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Home , 80s, 90s, AD 77, AD 83, Carvetii, Gask Ridge

Contrebis Vol )OOV 1999

Cerialiso and the Conquest of Northern Britain David Shotter

as incoming emperors must have carried out O* chief source for the Roman conquest of reviews of on-going activities. northern Britain is, of course, the historian, The chief purpose of the present paper is to Cornelius , in his eulogistic biography of attempt to create a more realistic account of the his father-in-law, . Not conquest of northern Britain, bearing in mind surprisingly, Agricola's achievements, the whole assemblage of evidence that can be culminating with those in Britain, provide the derived from literary, epigraphic and centrepiece of this work. The impression that archaeological sources and the observation, Tacitus clearly wished to give was that it was made many years ago by Professor Barri Jones very largely down to Agricola that Roman arms and which pointed the way to the present progressed from the north Midlands almost to exercise, that 'Agricolan is a much overworked the very north of , and that it was a adjective'. short-sighted and envious emperor () who ordered a retreat from much of this When the Romans came to Britain in AD. 43, it likely that they very soon forged a mutually territory. is beneficial relationship with Canimandua, the It has long been suspected that this account is, leader of the northern tribe of the . to say the least, 'economical with the truth'; in Her name suggests that she may have been recent years, however, we have begun to intrusive from further south, as the mandu put the test acquire the means to the matter to element is reminiscent of Mandubracius, a rather more confidently. The first point to make leader of the (of Essex) in the time is that the dates of Agricola's governorship were of Julius Caesar. From 's point of view almost certainly AD. 77-83 (not 78-84, as the value of such a treaty relationship would previously accepted); the change is due to the have been to provide a tribe that was at least impression which Tacitus clearly gives, that the 'neutral' on the northern flank of the initial interval between Agricola's consulship in AD. advance. For , friendship with govemorship was 77 and the taking up of his Rome would have meant help, when necessary, his short, and that he is unlikely to have ended against who was possibly an consular tenure later than or July. His first indigenous tribal ieader and who is singled out we campaign (in north ), therefore, which for comment by Tacitus for his qualities as a are specifically told was undertaken very late in warior. It may indeed have been Rome that the campaigning season, fits much better if it insisted upon the ma:riage of these two as a year. belonged to the autumn of his consular means to ensuring stability in the region. The revised dating has important implications The first test of the relationship that is on record for the understanding of the course of came in A.D. 51, when the southern warlord, Agricola's governorship, as crucial points in it , after defeat by Rome somewhere on can now be seen to coincide with what were the Wales/Shropshire border, asked politically the most important dates of the Cartimandua for sanctuary. It is possible that period AD.79 (the death of and the the hoard of mainly Trinovantian gold coins, accession of ; end of campaign three), and which was found in 1998 in West , AD. 81 (the death of Titus and the accession of represents the whole (or part) of a payment by Domitian; end of campaign five). We must Caratacus' southem kin to secure his safety. allow that such events in Rome were capable of having major effects on the conduct of lnstead, Cartimandua felt sufficiently confident provincial governors and campaigning armies, in her Roman alliance to run the risk of local Confrebis Vol )O(tV 1999 political 'fall-out', and handed the British leader poet, Papinius Statius, &d the encyclopaedic over to Rome. It may be that this act of betrayal historian, the Elder Pliny, who perished in the precipitated the first outbreak of trouble eruption of Vesuvius in AD. 79. Further, this between Cartimandua and her husband. early entry into Scotland is confirrred by Although chronologically very imprecise, another contemporary poeL Silius Italicus. It Tacitus alludes to periodic disturbances which would not be unreasonable to suggest that not had to be put down by Roman militarY only did Bolanus' troops ftmge widely in intervention. It is apparent that these episodes, northem Britain but that they may have been in the 50s and 60s, did not to permanent responsible for the defeat and removal of the Roman occupation, but were rather hostile Venutius, perhaps having chased him characterised by what would nowadays be into Scotland; it would not be the last time that called'search-and destroy' missions. Rome would be troubled by political and military cannections between the Brigantes and Such activities are diffrcult to fix with any certain the tribes of southern Scotland. precision archaeologically, but it may be of Further, it is evident that although Bolanus did surmised from findspots of characteristically not live long after his govemorshp, he was early Roman copper coins that land-based regarded by the emperor, Vespasian, as a man troops worked northwards from such bases as of considerable achievement. Wroxeter and Littlechester, whilst other troops were taken by coastal shipping, perhaps from a The next governor was a man of impressive fort at Chester, to be disembarked in the status in the new Flavian regime; Quintus northwest's river estuaries to efflect junctions Petillius Cerialis Caesius Rufus was the son- with the land-based troops; it is likely that the in-law of Vespasian. He had served in Britain Ribble estuary will have been particularly before during Boudicca's rebellion and had important, giving access via the Ribble/Aire taken a part (albeit not too distinguished) in the corridor to Barwick-in-Elmet, which has been war which had in AD. 69 brought his father- canvassed as Cartimandua's centre . in-law to power; most recently (AD. 69-70) he had brought to a close a dangerous rebellion The final upheaval certainly occurred in AD. amongst tribesmen on the (though again 69, at a moment when Roman troops were not without mishap along the way). distracted by civil war. It is evident that on this occasion Venutius prevailed over his former It has been written that Tacitus loathed Cerialis; wife, who had to be rescued by Roman troops, certainly, he does not go out of his way to load and is not heard of again. As Tacitus shows, the man with praise for his achievements either overnight this changed Brigantian territory from in Britain or elsewhere. The historian does a treatied to an openly hostile neighbour. nonetheless admit that under Cerialis much of Tacitus is far from complimentary in his the Brigantian territory was conquered, or at comments about the then Governor, Vettius least fought over, though he has to add that the Bolanus, who, he says, was too mild a man for a fighting was not uncostly. Professor Anthony dangerous province. It would, however, be as Bidey has argued that Tacitus' dislike of Cerialis well to remember two things: first, Bolanus may have stemmed from Cerialis' part in AD. remained in position for two years after the 83, along with his brother-in-law, the emperor Brigantian volte-face, and can hardly have spent Domitian, in the removal of Agricola from the that time in idleness. Secondly, one source governorship of Britain. This may have specifically and another more generally, suggest contributed, but another cause suggests itself: in that during this period Roman arms penetrated AD. 60-61, both Cerialis and Agricola were in into - a term of rather vague location Britain, the former as commander (legatus) of in Roman writers, but evidently suggesting an legion IX (which received something of a area to the north of the Forth/C$e isthmus. mauling), the latter as a military Respectively, these sources are the Domitianic (tribunus militum) evidently on the staff of the

jffiM Contrebis Vol )OilV 1999

governor, Suetonius Paullinus. In the aftermath Ribble with a disembarkation-site at Kirkham, of the rebellion, it is likely that Cerialis and which in Roman times was much closer to the Agricola found themselves on opposite sides of water than it now is, and from which it was a an exceedingly acrimonious post-mortem. In straightforward advance to Ribchester. That temper, too, the two men were very different: Chester was the base for this seems clear, Cerialis, highly placed, an opportr:nist and a though it should be noted that Chester was not, risk-taker (not always successfully); Agricola, until Agricola's own govemorship, a base for a efficient, methodical, and perhaps a little land-based advance. lndeed, it has been colourless - or, as he has recently been observed that the road northwards from described, a'modest achiever'. Envy on the part Whitchurch originally crossed the Dee al of the latter, with regard to the former, is not FarndonAlolt, the extension to Chester being unknown in the human condition. secondary to this. Cerialis came to Britain in AD.71; his Each side of the Pennines also saw the instructions were plainly to move the conquest separation of people whom the Romans forward, and he brought with him a new legion, evidently chose to protect: in the east, the II Adiutrix, which had recently been recruited coastal were separated from their from members of the fleet at Raverura. It would Brigantian neighbours, whilst in the north-west, seem reasonable to suppose that part, at least, of a road from to Maryport (or perhaps this unit was based at Chester, to convey troops Beckfoot) through Blennerhasset separated the up the coast of north-west England. Once good agricultural land of the Solway Plain, again, it is not easy to trace the movements of evidently the tenitory of the Carvetii - from the Cerialis' campaign archaeologically, although Brigantian hill-farmers. These provide good coinage and samian pottery help, and examples of the policy of 'divide-and-rule', with dendrochronology has recently highlighted two which Tacitus credits Cerialis in and probable military sites of this period Agricola in Britain during his own Ribchester and Carlisle. Tacitus provides one governorship. extra clue - that Cerialis divided his army Again, it seems likely that Cerialis' troops between himself and Agricola, who was advanced into Scotland: the objective here may commander of legion )O( Valeria Victrix at have been, in part at least, the protection of the Wroxeter. ln view of this, it would not seem grain-producing land of the and unreasonable to suppose that Cerialis operated in the east, on either side of the Firth east of the Pennines with his old legion (the of Forth. Coin evidence suggests that Cerialis ninth), whilst Agricola 'mirrored' his advanced northwards from Carlisle to commander's actions on the western side of the Newstead, Cramond and , and from county. there perhaps as far as Strageath. Il indeed, It would appear that the westem advance was Cerialis is to be traced that far north, it does not again on two fronts, overland from sites such as seem unreasonable, in view of what had been Wroxeter and Littlechester, crossing the Mersey done elsewhere, to suggest that he may have near Wilderspool, the Ribble at Walton-le-Dale, inaugurated the watchtowers, as a and probably establishing a fort on the Lune at way of separating the coastal Venicones from Lancaster. From Lancaster, the Lune and Eden their inland neighbours. valleys were followed to Carlisle. The eastem of this suggests that the achievements of 'route All established a new fortress for legion D( at Cerialis' govemorship were considerable in York, and reached perhaps as far as Corbridge, terms of tenitorial gain and political and although some at least of Cerialis' troops must infrastructural organisation; so what of have crossed Stainmore to meet up with Agricola's own governorship from 77 to 83? Agricola's. The fleet, too, will have played its Tacitus is insistent that Agricola's tenure got off part, taking troops to the Mersey and the to a dramatic start, with an assault, very late in Contrebis Vol )O(V 1999

the campaig-ng season, (presumably of A.D. relationships with friendly groups, and 77) on the and . The base protecting them from those that were more for this was probably Wroxeter, as Chester, hostile, as Cerialis had done during his tenure. because of marshland to its west, will have Agricola's third campaigr in A.D. 79, the last provided poor overland access to north Wales. year of Vespasian's reign - extended northwards Further, epigraphic evidence, dateable to A.D. the lines of advance of the previous year 79, shows that Agricola was responsible for Tacitus afflords us a clue in his observation that building, the fortress, at Chester. Although the Agricola reached as far as the river Tay. It site was not, as we have seen, regarded as appears likely that this campaign represented an ideally placed for land-based campaigns of advance upon previous work: the Gask Ridge conquest, its access to the north-west by land lines, which separated the coastal people of potential and sea enhanced its as a base for Fifeshire from those of the interior, was occupation. developed and extended as far as the Tay, and It would seem likely that we should link with an internal line of 'glen blocking' forts was this the construction of a route across the established from the Clyde in the direction of Pennines from Chester to York, with new forts the later forfress at . This along it at Northwich, and line facilitated the policing of movement in the Castleshaw. Further, another road was taken glens, which was particularly important if northwards from Manchester to Ribchester, pressure was to be kept on the Caledonian joining the earlier campaign-route at Burrow- leadership. in-Lonsdale. It would appear that this further The accession of Titus, however, appears to Tacitus penetration of the north-west was, as have brought about a change ofpolicy; the next pursuit policy suggests, in of the of 'divide- two campaigns (of AD. 80 and 8l) were and-rule'. The amount of ground evidently evidently concerned with 'consolidation' in covered in Agricola's second campaign would southern Scotland. A line of forts (Barochan, seem to leave little leeway for serious fighting, Mollins and Camelon) anticipated the principle and it is fair to conclude that, since this territory of the in 'fortiffing' the narrow the had already been fought over during neck of land bet'ween the Forth and the Clyde, governorship of Cerialis, the main thrust of though the Agricolan line was a little to the Agricola's work was political. Again, it north of that of in the second the appears that the Lake District, south of century. From what Tacitus says, it appears that Carlisle to Maryport line was omitted; none of disputes were surfacing as to whether the the Lake District forts, on the evidence of coins Forth/Clyde line should mark the northem limit and pottery, seem to have come into existence of the province, or whether 'total conquest' that is, earlier than the late or early should still be the objective. By describing post-Agricolan evacuation of Scotland. after the advocates of the former policy as 'cowards', It would suit the tactics of this campaign, with Tacitus makes it very plain what his (and its two northward thrusts laterally linked, if it presumably Agricola's) views were on this was Agricola who was responsible for the matter. and establishment of the road between Carlisle It is not unlikely that Titus was becoming aware Corbridge which, since medieval times, has of problems nearer to home, which might have been known as the . Although this made total conquest in Britain a luxury. In this route did not come to form the frontier of connection it is worth mentioning that Britannia until after Agricola's departure from inscriptions show that in AD. 80 detachments the province, the question of possible 'stopping- were sent from all of the British legions for points' did arise during his tenure. Thus, whilst service elsewhere. The activities of the fifth clearly some military action took place during campaign (of AD. 8l) are harder to place were this campaign, the chief imperatives because of vagueness in Tacitus' language and probably consolidatory and political, forming

#fr'*d Contrebis Vol )C(IV 1999 difficulties with the text itself. However, it Further, the Caledonian chieftain, , in seems reasonable to suppose that some, at least, an oration 'given' to him by Tacitus seems to of the campaign was occupied with Dumfries suggest that Agricola was having to keep his and Galloway - an area that proved to be of army up to strength by recruiting British persistent difficulty to Rome. We are also told auxiliaries. that, during this year, Agricola contemplated the Agricola's progress is marked by permanent conquest of , and it is assumed that he forts up to the Tay, and thereafter by a line of may have been in the vicinity of Stranraer or campaign-camps up to and along the coast of Portpatrick. Although there is no evidence to the Moray Firth. These camps are characterised suggest that Agricola pursued the 'Irish by their unusual entrance-ways (known as objective' at all, Rome's relations with Ireland 'double-claviculas'), which created a very have recently received a higher profile because narrow access. It seems likely that these of the disclosure of the discovery of Roman constructions guarded river-crossings along the material at the promontory-fort at coast of Moray, perhaps as far as lnverness. (north of Dublin). Tacitus' reference to the use Again, it would seem logical that simultaneous of ships in this campaign also suggests that the landings by the fleet were involved. However, method of proceeding in south-west Scotland the decisive engagement of these last two may have been with the dual approach of campaigns was the battle at a site called by land-based and sea-bome troops, which is again Tacitus Mons Graupius, in which the Romans specifically mentioned in connection with the perpetrated what seems to have been genocide following year's activities in northern Scotland. on the male (that is, fighting) population. This Unexpectedly, Titus died in AD. 81, to be should have bought peace for approximately succeeded by his younger brother, Domitian, an twenty years. The battle-site remains elusive, emperor for whom Tacitus had no regard at all. although it must have been close to the Moray Domitian's accession, however, appea$ to have Firth. One author has even suggested that the initiated another revision of policy, with a latin words, montem Graupium, may represent a decision to proceed into northern Scotland. manuscript comrption of words meaning 'Hill However, it is not clear whether this was x'. directed towards total conquest, or whether the With the battle won, Agricola was shortly objectives remained more limited - for example, afterwards withdrawn from Britain; he had delivering a hammer-blow which would served approximately trvice the normal length and thus effectively neutralise the , of tenure. Yet Tacitus represents his recall as allow Roman options to remain more flexible. unnatural and unreasonable, and due to In the event, the sixth and seventh campaigns Domitian's jealousy of Agricola's achievement, appear to have been concemed with a principal an accusation that is borne out neither by the objective - to force the Caledonians to battle length of Agricola's tenure nor by the character and thus achieve a Roman victory. of Domitian's own military successes on the Rhine. It is likely that the decision was taken This was done by denying to the Caledonians by Domitian in conjunction with the consul of access to the fertile coastal lowlands and A.D. 83, who was either Petillius Cerialis interfering with their grazing-practices in the himself or a close relative of his; hence, the glens, with the intention of making them probable reason for the historian's dislike of desperate and frustrated to want to .sufficiently Cerialis. fight sooner rather than later. The Romans did not have things all their own way; Tacitus The recall of Agricola did not, however, mean records how the ninth legion very nearly the immediate end of the occupation of northem suffered a disaster in a camp which, in the Scotland. ln view of its eventual abandonment aftermath, was named Victoria (possible in A.D. 87, still unfinished, it would seem likely Dalginross). that all construction-work on the legionary contrebis vol )o(IV 1999 fortress at Inchtuthil post-dated Agricola. That this fortress was commenced, however, demonstrates the expectation that Britain would retain a garrison of four legions a hope which, by A.D. 87, was shown to be beyond fulfillment. A legion (II Adiutrix) was recalled to the Continent, and with its transfer went realistic hopes of maintaining, in the long term, the hold on northem Scotland. Agricola's victory at Mons Graupius, however, had done its job; for it facilitated an orderly, thorough and safe withdrawal in A.D. 87 , to a series of large forts, which had been built'in anticipation on the Stanegate-forts, such as Vindolanda and Corbridge, and perhaps the newly-discovered Cummersdale (south-west of Carlisle) Thus, a working frontier-zone had been achieved; the Stanegate remained the frontier of Britannia until its enhancement in the early 120s by Hadrian's Wall. Tacitus, however, retained his intoxication with the days of hope and glory, spurred on no doubt by his sense of loyalty to the memory of his father-in-1aw: "Britain was completely conquered, and immediately allowed to slip" a statement that was literally true, but 'loaded'. ln reality, however, Domitian's advisers realised that consolidation of conquest further south was much more important than holding on to every square inch of territory that had been won. Agricola's victory had provided the opportunity to consolidate successfully, but subsequent events showed that it was no easy matter to achieve a balance, whereby in Scotland Rome could do business with its friends (such as the Votadini and Venicones of the east coast) and yet keep under control enemies and nuisances such as the of Dumfries and Galloway. ln truth, the Flavian period deserves to be seen as one of great achievement in northem Britain, and the contributions made to this by Petillius Cerialis, Julius Agricola and their unknown successor(s) are by no means inconsiderable. Perhaps, too, Cerialis'predecessor, Vettius Bolanus, also deserves from posterity more credit than, thanks to Tacitus, he has normally received.