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Party Leaders in the United States Congress, 1789-2019
Party Leaders in the United States Congress, 1789-2019 Valerie Heitshusen Specialist on Congress and the Legislative Process Updated September 4, 2019 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL30567 Party Leaders in the United States Congress, 1789-2019 Summary This report briefly describes current responsibilities and selection mechanisms for 15 House and Senate party leadership posts and provides tables with historical data, including service dates, party affiliation, and other information for each. Tables have been updated as of the report’s issuance date to reflect leadership changes. Although party divisions appeared almost from the First Congress, the formally structured party leadership organizations now taken for granted are a relatively modern development. Constitutionally specified leaders, namely the Speaker of the House and the President pro tempore of the Senate, can be identified since the First Congress. Other leadership posts, however, were not formally recognized until about the middle of the 19th century, and some are 20th-century creations. In the earliest Congresses, those House Members who took some role in leading their parties were often designated by the President as his spokesperson in the chamber. By the early 1800s, an informal system developed when the Speaker began naming his lieutenant to chair one of the most influential House committees. Eventually, other Members wielded significant influence via other committee posts (e.g., the post-1880 Committee on Rules). By the end of the 19th century, the formal position of floor leaders had been established in the House. The Senate was slower than the House to develop formal party leadership positions, and there are similar problems in identifying individual early leaders. -
Committee on Appropriations UNITED STATES SENATE 135Th Anniversary
107th Congress, 2d Session Document No. 13 Committee on Appropriations UNITED STATES SENATE 135th Anniversary 1867–2002 U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2002 ‘‘The legislative control of the purse is the central pil- lar—the central pillar—upon which the constitutional temple of checks and balances and separation of powers rests, and if that pillar is shaken, the temple will fall. It is...central to the fundamental liberty of the Amer- ican people.’’ Senator Robert C. Byrd, Chairman Senate Appropriations Committee United States Senate Committee on Appropriations ONE HUNDRED SEVENTH CONGRESS ROBERT C. BYRD, West Virginia, TED STEVENS, Alaska, Ranking Chairman THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi ANIEL NOUYE Hawaii D K. I , ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania RNEST OLLINGS South Carolina E F. H , PETE V. DOMENICI, New Mexico ATRICK EAHY Vermont P J. L , CHRISTOPHER S. BOND, Missouri OM ARKIN Iowa T H , MITCH MCCONNELL, Kentucky ARBARA IKULSKI Maryland B A. M , CONRAD BURNS, Montana ARRY EID Nevada H R , RICHARD C. SHELBY, Alabama ERB OHL Wisconsin H K , JUDD GREGG, New Hampshire ATTY URRAY Washington P M , ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah YRON ORGAN North Dakota B L. D , BEN NIGHTHORSE CAMPBELL, Colorado IANNE EINSTEIN California D F , LARRY CRAIG, Idaho ICHARD URBIN Illinois R J. D , KAY BAILEY HUTCHISON, Texas IM OHNSON South Dakota T J , MIKE DEWINE, Ohio MARY L. LANDRIEU, Louisiana JACK REED, Rhode Island TERRENCE E. SAUVAIN, Staff Director CHARLES KIEFFER, Deputy Staff Director STEVEN J. CORTESE, Minority Staff Director V Subcommittee Membership, One Hundred Seventh Congress Senator Byrd, as chairman of the Committee, and Senator Stevens, as ranking minority member of the Committee, are ex officio members of all subcommit- tees of which they are not regular members. -
Truman's First Nomination for Senator
TRUMAN’S FIRST NOMINATION FOR SENATOR WAS STOLEN By EWING YOUNG MITCHELL Former Assistant Secretary of Commerce (In New Deal Little Cabinet, 1933-1935) The first nomination for United States Senator of Harry S. Truman was stolen. This has never been denied. It cannot be successfully denied as the election figures given below clearly prove. Truman was first nominated for United States Senator in the Missouri primary in August, 1934. At that time Jackson County, Missouri, including Kansas City, was in the clutches of the Pendergast democratic machine, the most corrupt, the most brazen, gang of thieves who ever looted an American city. Its power was derived from complete control of the elections held in Kansas City and Jackson County. The machine’s control extended not only to all offices in the city and county, and the millions of dollars spent by them annually, but into the economic life of the community as well. It had several corporations through which it transacted a tremendous amount of business, including The Ready Mixed Concrete Company, Midwest Paving Company, Midwest Pre- cote Company, Midwest Asphalt & Material Company, a fire insurance company, a wholesale liquor company, an oil company and a soft drink company, to mention only some of them. The Machine Forced Its Wares On The People No citizen was allowed to use anything built of concrete not bought of the Ready Mixed Concrete Company. A house built of other concrete was closed by city inspectors and its use refused to its owner. The owner of a lot desiring to build an oil station could not get a building permit from the city council until his tenant had signed an agreement with the Pendergast oil company to buy all his oil and gas from it as long as he was in business. -
Senate Debates War Zone Path for Relief Craft
New York Tribune, June 19, 1940 Second Alternative "A second alternative might be to Senate Debates send food, clothing and other non- mllltary necessities In unconvoyed ships bearing the Inslgnl ..: the War Zone Path Red Cross with a warning hat the torpedoing or bombing 01 any of them bould bring us into the war For Relief Craft as an acknowledged bclllge* nt." Food, which Is an artU .e of un conditional contraband. Is aboard Chance of Serious Incident the McKeesport largely In the form, Charged in Plan lo Ease of condensed milk. The other articles of contraband, mentioned in Senate Rule for Red Cross Ships debate, were automobiles and soap. Senator Clark called upon Senator From the Herati Tribune Bureau Key Plttman. Democ/at, of Nevada, WASHINGTON, June 18.—A pro chairman of the Se. te Foreign Re posal that the neutrality act be lations Committee, to verify the amended to that Red Cross ships! fact that CoL Bieckinridge Long.. could carry medical supplies and Third Assistant Secretary of State, food Into prohibited European war and Norman H. Di.vis, President of j zones without safe conducts guar the American Red Cross, had given! anteed by belligerent governments undertakings that there would be stirred a stiff debate today on the no effort henceforth to run block floor of the Senate. ades with food or other contraband. The plan, which was occasioned Senator Plttman did so. Senator by the situation in which the Red Clark later described the assurances Cross ship McKeesport found Itself "as a weak instrument upon which two days out at sea without safe to depend in the face of a grant of conduct granted by Germany and power by law." Italy for it to land at Bordeaux. -
Richard Sheppard Arnold, the Man
University of Arkansas at Little Rock Law Review Volume 27 Issue 3 Article 2 2005 Richard Sheppard Arnold, the Man Robert L. Brown Follow this and additional works at: https://lawrepository.ualr.edu/lawreview Part of the Judges Commons Recommended Citation Robert L. Brown, Richard Sheppard Arnold, the Man, 27 U. ARK. LITTLE ROCK L. REV. 361 (2005). Available at: https://lawrepository.ualr.edu/lawreview/vol27/iss3/2 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by Bowen Law Repository: Scholarship & Archives. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Arkansas at Little Rock Law Review by an authorized editor of Bowen Law Repository: Scholarship & Archives. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Richard Sheppard Arnold, the Man Cover Page Footnote The UALR School of Law and the UALR Law Review honor the life and accomplishments of Judge Richard Sheppard Arnold by including this and four other essays paying special tribute to a remarkable man. The essays present a small sample of the impact Judge Arnold had on those who knew him while he served more than a quarter century on the federal bench. Although he will be missed by family, friends, and the legal community, Judge Arnold's legacy will undoubtedly endure. This essay is available in University of Arkansas at Little Rock Law Review: https://lawrepository.ualr.edu/lawreview/ vol27/iss3/2 RICHARD SHEPPARD ARNOLD, THE MAN Robert L. Brown* Nel mezzo del cammin di nostra vita mi ritrovaiper una selva oscura ch la diritta via era smarrita. Darte, Divine Comedy With these lines, Richard Arnold greeted me on my thirty-fifth birth- day. -
How the First Gi Bill Was Written
A LEGION 50th ANNIVERSARY FEATURE HOW THE FIRST GI BILL WAS WRITTEN .. (PART II) Near.s! lIelV~lJ(lper::; a,5signed to turned from a conference at the Capitol 1I'0r/.: with the Legion',5 spf'cial Gl with Senator Bennett Champ Clark of illS IS TilE SECONll of '.IVO ar· ~"issOllri. a founder of the Legion, and /Jill COTllmittee ill 194344. one of the GI Bi1l's staunchest advocates tides on the exciting story 0/ Tada)', the CI Bills have proved T the 1/!rilifl,~ aml I){1S.HI{!f~ of in Congress. II/(, WW2 CI Hill 0/ Rights in themselvc:.> be,'oflfl all measure. The Washington representatives of !Jack then there 1fI(I.~ tremendous four smaller veterans organizations 1943-44. Last month's il/swamcill SlIpport for tile idca. Bitt OppO.H:' Omar B. Ketchum of Ihe Veterans of told how, in the midst o/1P1V2, the Foreign Wars; Millard W. Rice of the I.iol/ also gathered rapidly n!terthe Legion had dm/t.ed and /lias trying Disabled American Veterans; Frank origil/al GI Billllla.5 il/troduced ill to secure enactment 0/ the then Haley of the Military Order of the Congress ('or/y in lalll/ary 1944. Purple He:lrt;and \V. M. Floyd. National r,,/Jolutio/lary GI Bill. It was Ihe 011 Feb. 16, jOllr other1Jctcralls or Comm:lnder of the Rcgul:lr Veterans first 10111 in 0/11' hi.~torr 1.0 help all Organization-had sent a leiter 10 every ;;u1Ii;;(/,ioll.5 i.~::;lted (1 joi!/f., open /wtNfWS get 0/1 their feet alter a member of Congress. -
AMERICAN NEUTRALITY DEBATE: 1940 a Re-Creation of the Conflict Preceding World War II, Debating Whether Or Not the United States Should End Its Neutrality
THE AMERICAN NEUTRALITY DEBATE: 1940 A re-creation of the conflict preceding World War II, debating whether or not the United States should end its neutrality THOMAS R. BROCK, now deceased, wrote THE AMERICAN NEUTRALITY DEBATE: 1940. Tom graduated from Lakeland College in Sheboygan, Wisconsin, and earned his M.A. in Contemporary American Studies from Ball State University in Muncie, Indiana. For Interact Tom also wrote three other debate re-creations as well as individual learning projects—TELEVISION and AUTOMOBILE. He taught social studies at Baraboo High School, Baraboo, Wisconsin, where he coached varsity football and track and field. Copyright ©1992, 1980 Interact 10200 Jefferson Boulevard P.O. Box 802 Culver City, CA 90232 ISBN 978-1-57336-153-8 All rights reserved. Only those pages of this simulation intended for student use as hand- outs may be reproduced by the teacher who has purchased this teaching unit from Interact. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means—electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording—without prior written INT344 v1.01 permission from the publisher. PurpOse When high school students assess American involvement in World War II, two of their more often repeated remarks are “It was a popular war” and “Americans were more patriotic then than they are today.” Comparing World War II to more recent conflicts in Korea and Vietnam—military operations whose wisdom a number of Americans questioned and even condemned—makes it easy to understand why such notions concerning World War II evolved. However, a thorough study of America from 1937–1940 reveals a real struggle taking place between those Americans who desired to avoid Europe’s wars at all costs and others who wanted to intervene. -
CHAIRMEN of SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–Present
CHAIRMEN OF SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–present INTRODUCTION The following is a list of chairmen of all standing Senate committees, as well as the chairmen of select and joint committees that were precursors to Senate committees. (Other special and select committees of the twentieth century appear in Table 5-4.) Current standing committees are highlighted in yellow. The names of chairmen were taken from the Congressional Directory from 1816–1991. Four standing committees were founded before 1816. They were the Joint Committee on ENROLLED BILLS (established 1789), the joint Committee on the LIBRARY (established 1806), the Committee to AUDIT AND CONTROL THE CONTINGENT EXPENSES OF THE SENATE (established 1807), and the Committee on ENGROSSED BILLS (established 1810). The names of the chairmen of these committees for the years before 1816 were taken from the Annals of Congress. This list also enumerates the dates of establishment and termination of each committee. These dates were taken from Walter Stubbs, Congressional Committees, 1789–1982: A Checklist (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985). There were eleven committees for which the dates of existence listed in Congressional Committees, 1789–1982 did not match the dates the committees were listed in the Congressional Directory. The committees are: ENGROSSED BILLS, ENROLLED BILLS, EXAMINE THE SEVERAL BRANCHES OF THE CIVIL SERVICE, Joint Committee on the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, LIBRARY, PENSIONS, PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS, RETRENCHMENT, REVOLUTIONARY CLAIMS, ROADS AND CANALS, and the Select Committee to Revise the RULES of the Senate. For these committees, the dates are listed according to Congressional Committees, 1789– 1982, with a note next to the dates detailing the discrepancy. -
Ellis Family Sacrifice
RapUs Dtlfr TrfNM Towday, December 19,1944. They've Now Joined Up With the Enemy WISCONSIN RAPIDS TRIBUNE CO, PuHUbtr The War Today Six Nominees as Assistants I Knwed M ttcMid etew Bitter March 1, 1*20 at tlw pcwt BY DEWITT MACKENZIE • atrte* at Wlttontla Eaplda, VlMontln. undw tb* act «t March ltd. M97- _ The great German drive out of the Rbiwland Published every afternoon except Sunday at th» bears the earmark* of being a colossal gamble in To Secretary Stettinius Give TribuM building. an effort to disrupt allied plans for an offensive Member of and so achieve an indefinite delay out of which Berlin hopes might grow a compromise peace. Good Accounts of Themselves Speculation at this juncture regarding the imme- •BY PETER BOSON- THE ASSOCIATED diate future of the attack should be cautious, since WISCONSIN I>A1LV NEWSPAPER t-EACCB The senate foreign relations com tor* were rightly opposed to any- XOKTHWBST DAILf PRESS ASSOCIATION the security news blackout imposed by the allied THE INLAND DAILY PRESS ASSOCIATION mittee combined greater three ring public inquisition of the president's high command leaves us without sufficient facts third degree sideshow and investiga- AMERICAN KEWSI'APEB PUBLISHERS' ASSOCIATION upon which to base a studied judgment Taking a nominees for top jobs in the state The Associated Prea* 11 eirtuaiTclj ep titled to tb* KM longer range view, however, we can say that allied tion of President Roosevelt's six department and may have refrained of publication of tb« newi dispatches credited to It or not nominations for assistant secretaries from asking embarrassing questions otnerntM rrtdited la Ihii paper and «!so tS» local new* superiority in manpower and materiel insures our of state couldn't have turned out published herein. -
Congressional Overspeech
ARTICLES CONGRESSIONAL OVERSPEECH Josh Chafetz* Political theater. Spectacle. Circus. Reality show. We are constantly told that, whatever good congressional oversight is, it certainly is not those things. Observers and participants across the ideological and partisan spectrums use those descriptions as pejorative attempts to delegitimize oversight conducted by their political opponents or as cautions to their own allies of what is to be avoided. Real oversight, on this consensus view, is about fact-finding, not about performing for an audience. As a result, when oversight is done right, it is both civil and consensus-building. While plenty of oversight activity does indeed involve bipartisan attempts to collect information and use that information to craft policy, this Article seeks to excavate and theorize a different way of using oversight tools, a way that focuses primarily on their use as a mechanism of public communication. I refer to such uses as congressional overspeech. After briefly describing the authority, tools and methods, and consensus understanding of oversight in Part I, this Article turns to an analysis of overspeech in Part II. The three central features of overspeech are its communicativity, its performativity, and its divisiveness, and each of these is analyzed in some detail. Finally, Part III offers two detailed case studies of overspeech: the Senate Munitions Inquiry of the mid-1930s and the McCarthy and Army-McCarthy Hearings of the early 1950s. These case studies not only demonstrate the dynamics of overspeech in action but also illustrate that overspeech is both continuous across and adaptive to different media environments. Moreover, the case studies illustrate that overspeech can be used in the service of normatively good, normatively bad, and * Professor of Law, Georgetown University Law Center. -
Senate the Senate Met at 10 A.M
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 110 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 153 WASHINGTON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 9, 2007 No. 4 Senate The Senate met at 10 a.m. and was appoint the Honorable ROBERT P. CASEY, Jr., speak for the times specified: Senator called to order by the Honorable ROB- a Senator from the State of Pennsylvania, to TESTER, 10 minutes; Senator NELSON of ERT P. CASEY, Jr., a Senator from the perform the duties of the Chair. Florida, 15 minutes; Senator SALAZAR, State of Pennsylvania. ROBERT C. BYRD, 15 minutes; and that when the Senate President pro tempore. reconvenes at 2:15, debate time be ex- PRAYER Mr. CASEY thereupon assumed the tended for another 30 minutes, with The Chaplain, Dr. Barry C. Black, of- chair as Acting President pro tempore. Senators LIEBERMAN and COLLINS rec- fered the following prayer: f ognized for 15 minutes each; that fol- Let us pray. lowing that time, the majority leader Divine Master, You are our strong- RECOGNITION OF THE MAJORITY LEADER be recognized to offer a substitute hold and the pioneer of our future. amendment. Teach us to work with greater faithful- The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- ness. May pleasing You become our pri- pore. The majority leader is recog- pore. Is there objection? mary focus as You place a song in our nized. Without objection, it is so ordered. heart for each burden on our shoulders. f Mr. REID. Mr. President, let me be Guide our lawmakers today. -
Indiana Magazine of History Marked In
362 Indiana Magazine of History marked in Washington’s speeches and remarks at the various educational institutes held at Hampton and Tuskegee during these years and recorded in the book. Camden County College, Norman Lederer Blackwood, N. J. Ten Men of Minnesota and American Foreign Policy, 1898- 1968. By Barbara Stuhler. Minnesota Historical Society Public Affairs Center Publications. Edited by Russell W. Fridley ; managing editor, June Drenning Holmquist. (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 1973. Pp. xii, 263. Illustrations, reference notes, index. $8.50.) To write a book about individuals from a given state of the Union who have been important in the making of Ameri- can foreign policy is perhaps a new approach to the history of the United States, but it has to be said that in the case of Minnesota the effort has been successful. Many of that state’s leaders have excelled in the field of foreign affairs. Half the subjects of Ten Men of Minnesota have died, one of them many years ago. The others are still quite active in writing or speaking on foreign affairs, and one of them is yet in the United States Senate. Cushman K. Davis died shortly after the turn of the century, but not before he had served on the Senate foreign relations committee and been a peace commissioner at Paris in 1898 and stood with his fellow commissioner Whitelaw Reid in favor of taking all of the Philippine Islands. Charles A. Lindbergh, Sr., was a maverick congressman and lawyer, an isolationist. Harold Knutson and Henrik Shipstead served respectively in the House and Senate and championed isolationism through thick and thin.