversion to Christianity planting and discipleship are often that ministry, whether sharing the meant for him that he would become used with no attention to the realities gospel with not-yet-Christians or less Japanese. When a Japanese of urban living. For example, the tra- discipling believers, should be done in believer is “crucifi ed with Christ,” and ditional pattern of mission in Japan a group setting, with as little one-on- the “I” no longer lives, many sincere has been to situate headquarters and one as possible. Japanese believers do struggle. So, the churches in suburban Tokyo. This missiological imperative is to make For followers of Jesus a third implica- is cost-effective because downtown sure that the gospel is properly con- tion is that the foundation of identity is exorbitantly expensive, but it also veyed, with faithfulness to its content, must rest in Christ—yet this is no means that most missionaries cannot while at the same time ensuring that mean feat. How does a Christian comprehend the city because they are those who hear it do not sense an Tokyoite consider all these infl uences not there. So, one of the most strate- unnecessary contradiction with who on his/her self-identity and affi rm gic changes that a number of mis- they are in their identity.70 with Paul that “I have been crucifi ed sion organizations have initiated in with Christ; it is no longer I who live, the last decade is to gradually move Conclusion but Christ lives in me” (Gal. 2:20a)? personnel into the city, purchasing I have led you down a long road of What part of the Japanese self is rep- or renting apartments, establishing negotiated identities, globalized con- resented in that verse? Who is the “I”? storefront churches, and meeting in texts and missiological considerations. This is not a glib question. It ties into downtown residences. This change is Harajuku in the heart of Tokyo the Japanese Christian’s identifi cation simple but profound because context, served as our contextual backdrop for with his or her faith and to believers especially urban context, infl uences variegated selves and multiple belong- being “in Christ,” yet is linked to the identity and practice. ings. We pondered the intricacies of

27:4 Winter 2010 180 “Glocal” Japanese Self-Identity: A Missiological Perspective on Paradigmatic Shifts in Urban Tokyo

Japanese multiple self-identities and Economic and Social Affairs, Population an Era of World Christianity, eds. Craig Ott their sensibilities on how the presen- Division, http://www.un.org/esa/popula- and Harold A. Netland, (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2006), 61. tation of self differs from those in the tion/publications/wup2007/2007_urban_ agglomerations_chart.pdf 14 My assumption here and through- West. We examined wakon-yosai, 3 Thanks to Jan Hansen for this apt out this article is that contextualization and how it lets Japan contextualize description of the Yoyogi Park area. has already taken place and that it foreign things, such as the telephone, 4 Erving Goffman, The Presentation occurred at the initiative of the Japanese, the cellphone, and social networking, of Self in Everyday Life (Garden City, NY : making what is foreign “Japanese.” How especially as they relate to the fl exible Doubleday Anchor, 1959). to contextualize from a Christian perspec- boundaries of the matrixed self. We 5 Doi Takeo, The Anatomy of Depen- tive is a separate topic. 15 Robertson, 90. considered epistemological differences dence. Translated by John Bester (Tokyo: 16 William A. Dyrness, Learning in mapping and how they engage in Kodansha, 1973). 6 See Yamazaki Masakazu, Indi- about Theology from the Third World (Grand border-crossing. Finally, we touched vidualism and the Japanese: An Alternative Rapids: Academie Books/Zondervan, on glocalization and the effects of Approach to Cultural Comparison. Trans- 1990), 141. glocal identity on ethnicity in contexts lated by Barbara Sugihara (Tokyo: Japan 17 Toru Takeda, Wakamono wa naze that are inherently non-neutral. Echo, 1994). “tsunagari” tagaru no ka [Why do young people want to be “connected”?], (Tokyo: Many will agree that human iden- PHP Interface, 2002), 15. tity is humanly created, that it exists 18 David C. Lewis, The Unseen Face of as a social construct but, from both Japan (Tunbridge Wells: Monarch, 1993), a biblical and theological point of 130. Identities are not 19 view, this is not enough. We must In terms of identity, Bachnik sees this “as the locus of the ‘self,’ uchi, [and] go beyond identity to the imago dei, common or universal; is thus linked to the organization of self, which is not a social construct, nor only the imago which is defi ned within a collectivity.” Jane of human derivation. It is the image M. Bachnik, “Uchi/soto: Challenging Our and likeness of God imparted to all dei relates to all Conceptualizations of Self, Social Order, humans and is the essential part of and Language,” in Situated Meaning: our being, superseding any form of humankind. Inside and Outside in Japanese Self, Society, identity. All persons are created in the and Language, ed. Jane M. Bachnik and image of God (Gen. 1:26-27), marred Charles J. Quinn, Jr., (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 28, her emphasis. though it may be by the Fall. To say it 20 Conrad Phillip Kottak shows how 7 another way, the imago dei is the true Ishida Takeshi, “Confl ict and Its uchi and soto work on a macro level: “The foundation, identity is the conveyance. Accommodation: Omote-ura and Uchi-soto (majority) Japanese defi ne themselves by Personal identities can shift and be Relations,” in Confl ict in Japan, eds. Ellis opposition to others, whether minority perceived as multiple or singular, and S. Krauss, Thomas P. Rohlen, and Patricia groups in their own nation or outsiders— G. Steinhoff, (Honolulu: University of can impact how we proceed mis- anyone who is ‘not us.’ The ‘not us’ should Hawaii Press, 1984), 16-38. stay that way; assimilation is generally siologically. But the imago dei, while 8 This is similar to Doi’s honne- discouraged” (Mirror for Humanity. 2d ed. diffi cult to defi ne, is that mirror to tatemae above. (New York: McGraw-Hill College 1999), 9 God containing aspects of the divine Ishida, 20-21 44-45). Such xenophobia, though not 10 that are common to every person on Robert J. Smith, Japanese Society: unique to Japan, creates an “us-them” (or, the planet. Identities are not common Tradition, Self and the Social Order (Cam- “inside/outside”) dynamic; see Charles J. or universal; only the imago dei relates bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) Quinn, “The Terms Uchi and Soto as Win- in Wetzel, Patricia J. “A Movable Self: to all humankind. And it is here in dows on a World,” in Situated Meaning: The Linguistic Indexing of Uchi and Soto,” the imago dei that we fi nd our funda- Inside and Outside in Japanese Self, Society, in Situated Meaning: Inside and Outside and Language, eds. Jane M. Bachnik and mental departure for all missiological in Japanese Self, Society, and Language, ed. Charles J. Quinn, Jr., (Princeton: Princ- studies of identity. IJFM Jane M. Bachnik and Charles J. Quinn, eton University Press, 1994), 38–72; and Jr., (Princeton: Princeton University Press, Paul G. Hiebert, “Are We Our Others’ Endnotes 1994), 75. Keepers?” (vol. 22, no. 5, 1995), 325-337). 11 1 My thanks to Jan B. Hansen, Jerry My thanks to Jerry Vuncannon Nihonkyo, or Nihonjinron, as this ideol- Vuncannon, How Chuang Chua and John for this innovative thought and turn of ogy is more commonly called, is rooted in Mehn for their input on an early draft of a phrase. nationalism, informing the larger Japanese 12 this paper. Whatever was helpful from Roland Robertson, Globalization: uchi identity. them has been incorporated into this text Social Theory and Global Culture (Thousand 21 Jun Yoshimi of the Societal Infor- and is to their credit. For any errors or Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1992). mation Research Institute at the University 13 problems with what is written above, the Darrell Whiteman, “Anthropo- of Tokyo in Takeda, 16, my translation. responsibility is all mine. logical Refl ections on Contextualizing 22 Janet Ashby, “When in Doubt, 2 2007 statistics from Urban Agglom- Theology in a Globalizing World,” in Just Say ‘wakarimasen’” (Japan Times, erations 2007 chart, UN Department of Globalizing Theology: Belief and Practice in 5/12/2002) International Journal of Frontier Missiology Gary Fujino 181 23 Ashby, “When in Doubt”, quot- ational identity binds [Japan] into a ing Naoko Odaka of the Dentsu Research Institute. cohesive whole; religion functions only on 24 Manuel Castells describes 3 major forms of identity: legitimizing, resistance, the periphery. and project, relating them to the growth of N the internet and globalization. “Resistance when Louis Vuitton fi rst opened its doors the presuppositions of identity generated identity” is the closest to what is being to Japan in 2002 at Omotesando, four by Nihonkyo, that is, of being a citizen described above because its focus is on “the thousand consumers—some of whom had of Japan. 46 formation of communes, or communities,” in lined up for days—partook of a “frenetic See Peter Lundell, “Behind Japan’s The Power of Identity, 2nd ed. (West Sussex, seven-hour sales orgy” which broke “all of Resistant Web: Understanding the Prob- U.K.: Wiley-Blackwell, 2004), 8ff. its own retail records.” See Shutting Out the lem of Nihonkyo,” (Missiology: An Inter- 25 Janet Ashby, “When in Doubt”. Sun: How Japan Created Its Own Lost Gen- national Review, Vol. XXV, No. 2, April 26 Shane Hipps, The Hidden Power of eration (New York: Doubleday, 2006), 158. 1997), 183). 43 47 Electronic Culture: How Media Shapes Faith, See the masterful and exhaustive Befu, Harumi. Hegemony of the Gospel, and Church (Grand Rapids: survey of the literature on ethnicity and Homogeneity: An Anthropological Analysis Zondervan, 2005), 34. national identity from a missiological of Nihonjinron, (Melbourne: Trans Pacifi c 27 Mixi, founded in 2004 and now at perspective, “A Review of the Literature on Press, 2001), 64. 48 21.6 million members, is Japan’s original Ethnicity, National Identity and Related “[B]oundaries persist despite a and formerly largest social network site. Missiological Studies,” in Global Missiology: fl ow of personnel across them,” said Barth Mixi was dethroned in early 2011 by A Review of the Literature on Ethnicity, (1969, 9). Also, because “stable, persisting, upstart Gree, currently with 22.5 million National Identity and Related Missiological and often vitally important social relations members. Rival Mobage-town completes Studies, by Enoch Wan and Mark Vander- are maintained across such boundaries… the triumvirate with 21.7 million members. werf http://www.globalmissiology.org/ frequently based precisely on the dichoto- 28 The data for this paragraph is taken portugues/docs_pdf/featured/wan_litera- mized ethnic statuses” (1969,10) in Fujino, from an article in The New York Times, ture_ethnicity_april_2009.pdf; see also, http://www.commongroundjournal.org/ “Slow Growth in Japanese Facebook” the American Association of Anthropol- volnum/v01n02.pdf. 49 (1/10/2011). ogy’s Statement on Race, http://www. Fujino, http://www.common- 29 The New York Times, “Slow Growth aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm. groundjournal.org/volnum/v01n02.pdf. 44 50 in Japanese Facebook” (1/10/2011) Gary Fujino, “Continuing the Victor Turner, The Forest of Symbols: 30 Ibid. Conversation: Starting Points—Craft- Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca: Cornell 31 TIME, 12/27/2010, pp. 57-58. ing Reconciliation through Identity” University Press, 1967), 50. 51 32 “Slow Growth in Japanese Face- (Common Ground Journal vol 1, no. 2, Paul G. Hiebert, The Gospel in book,” emphases added. 2004). http://www.commonground- Human Contexts: Anthropological Explora- 33 Ibid. journal.org/volnum/v01n02.pdf. The tions for Contemporary Missions (Grand 34 Paul G. Hiebert, Missiological Impli- danger of “identity politics” should also be Rapids: Baker Academic, 2009),120, cations of Epistemological Shifts (Harrisburg, underlined here, where identity is used to 198, 179. 52 PA: Trinity Press International, 1999), 76. pit one group against another. Schreiter, 26-27, emphases his. 45 53 35 John Clammer, Japan and Its Others Nothing is more central to a Lamin Sanneh, Whose Religion Is (Melbourne: Trans Pacifi c Press, 2001), 169. Japanese person than “being Japanese.” Christianity? The Gospel beyond the West 36 Clammer, 169-170. Naturally, such patriotism could be said to (Grand Rapids: Wm B. Eerdmans Pub- 37 Clammer, 171. He thus infers here be as true for those other nations, but in lishing Co., 2003), 5. 54 that it is diffi cult for a Japanese to be a Japan, belonging is everything (cf. Fukuda Paul Hopper, Understanding Christian and Japanese at the same time, Mitsuo. Developing a Contextualized Cultural Globalization (Cambridge: Polity but the missiological imperative is to fi nd a Church as a Bridge to Christianity in Japan. Press, 2007), 48. 55 way through that. (D.Miss. diss., Fuller Theological Semi- Schreiter, 26. 56 38 Clammer speaks of the Japanese nary, 1992), 103; Lebra Takie Sugiyama, ibid. 57 need for shutaisei, the “independence of Japanese Patterns of Behavior (Honolulu: ibid. 58 spirit and the ability to defi ne and manage University of Hawaii Press, 1976), 24ff). Deborah A. Kapchan and Pauline the individual self autonomously,” and National identity binds the country into Turner Strong, “Theorizing the Hybrid” of the confl ict which often occurs inside a cohesive whole; religion functions only (Journal of American Folklore 112 no. 445 Japanese Christians as they try to create on the periphery. Geertz says religion is Sum 1999), 242. 59 a psychic bridge between this Western important because of “its capacity to serve, Ted C. Lewellen, The Anthropology of image of self “and cultural views inculcated for an individual or group, as a source of Globalization: Cultural Anthropology Enters st through socialization.” Clammer, 169, 171. general, yet distinctive conceptions of the 21 Century, (Westport, CT; Bergin and 39 Robert J. Schreiter, The New the world, self, and the relations between Garvey, 2002),102, emphasis his. 60 Catholicity: Theology between the Global and them” (see Clifford Geertz, “Religion as TIME, 12/27/2010, 60. 61 the Local (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, a Cultural System,” in Language, Truth Mizuko Ito, Daisuke Okabe, and 1997), 12. and Religious Belief: Studies in Twentieth- Misa Matsuda, eds. Personal, Portable, 40 Schreiter, 21. Century Theory and Method in Religion, Pedestrian: Mobile Phones in Japanese Life 41 Schreiter, 12. eds. Nancy K. Frankenberry and Hans H. (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2005), 8. 62 42 Michael Zielenziger writes that Penner, (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999), “Teens in Japan almost exclusively 212), but this description better describes access and download Internet content 27:4 Winter 2010 182 “Glocal” Japanese Self-Identity: A Missiological Perspective on Paradigmatic Shifts in Urban Tokyo

through their handsets.” http://www. dynamiclogic.com/na/research/whitepa- pers/docs/MB_POV_Advertiser_Forget_ Pick_Phone.pdf 63 Jonathan Ingleby, “Is Contextualization Neutral?” Missiology: An International Review, Vol. XXV, No. 2, April 1997, 183. 64 There is some harkening back to Hiebert’s “Critical Contextualization” here, but my focus is more on the glocal, whereas Hiebert’s is more on the local. 65 Saskia Sassen, The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo, 2nd ed. (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1991). 66 Manuel Castells, The Power of Iden- tity, 2nd ed. (West Sussex, U.K.: Wiley- Blackwell, 2004), xxiii. 67 Paul G. Hiebert, Transforming Worldviews: An Anthropological Understand- ing of How People Change, (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2008), 248. 68 Clammer, p. 169 69 Tadataka Maruyama, “The Cross and the Cherry Blossom: The Gospel and Japanese Culture at a Crossroads” (Trinity Journal, vol. 21NS, no. 1), 59. 70 See Priest, Robert J. “Mission- ary elenctics: Conscience and culture,” Missiology 22, no. 3 (1994): 291-315.

International Journal of Frontier Missiology