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NOTES 1 Introduction I. D. Blackbourn and G. Eley, The Peculiarities of German History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 169-74. 2. G. Tortella, 'Agriculture: A Slow Moving Sector, 1830-1935', inN. Sanchez­ Albornoz (ed.), The Economic Modernization of Spain, 1830-1930 (New York: New York University Press, 1987), p. 45. 3. J. Nadal, 'The Failure of the Industrial Revolution in Spain, 1830-1914', in C. M. Cipolla (ed.), The Fontana Economic History of Europe, Vol. VI, Part Two: The Emergence of Industrial Nations (Hassocks: the Harvester Press, 1976), pp. 556, 567. 4. A. Shubert, A Social History of Modern Spain (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990), p. 60. 5. M. Tufi6n de Lara, Estudios de historia contemportinea (Barcelona: Nova Terra, 1977), p. 98. 6. The disentailment of the land began in 1836 under the minister and financier Juan Alvarez Mendizabal. His main target was the expropriation of the property owned by the secular as well as the regular clergy. It was sold at public auction with payment in either cash or government debt. Common and municipal lands were for the time being only leased out. It was not until the passing of the so-called Law of General Disentailment by Pascual Madoz in 1855 that all the land not privately owned was sold at pub­ lic auction. 7. The two main political factions were the so-called Moderados and the Progresistas. The Moderados were the party of the upper classes, who believed in a political sovereignty shared by the Crown and parliament and quickly re-established good relations with the Catholic Church. The Progresistas appealed more to the middle classes. They were more anti-clerical and sup­ ported parliamentary sovereignty, elected municipal governments and the establishment of citizens' militias under local control. Yet both models were essentially centralist and restricted the franchise to those with large prop­ erty. The Progresistas granted the vote in 1837 to 2.2 per cent of the popula­ tion which was later restricted by the Moderados in 1845 to just 0.8 per cent of the country. In 1856 the Progresistas extended the franchise to over 4 per cent of the population. 8. Nadal, op.cit., p. 541. 186 Notes 187 9. C. Trebilcock, The lndustrialiuztion of the Continental Powers, 1780-1914 (London: Longman, I98I ), p. 307. IO. Nadal, op.cit., pp. 549-53. II. The Cuban revolt lasted 10 years between I868 and I878. General Prim, the strong man of the new regime, was killed in the streets of Madrid. It remains a mystery who was behind this assassination. I2. R. Herr, An Historical Essay on Modern Spain (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, I97 4 ), p. II 0. I3. M. Tufi6n de Lara, Poder y sociedad en Espana, 1900-1931 (Madrid: Colecci6n Austral, 1992), pp. I 08-19, 202-Il. 14. J. Varela Ortega, Los amigos politicos: Partidos, elecciones y caciquismo en la Restauraci6n, 1875-1900 (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1977), pp. 359-66. 15. J. Romero Maura, 'EI caciquismo: tentativa de conceptualizaci6n', pp. 19-22 and J. Varela Ortega, 'Los amigos polfticos: funcionamiento del sistema caciquista', p. 55, both in Revista de Occidente, no. 127 (October 1973). 16. J. Nadal, 'A Century of Industrialization in Spain, I833-I930', in Sanchez- Aibornoz (ed.), The Economic Moderniuztion of Spain, p. 64. 17. Nadal, The Failure, pp. 558-9. 18. Tortella, op.cit., p. 52. I9. R. Carr, Modern Spain, 1875-1980 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 20. 20. J. C. Ullman, The Tragic Week: A Study in Anticlericalism in Spain, 1875-1912 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 35. 21. F. Lannon, Privilege, Persecution and Prophecy: The Catholic Church in Spain, 1875-1975 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), pp. 121-2. 22. M. Ballbe, Orden publico y militarismo en la Espana constitucional, 1812-1983 (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1985), pp. 247-8; J. Lleixa, Cien anos de mili­ tarismo (Barcelona: Anagrama, I986), p. 60. 23. R. Nunez Florencio, El terrorismo anarquista, 1888-1909 (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1983), pp. 45-60; F. Olaya Morales, Historia del movimiento obrero espana{ (Madrid: Siglo XXI, I994), pp. 63I-65, 8I3-34. 24. C. Serrano, Final del Imperio: Espana, 1895-1898 (Madrid: Siglo XXI, I984), pp. 14-17. 25. j. Smith, The Spanish-American War: Conflict in the Caribbean and the Pacific, 1895-1902 (London: Longman, I994), pp. 2-3. 26. Serrano, op.cit., p. 12. 27. M. Golay, The Spanish-American War (New York: Facts on File, 1995), pp. 6-9; Smith, op.cit., pp. 28-30. 28. Canovas was the first to make that speech in the Cortes in July 1891. Sagasta expressed himself in similar terms in March 1895. 29. Golay, op.cit., p. 4. 30. Smith, op.cit., pp. I3-I4. 31. Smith, op.cit., pp. 30-47; Serrano, op.cit., pp. 32-3. 32. R. Perez Delgado, 1898. El ana del desastre (Madrid: Tebas, I976), pp. 292-4. 33. E. Moradiellos, 'I898: A Colonial Disaster Foretold', Association for Contemporary Iberian Studies (A CIS), 6, no. 2 (Autumn 1993), p. 36; J. Varela Ortega, 'Aftermath of Splendid Disaster: Spanish Politics before and after 188 Notes the Spanish American War of 1898',journal of Contemporary History, vol. 15 ( 1980), pp. 319-22; Serrano, op.cit., pp. 38-40. 34. Serrano, op.cit., p. 41; Varela Ortega, 'Aftermath', pp. 323-5. 35. Admiral Cervera, in charge of the Spanish fleet in the Atlantic, summed up the situation when he declared that the navy had been sacrificed 'because unlike the army, it was unable to stage a coup'. 36. Perez, op.cit., pp. 363-4. 37. The United States offered a cash gift of20 million dollars for the cession of the Philippines. 2 The Liberal Monarchy: The Politics of Notables, 1898-1923 I. Perez, 1898, pp. 394-5. 2. Tufi6n, Espana: la quiebra de 1898 (Madrid: Sarpe, 1986), p. 13. 3. Varela, 'Aftermath', pp. 332-9; J. Harrison, The Regenerationist Movement in Spain after the Disaster of 1898', European Studies Review, vol. 9 (1979), pp. 8-23. 4. A. Yanini, 'La manipulaci6n electoral en Espana: sufragio universaly par­ ticipaci6n ciudadana (1891-1923)', in J. Tusell (ed.), El sufragio universal (Madrid: Ayer no. 3, 1991), p. 102. 5. Lerroux has historically been vilified by Socialist, Syndicalist and Catalanist authors. Modern historiography has, to a certain extent, rescued Lerroux's tarnished reputation by trying to find a balance between his oppor­ tunism and close collaboration with Liberal governments in Madrid with his ability to create a modern political party by mobilizing elements of the proletariat and petty bourgeoisie, formerly unrepresented within the Spanish political system. See J. Romero-Maura, 'La rosa de fuego'. El obrerismo barcelones de 1899 a 1909 (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1989); J. Alvarez Junco, El Emperador del Paralelo: Lerroux y Ia demagogia populista (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1990); J. R. Mosher, The Birth of Mass Politics in Spain: Lerrouxismo in Barcelona, 1901-1909 (New York: Garland, 1991). 6. Some 121 000 workers, 80 000 of them in Andaluda, affiliated to the Spanish Regional Federation (1870-81 ), the Spanish section of the First International. At the Congress held at Seville in 1882, a new Regional Federation of Spanish Workers was created. It had a total of 57 934 mem­ bers, almost 40 000 in Andaluda, most of the rest were from Catalufia. The Socialists could not have had more than 3000 members at the time. Internal divisions and state repression brought about the disappearance of the Anarchist organization in 1888. 7. D. Geary, European Labour Protest, 1848-1939 (London: Methuen, 1984), pp. 112-13. 8. P. Heywood, Marxism and the Failure of Organized Socialism in Spain, 1879-1936 (Cambridge: University Press, 1990), pp. 2-3; F. Perez Ledesma, El pensamiento socialista espana! a comienzos de siglo (Madrid: Centro, 1974), pp. 27-34. 9. B. Martin, The Agony of Modernization: Labour and Industrialization in Spain (Ithaca: ILR Press, 1990), p. 98. Notes 189 I 0. See J. J. Morato, Pablo Iglesias: Educador de muchedumbres (Madrid; UGT, 1926), pp. 121-2. Pablo Iglesias and two other Socialists were elected as local councillors for Madrid in the local elections of 1905 by using forged ballot papers. II. J.P. Fusi, Politica obrera en el Pais Vasco, 1880-1923 (Madrid: Turner, 1975), pp. 81-94; A. Shubert, The Road to Revolution in Asturias: The Coal Miners of Asturias, 1860-1934 (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1987), p. 108. 12. J. Alvarez Junco, La ideologia politica del anarquismo espanol (1868-1910) (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1976), pp. 593-8. 13. Nunez, Terrorismo, p. 189. 14. E. Gonzalez Calleja, 'La raz6n de Ia fuerza. Una perspectiva de Ia violencia polftica en Ia Espana de Ia Restauraci6n', in J. Ar6stegui (ed.), Violencia y politica en Espana (Madrid: Ayer no.13, 1994), p. 97. 15. A. Bar, La CNT en los anos rojos, 1910-1926 (Madrid: Aka!, 1981 ), pp. 54-9. 16. During his reign, political crises were known as 'orientales' as they were pro­ duced and resolved at the Palace of Oriente, Alfonso's residence. See Varela, Los amigos, pp. 450-1. 17. C. Seco Serrano, Militarismo y civilismo en La Espana contempordnea (Madrid: Instituto de £studios Economicos, 1984), p. 233. In 1900 there were 499 generals, 578 colonels and over 23 000 officers for some 80 000 troops (six times more officers than in France which had an standing army of 180 000 soldiers). This represented a cancer for the state which devoted over 40 per cent of its expenditure to defence. However, 70 per cent of the mili­ tary budget went on officers' salaries, hence neglecting the modernization of the armed services. 18. Ballbe, Orden, pp.
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    THE RISE AND FALL OF THE PARTIDO DE UNIÓN REPUBLICANA AUTONOMISTA: CENTRIST POLITICS IN THE SPANISH PROVINCE OF VALENCIA JANUARY 1930 TO AUGUST 1936 Submitted by Stephen Rodger Lynam to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History, July 2018. This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature……………………………………………………………………. 1 2 ABSTRACT This thesis is an interrogation of the impact of the Partido de Unión Republicana Autonomista (The Autonomist Republican Union Party or PURA) on the politics of the Spanish province of Valencia, and in turn on national politics, during the politically turbulent years of 1930-1936, the period which immediately preceded the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. It was the most important Valencian political force and acted as de facto provincial affiliate of the Radical Party, a conservative republican party which was to play a crucial role in national politics. This study uses a wide range of documentary sources, including contemporary newspapers, official papers, and parliamentary records, supplemented by a number of interviews with participants in the events and in-depth case study reviews of two important settlements in the province together with detailed studies of electoral and land ownership data in a further three settlements.
  • La Creación Del Estado Liberal. 1833-1902 FHA 2020

    La Creación Del Estado Liberal. 1833-1902 FHA 2020

    La creación del estado liberal. 1833-1902 Fernando Huerta SIE MONTPELLIER FHA 2020 1 En 1833 muere Fernando VII y es proclamada reina Estatuto Real de 1834 Isabel II, la reina niña. La regencia recae en María Cristina, madre de Isabel. TÍTULO III. DEL ESTAMENTO DE PROCURADORES DEL Don Carlos no acepta el REINO. Artículo 13. El Estamento de Procuradores del nombramiento real y se Reino se compondrá de las personas que se nombren con inicia la 1ª guerra arreglo a la ley de elecciones. Artículo 14. Para ser carlista. Procurador del Reino se requiere: 1º Ser natural de estos Los carlistas son Reinos o hijo de padres españoles. 2º Tener treinta años partidarios del cumplidos. 3º Estar en posesión de una renta propia anual absolutismo. Los de doce mil reales. 4º Haber nacido en la provincia que le isabelinos del liberalismo. nombre, o haber residido en ella durante los dos últimos Los liberales moderados años, o poseer en ella algún predio rústico o urbano, o promulgan el Estatuto capital de censo que reditúen la mitad de la renta Real. necesaria para ser Procurador del Reino. En el caso de que Los liberales progresistas un mismo individuo haya sido elegido Procurador a Cortes la Constitución de 1837. por más de una provincia, tendrá el derecho de optar entre las que le hubieren nombrado. Estatuto Real de 834 Constitución de 1837 DEL CONGRESO DE LOS DIPUTADOS Artículo 21. Cada provincia nombrará un Diputado, a lo menos por cada cincuenta mil almas de Isabel II (1830-1904) su población. Artículo 22. Los Diputados se elegirán por el método directo, y podrán ser reelegidos indefinidamente.
  • A Guide to Sources of Information on Foreign Investment in Spain 1780-1914 Teresa Tortella

    A Guide to Sources of Information on Foreign Investment in Spain 1780-1914 Teresa Tortella

    A Guide to Sources of Information on Foreign Investment in Spain 1780-1914 Teresa Tortella A Guide to Sources of Information on Foreign Investment in Spain 1780-1914 Published for the Section of Business and Labour Archives of the International Council on Archives by the International Institute of Social History Amsterdam 2000 ISBN 90.6861.206.9 © Copyright 2000, Teresa Tortella and Stichting Beheer IISG All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Niets uit deze uitgave mag worden vermenigvuldigd en/of openbaar worden gemaakt door middel van druk, fotocopie, microfilm of op welke andere wijze ook zonder voorafgaande schriftelijke toestemming van de uitgever. Stichting Beheer IISG Cruquiusweg 31 1019 AT Amsterdam Table of Contents Introduction – iii Acknowledgements – xxv Use of the Guide – xxvii List of Abbreviations – xxix Guide – 1 General Bibliography – 249 Index Conventions – 254 Name Index – 255 Place Index – 292 Subject Index – 301 Index of Archives – 306 Introduction The purpose of this Guide is to provide a better knowledge of archival collections containing records of foreign investment in Spain during the 19th century. Foreign in- vestment is an important area for the study of Spanish economic history and has always attracted a large number of historians from Spain and elsewhere. Many books have already been published, on legal, fiscal and political aspects of foreign investment. The subject has always been a topic for discussion, often passionate, mainly because of its political im- plications.