South Africa Biological Chronology
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Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United -
Trc-Media-Sapa-2000.Pdf
GRAHAMSTOWN Jan 5 Sapa THREE OF DE KOCK'S CO-ACCUSED TO CHALLENGE TRC DECISION Three former security branch policemen plan to challenge the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's decision to refuse them and seven of their former colleagues, including Eugene de Kock, amnesty for the 1989 murder of four policemen. De Kock, Daniel Snyman, Nicholaas Janse Van Rensburg, Gerhardus Lotz, Jacobus Kok, Wybrand Du Toit, Nicolaas Vermeulen, Marthinus Ras and Gideon Nieuwoudt admitted responsibility for the massive car bomb which claimed the lives of Warrant Officer Mbalala Mgoduka, Sergeant Amos Faku, Sergeant Desmond Mpipa and an Askari named Xolile Shepherd Sekati. The four men died when a bomb hidden in the police car they were travelling in was detonated in a deserted area in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, late at night in December 1989. Lawyer for Nieuwoudt, Lotz and Van Rensburg, Francois van der Merwe said he would shortly give notice to the TRC of their intention to take on review the decision to refuse the nine men amnesty. He said the judgment would be taken on review in its entirety, and if it was overturned by the court, the TRC would once again have to apply its mind to the matter in respect of all nine applicants. The applicants had been "unfairly treated", he said and the judges had failed to properly apply their mind to the matter. The amnesty decision was split, with Acting Judge Denzil Potgieter and Judge Bernard Ngoepe finding in the majority decision that the nine men did not qualify for amnesty as the act was not associated with a political objective and was not directed against members of the ANC or other liberation movements. -
Race and Reconciliation in a Post-TRC South Africa
Race and Reconciliation in a Post-TRC South Africa by Nahla Valji Paper presented at a conference entitled Ten Years of Democracy in Southern Africa. Organised by the Southern African Research Centre, Queens University, Canada, May 2004. Nahla Valji is a Senior Researcher at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. Introduction Truth commissions have become a common feature in the landscape of countries transitioning from systems of authoritarianism and civil conflict to a democratic order. The popularity of these commissions increased dramatically with South Africa's own Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) established in 1995. Tasked with investigating and recording incidents of gross human rights violations that occurred during the apartheid past, as well as granting amnesty to perpetrators, the TRC has gained itself a reputation in the international arena as a successful facilitator of a transition that many feared would veer into civil war. Around the world, images were broadcast of an interaction of confession and forgiveness; the South African script of 'reconciliation' that was depicted as laying to rest a racially divisive past and paving the way to a new future as a 'rainbow nation'. The realities of the transition however have been far more complex. Racial prejudice and violence did not suddenly disappear in 1994, but instead continue to play out through out this period of political transformation, standing as an obstacle to substantive equality and inclusive citizenship. The following paper evaluates the contribution of the TRC to current understandings of history, identity, and reconciliation.1 The argument presented here is that the TRC, in its determined pursuit of a particular kind of reconciliation, was ironically silent on the issue of race – ironic given that it was functioning in the context of a country whose entire political and economic system was premised on the organisational principle of race. -
The Rollback of South Africa's Chemical and Biological Warfare
The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Stephen Burgess and Helen Purkitt US Air Force Counterproliferation Center Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama THE ROLLBACK OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WARFARE PROGRAM by Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt April 2001 USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama 36112-6427 The internet address for the USAF Counterproliferation Center is: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm . Contents Page Disclaimer.....................................................................................................i The Authors ............................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments .......................................................................................v Chronology ................................................................................................vii I. Introduction .............................................................................................1 II. The Origins of the Chemical and Biological Warfare Program.............3 III. Project Coast, 1981-1993....................................................................17 IV. Rollback of Project Coast, 1988-1994................................................39 -
Glohea 06:Copan 01
6 A Violence of History Accounting for AIDS in Post-apartheid South Africa Didier Fassin I will come and claim you from bones and bullets and violence and AIDS.—Antje Krog, letter-poem “Lullaby for Ntombizana Atoo” On 9 July 2000, the opening day of the Thirteenth International AIDS Conference in Durban, a heated debate broke out in South Africa. The controversy was not over President Thabo Mbeki’s association with Californian dissident circles (Fujimora and Chou 1994), nor his support for the theory that AIDS was caused by poverty rather than of viral origin, nor his claims that antiretroviral drugs were ineffective and toxic (Schneider 2002)—all issues that were already the subject of bitter polemic both within and beyond South Africa (Fassin 2003). On this historic day, the first time an international meeting on AIDS had been held in a Third World city, the argument centered on mortality statistics. The South African Medical Research Council (MRC) had just pub- lished figures on deaths in the country, comparing the data for 1990 and 1999. Over the decade, not only had the number of deaths risen dramati- cally, but also the age profile had changed markedly. The Sunday Times headline on 9 July 2000 (figure 6.1) read, “Young people are dying before their parents.” Malegapuru William Magkoba, director of the MRC and famous within the international scientific community for his condemna- tion of Thabo Mbeki’s heterodoxy, said: “If we had been involved in a major war, that would be the only other thing that could explain the high numbers of young men and young women who are dying in our country” and, because South Africa was at peace, “It can only be explained by the Copyrighted Material SAR Press 113 Didier Fassin Figure 6.1 The violence of statistics. -
Organised Crime on the Cape Flats 35
Andre Standing i Organised crime A study from the Cape Flats BY ANDRE STANDING This publication was made possible through the generous funding of the Open Sociey Foundation i ii Contents www.issafrica.org @ 2006, Institute for Security Studies All rights reserved Copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in the Institute for Security Studies, and no part may be reproduced in whole or part without the express permission, in writing, of both the author and the publishers. The opinions expressed in this book do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute, its Trustees, members of the ISS Council, or donors. Authors contribute to ISS publications in their personal capacity. ISBN: 1-920114-09-2 First published by the Institute for Security Studies PO Box 1787, Brooklyn Square 0075 Pretoria, South Africa Cover photo: Benny Gool/Oryx Media Productions/africanpictures.net Cover: Page Arts cc Printers: Tandym Print Andre Standing iii Acknowledgements This book was commissioned by the Institute for Security Studies through a grant provided by the Open Society Foundation. I have been fortunate to work from the Cape Town office of the ISS for the past few years. The director of the ISS in Cape Town, Peter Gastrow, has been exceptionally supportive and, dare I say it, patient in waiting for the final publication. Friends and colleagues at the ISS who have helped provide a warm and stimulating work environment include Nobuntu Mtwa, Pilisa Gaushe, Charles Goredema, Annette Hubschle, Trucia Reddy, Andile Sokomani, Mpho Mashaba, Nozuko Maphazi and Hennie van Vuuren. In writing this book I have been extremely fortunate to have help and guidance from John Lea, who I owe much to over the years. -
American Medical Association Journal of Ethics October 2015, Volume 17, Number 10: 966-972
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository American Medical Association Journal of Ethics October 2015, Volume 17, Number 10: 966-972 HISTORY OF MEDICINE Dual Loyalties, Human Rights Violations, and Physician Complicity in Apartheid South Africa Keymanthri Moodley, MBChB, MFam Med, DPhil, and Sharon Kling, MBChB, MMed, MPhil Introduction From 1948 to 1994, South Africans were subjected to a period of sociopolitical segregation and discrimination based on race, a social experiment known as apartheid. South African history was tainted by a minority Afrikaner Nationalist Party that sought to plunder, exploit, divide, and rule. When that party took power in 1948, human rights abuses permeated all levels of society, including the medical profession, which was to a large extent complicit in various human rights violations. These discriminatory practices had a negative impact on the medical education of black students, the care of black patients in private as well as public institutions, and the careers of black medical doctors. Medical student training programs at most universities ensured that white patients were not examined by black medical students either in life or after death. Postmortems on white patients were conducted in the presence of white students only; students of color were permitted to view the organs only after they were removed from the corpse [1]. Public and private hospitals reflected the mores of apartheid South Africa. Ambulance services were segregated, and even in emergencies a designated “white ambulance” could not treat and transport critically ill or injured patients of color [2]. -
Reflections on a Visit to the Poisoned Pasts Exhibition
REFLECTIONS ON A VISIT TO THE POISONED PASTS EXHIBITION: LONG-TERM CONSEQUENCES OF THE MORAL INJURIES ASSOCIATED WITH MISGUIDED CHEMICAL & BIOLOGICAL WARFARE PROGRAMMES Khulumani National Director Dr Marjorie Jobson (in her personal capacity)1 Photograph in the Poisoned Pasts Installation of a Khulumani Protest outside the North Gauteng High Court where the trial of Minister of Law and Order, Mr Adriaan Vlok and three colleagues was underway, 17 August 2007. Photograph: Bronwynne Pereira HIDDEN IN PLAIN SIGHT: The Dilemma of a Medical Researcher who participated in Project Coast, South Africa’s Apartheid Chemical and Biological Weapons Programme2 The POISONED PASTS installation at the Nelson Mandela Foundation in Houghton, Johannesburg, is a collaboration between the Institute for Security Studies, where Dr Chandre Gould, is a researcher; the University of Exeter; Stellenbosch University; and Liverpool John Moors University. Dr Gould documented and reported on the prolonged trial of Dr Wouter Basson. The exhibition is open each weekday from 09:00 to 16:00 until February 2017. The installation includes photographs and press releases originating from 1 Dr Jobson testified in aggravation of sentence in the Dr Wouter Basson Professional Misconduct Hearing. Dr Basson chose not to be present at this hearing, Day 2 of the hearing of arguments in aggravation of sentence. 2 Catalogue accompanying the exhibition. 1 Khulumani, and interviews with Khulumani members, whose loved ones were abducted using agents produced in the laboratories established by Dr Wouter Basson. THE APARTHEID CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS (CBW) PROGRAMME Project Coast was set up in 1981 with Dr Wouter Basson as Project Leader, as part of then Prime Minister P W Botha’s conception of a “Total Strategy” against an assumed intention of the Soviet Union to assert total communist domination over the world. -
Political Identity Repertoires of South Africa's Professional Black Middle
POLITICAL IDENTITY REPERTOIRES OF SOUTH AFRICA’S PROFESSIONAL BLACK MIDDLE CLASS Amuzweni Lerato Ngoma University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg Supervisor: Professor Roger Southall Date: 14 September 2015 Declaration I declare that this report is my own unaided work. It is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. It has not been submitted before for any degree or examination in any other university. _ 28/09/2015 of date ii Dedication Kianga Nomalanga Oratilwe Ngoma, Kia, my princess, my angel. You who are Mother of the Sun. You who are sunrays. You, my baby, chosen and loved by God. Your light shines. I love you the mostest. Mommy. The Queen. iii Acknowledgements Thank you to the Konrad Adeneuar Foundation for financial support. I dedicate this to everyone who knows me! Special shout out to Roger my supervisor, Tshepo Ngoma my mom, Tumi Diseko and Tebogo Ngoma my fans and supporters. And not forgetting the vibrant black middle class participants in this study, you made me smarter and cracked me up! iv Abstract This study explored the socio-political capacity and agency of the professional Black middle class (BMC). It examined how Black professionals construct their professional and socio-political identities and the relationships therein. It finds that for the Black middle class race is a stronger identity marker than class, which affects its support and attitudes towards the African National Congress. Race, residence, intra-racial inequality function as the factors through which the BMC rejects a middle class identity. -
Accepted Version (PDF 581Kb)
This may be the author’s version of a work that was submitted/accepted for publication in the following source: Brott, Simone (2011) Violent urbanism is us. In Moulis, A & Van Der Plaat, D (Eds.) AUDIENCE: Proceedings of the XXVIIIth International Conference of the Society of Architectural Histori- ans, Australia and New Zealand. Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand, Australia, pp. 1-20. This file was downloaded from: https://eprints.qut.edu.au/48148/ c Copyright 2011 [Please consult the author] This work is covered by copyright. Unless the document is being made available under a Creative Commons Licence, you must assume that re-use is limited to personal use and that permission from the copyright owner must be obtained for all other uses. If the docu- ment is available under a Creative Commons License (or other specified license) then refer to the Licence for details of permitted re-use. It is a condition of access that users recog- nise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. If you believe that this work infringes copyright please provide details by email to [email protected] Notice: Please note that this document may not be the Version of Record (i.e. published version) of the work. Author manuscript versions (as Sub- mitted for peer review or as Accepted for publication after peer review) can be identified by an absence of publisher branding and/or typeset appear- ance. If there is any doubt, please refer to the published source. Violent Urbanism is Us Simone Brott There is no need to fear or hope, but only to look for new weapons. -
South Africa Chemical Chronology
South Africa Chemical Chronology 2005-2000 | 1999-1990 | 1989-1896 Last update: April 2005 This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation 2005-2000 28 January 2005 The United Kingdom releases its third quarterly report on Strategic Export Controls, covering the period 1 July to 30 September 2004. The report notes the issuing of licences for export to South Africa of the following items: "chemical agent detection equipment (2 licences), components for chemical agent detection equipment, NBC respirators, components for NBC respirators, NBC clothing, NBC decontamination equipment, chemical agent detection equipment, components for NBC respirators, civil NBC equipment and corrosion resistant chemical manufacturing equipment." — Strategic Export Controls: Quarterly Report - July to September 2004, (January 2005), pp. 125-126, www.fco.gov.uk. 29 November-3 December 2004 At the Conference of the States Parties meeting of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), South African Ambassador Ms. -
Project Coast: Eugenics in Apartheid South Africa
Feature Endeavour Vol.32 No.1 Project Coast: eugenics in apartheid South Africa Jerome Amir Singh1,2 1 Howard College School of Law and CAPRISA, DDMRI Building, Medical School Campus, University of KwaZulu-Natal, 719 Umbilo Road, Durban 4001, South Africa 2 Joint Center for Bioethics and Department of Public Health Sciences, University of Toronto, 88 College Street, ON M5G 1L4, Toronto, Canada It is a decade since the exposure of Project Coast, weapons. South Africa was no exception. During World apartheid South Africa’s covert chemical and biological War II, South Africa began producing mustard gas and was warfare program. In that time, attention has been also party to Britain’s CBW plans against the Germans [3]. focused on several aspects of the program, particularly This wartime experience revealed the potential of biology the production of narcotics and poisons for use against to deliver cheap and low-tech weapons that could, under anti-apartheid activists and the proliferation of both the right circumstances, be effective in Africa. chemical and biological weapons. The eugenic dimen- Although South Africa dumped large quantities of mus- sion of Project Coast has, by contrast, received scant tard gas out to sea at the end of World War II, it did not tear attention. It is time to revisit the testimony that brought up its literature on CBW research and development or shut the suggestion of eugenic motives to light, reflect on down its CBW program altogether. Instead, the govern- some of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s ment maintained a small CBW military program and findings and search for lessons that can be taken from funded a modest number of basic research projects at this troubled chapter in South Africa’s history.