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Neo-Conservatism, Neo-Liberalism and Canadian Social Policy

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Neo-Conservatism, Neo-Liberalism and Canadian Social Policy Neo-Conservatism, Neo-Liberalism and Canadian Social Policy Challenges for Feminism ANN PORTER This paper examines the growing influence of religious-based leur tâche parmi ces groupes sociaux et autres communautés social conservatives on Canadian public policy. The increased marginalisées, d’expliquer les liens entre le néolibéralisme et influence of social conservatism poses new and formidable le néoconservatisme et ce que veut dire les rapports genrés. challenges to the formation of social policy, to gender equality goals and to feminist organizing. The paper argues that this Since the election of Stephen Harper’s Conservative gov- trend has to be understood within the context of the political ernment in January 2006, neo-conservatives associated projects of both neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism, with the with the religious right have acquired new prominence two operating in important respects in mutually supportive and influence. The inclusion of a strong social conservative and symbiotic ways. It is important for feminists to come to presence as part of the coalition that brought and sustains a better understanding of how neo-conservatism has worked the Harper government in power has resulted not only in in tandem with neo-liberalism and what it means for the government support for a pro-business agenda, but also, to most marginalized communities. I conclude by arguing for an unprecedented degree, the putting forward of social or the importance for feminist organizing to start from and neo- conservative goals. This includes strong support for address these and other marginalized communities, as well as traditional family structures, opposition to abortion and to understand the links between neo-liberalism and neo-con- family planning, and getting tough on crime. Reflecting servatism and what it means for gender relations. this influence, a wide-ranging series of measures touching on everything from reproductive rights to the counting Ce texte examine l’influence grandissante du conformisme of unpaid labour, pay equity to missing aboriginal wom- à base religieuse sur les politiques au Canada. L’émergence en have significantly impacted women’s rights, political de ce conservatisme social pose de nouveaux et sérieux défis voice and representation, and services for women. These à la formation d’une politique sociale, à l’égalité des sexes, à developments pose new and formidable challenges to the l’organisation féministe. Ce texte soutient que cette tendance formation of social policy, to gender equality goals and to doit être comprise dans un contexte de politiques à la fois feminist organizing. néolibérales et néoconservatrices, deux mouvements dont les In this article, I first outline the growing influence of vues sont en symbiose et mutuellement solidaires. Les femmes the religious right within the Harper government and the se doivent de savoir que les néoconservateurs ont travaillé en policy community more generally. Secondly, I discuss a tandem avec les néolibéraux et ce que cela signifie pour la range of measures that have been introduced that both plupart des communautés marginalisées. L’auteure ajoute que reflect this neo-conservative agenda, and more generally, la cellule familiale doit être en lien avec le projet néolibéral qui that erode women’s gains. Thirdly, I raise some conceptual favorise une base élargie pour les classes sociales. Alors que le questions, entering into the discussion about how we are gouvernement Harper parle d’un programme de « soutien aux to understand and interpret these changes. The major familles », au même moment, plus concrètement, les politiques point of departure here is to examine the relationship introduites rendent plus difficile le maintien des familles et between neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism, looking, des communautés au bas de l’échelle, notamment les mères in particular, at how it has been discussed in the feminist célibataires, les minorités visibles et les émigrantes récentes. Je literature. Neo-liberalism, as has been extensively discussed, termine en enjoignant les organismes féministes de démarrer is essentially a market-based political ideology; one that VOLUME 29, NUMBER 3 19 emphasizes reduced government intervention, free mar- minorities and recent immigrants. I conclude by arguing ket forces, individual responsibility, and the extension for the importance for feminist organizing to start from of global capitalist relations. This is the agenda that has and address these communities, as well as to understand predominated globally for the last 30 years and has been the links between neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism followed, more or less, by Canadian governments since and what it means for gender relations. the 1980s. Neo-conservatism, on the other hand, has goals that appear somewhat in contradiction to those of Neo-Conservatism and the Religious Right: neo-liberalism: it emphasizes social order, morality, tra- Reconstituting the Policy Community and ditional family structures, and (in contra-distinction to Governance Framework neo-liberalism’s emphasis on reduced state involvement), a strong role for the state in upholding a particular moral The election of the Harper Conservative government and social order both through its support for religion and both reflects and further reinforces the growing influence traditional family structures, and in a more coercive way, of the religious right in Canada. While traditionally this through its emphasis on law and order and the strong right has had less of a presence in Canada than in the arm of the state.1 It, too, has been present as an element U.S., it now has considerable influence within the power within Canadian politics since the 1980s, but with the structure, that is to say, in key posts within and around the Harper government has gained much greater prominence government. In addition, there appears to be a growing and influence. The Harper government then contains web of connections between U.S. evangelists, those active elements of both a neo-liberal and a neo-conservative in the religious right in Canada, right-wing Christian (or agenda. Understanding how these elements come together “faith based”) lobby groups and key players within the and where gender relations and women’s organizing fit Harper government.3 in relation to these trends is critical to understanding the Indicative of this growing presence has been the large challenges for feminist organizing in the current context. number of Conservative MPs with ties to the Christian There are three arguments that I draw out with respect right. At the cabinet level, this has included, for example, to the relationship between neo-liberalism and neo-con- Vic Toews (Provencher, Manitoba) who was first appoint- servatism and its implications for feminist organizing and ed Attorney General and Minister of Justice, and is now for understanding social policy developments under the Minister of Public Safety, as well as Jason Kenney (Calgary, Harper government. These are initial lines of inquiry indi- Southeast), currently Minister of Citizenship, Immigration cating future areas of investigation. First, there has been a and Multiculturalism. The latter is a noted evangelist who tendency within feminist literature to view neo-liberalism provides a point of contact for religious groups to gain and neo-conservatism in terms of competing ideological influence in the government (McDonald 2006), and is discourses, or to focus on political subjectivities in order to also the key caucus member representing the Conservatives understand the significance and the relationship between in their efforts to reach out to immigrant communities. the two. While this discussion has been an important Stockwell Day (Okanagan-Coquihalla), past President of one, I would argue that we need to both understand the Treasury Board and active in the Conservative cabinet women’s lives and the material conditions that anchor prior to the 2011 election (at which point he left federal those ideological discourses, and to bring in further the politics), and former head of the Canadian Alliance party, politics of the situation. This would involve looking at the was an active Pentacostal, former administrator of a private relationship between neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism Christian school, and former chief spokesperson for an as political projects,2 understood as projects taking place Alberta coalition of schools.4 globally (though constituted through particular national A substantial number of backbenchers are also active and local coalitions with diverse national manifestations), in evangelical organizations and/or the religious right, grounded in the “messy actualities” of material life, and in and have assumed an important role since the election of particular, looking at the gendered, classed, racialized and the Harper government, for example, and, as discussed ethnic dimensions of that politics. Secondly I emphasize below, through the introduction of private member’s bills the centrality of family and gender to the political projects or petitions on right to life and other issues. This includes of both neo-liberals and neo-conservatives, and as key Maurice Vellacott, (Saskatoon-Wanuskewin), with ties sites through which the two projects work in mutually to Focus on the Family Canada5 and for many years co- supportive ways. A third component of the argument chair of the Parliamentary Pro-Life Caucus; David Sweet is that the issue of family and household has to be seen (Ancaster-Dundas-Flamborough-Westdale)
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