enTruax Jean THEOBALD AND CORBEIL BEC OF OF WILLIAM D ’ ESCURES, RALPH ARCHBISHOPS Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec Heirs of Anselm and Ancestors of Becket

Jean Truax

ISBN 978-0-7546-6836-7

,!7IA7F4-ggidgh! The Archbishops of Series www.routledge.com an informa business  Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec The Archbishops ofC anterbury Series Series Editor: Andrew Chandler, University of Chichester UK

Series Advisory Board: Professor Katy Cubitt (University of York); Professor Anne Duggan (King’s College, London); Professor Sally Vaughn (University of Houston); Dr Julia Barrow (University of Nottingham); Professor Robert Swanson (University of Birmingham); Professor Diarmaid McCulloch (University of Oxford); Professor Alexandra Walsham (University of Cambridge); Dr Judith Maltby (University of Oxford); Professor Jeremy Gregory (University of Manchester); Professor Stephen Taylor (University of Reading); Professor Arthur Burns (King’s College, London); Professor David Hein (Hood College)

Developed in association with Lambeth Palace Library archives, this series presents authoritative studies on the Archbishops of Canterbury. Each book combines biographical, historical, theological, social and political analysis within each archiepiscopacy, with original source material drawn from the Archbishop’s correspondence, speeches and published and unpublished writings. TheArchbishops of Canterbury series offers a vital source of reference, of lasting importance to scholars, students and all readers interested in the history of the international Church.

Other titles in this series:

Archbishop Anselm 1093–1109 Bec Missionary, Canterbury , Patriarch of Another World Sally N. Vaughn

Archbishop Fisher, 1945–1961 Church, State and World Andrew Chandler and David Hein Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald ofB ec Heirs of Anselm and Ancestors of Becket

Jean Truax First published 20 12 by Ashgate Publishing

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Truax, Jean. Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec : heirs of Anselm and ancestors of Becket. -- (The Archbishops of Canterbury series) 1. Escures, Ralph d’. 2. William, of Corbeil. 3. Theobald, ofB ec. 4. Church of England--England-- Canterbury--Bishops--History--To 1500. 5. Church of England. Diocese of Canterbury--History--To 1500. 6. Church of England. Diocese of Canterbury--History--To 1500--Sources. I. Title II. Series 283.4'2234'09021-dc23

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Truax, Jean, 1947- Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil, and Theobald ofB ec : heirs of Anselm and ancestors of Becket / Jean Truax. p. cm. -- (The archbishops of Canterbury series) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7546-6836-7 (hardcover) -- ISBN 978-0-7546-6833-6 (pbk) 1. Bishops--England--Canterbury. 2. England--Church history--Middle Ages, 600-1500. 3. Ralph, d’Escures, , d. 1122. 4. William, of Corbeil, Archbishop of Canterbury. 5. Theobald, of Bec, Archbishop of Canterbury. I. Title. BX5198.T78 2012 282.092'2422--dc23 [B] 2012005201

ISBN 9780754668367 (hbk) ISBN 9780754668336 (pbk) Contents

Acknowledgments vii List of Abbreviations ix

Part I: The Archbishops and Their Careers

1 Introduction: The EnglishC hurch as Anselm Left It 3

2 Ralph d’Escures: A Different Kind of Archbishop 27

3 The Road to Rome: Ralph of Canterbury, of York and the Primacy Dispute 49

4 Roman Holiday: William of Corbeil and the Canterbury Forgeries 75

5 Securing the Future: William of Corbeil and the Anglo-Norman Succession Crisis 93

6 Juggling Act: Archbishop, Bishop, King, Empress and Pope 113

7 The Limits of Power: Archbishop Theobald andH is Neighbors 133

8 Trouble on the Way: Theobald and the New Regime 163

9 Conclusion: The World as Becket Found It 181

Part II: Appendices: Contemporary Documents

Appendix 1: The Canterbury Forgeries 191

Appendix 2 205

Appendix 3 213 vi Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec

Appendix 4 239

Appendix 5: Selected Correspondence of Archbishop Theobald of Canterbury 245

Bibliography 253 Index 279 Acknowledgments

Anyone who completes a scholarly project owes a debt of gratitude to all those who helped along the way. My debt to Professor Sally Vaughn at the University of Houston extends far beyond the usual thanks paid to the scholar who supervised my graduate studies, suggested that this book be written and commented extensively on my efforts. When I entered the University of Houston in my mid-thirties as a part-time student, I found in Professor Vaughn a dynamic scholar who welcomed all kinds of students, even those like me who were unlikely to leave other careers for the academic world. Many of Professor Vaughn’s students have gone on to fulfilling, academic careers, while the lives of many others have been enriched by her teaching and example. So, on behalf of the non-traditional students, thank you, Professor Vaughn, for all you’ve done. I also want to thank Patricia Orr, Patricia Torpis and Sandra Worth for reading an early manuscript of this book and offering many helpful suggestions. You improved my writing immeasurably and asked all the right questions, and this book is far better for the enormous amounts of time you spent on it. I am also grateful to Professor Richard Armstrong of the University of Houston Department of Classics and the Honors Program, who not only helped me with the mechanics of Latin translation but provided many helpful insights along the way. The cover design is based upon the famous manuscript illustration of the dream of Henry I in the chronicle of John of Worcester, Corpus Christi College, Oxford, MS. 157, F. 383. I thank Rev. Elias L. Rafaj for his splendid artwork. Somewhere, an anonymous reader spent a huge amount of time commenting in detail upon the work of a perfect stranger. I wish I could thank you by name. I would also like to thank Sarah Lloyd and David Shervington at Ashgate Publishing for their extreme patience in guiding this first-time author through the publishing process. viii Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec

I am greatly indebted to the librarians at the University of Houston and Rice University, especially the interlibrary loan staff at the University of Houston, who can find anything, no matter how ancient or how poor the reference. Any American medievalist must also thank the University of Western Michigan for hosting the International Congress on Medieval Studies every year and for opening its magnificent library and rare book room to scholars who visit for the conference. Most of all, I thank my dear husband Greg for loyally supporting my fixation with the Middle Ages for all these years. List of Abbreviations

AEp Anselm, Epistolae, in F.S. Schmitt (ed.), Sancti Anselmi Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi Opera Omnia (6 vols, Stuttgart- Bad Canstatt: Friedrich Frommann Verlag, 1963-8), vols 2 and 3. Cited by letter number. ASC The nglo-SaxonA Chronicle, Michael Swanton (ed. and trans.) (New York: Routledge, 1998). Cited by year. CP Canterbury Professions, Michael Richter (ed.), Canterbury and York Society 67 (Torquay: Devonshire Press, 1973). Cited by document number. CS Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church, Vol. 1, Part 2, 1066-1154, D. Whitelock, M. Brett and C.N.L. Brooke (eds) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981). DNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004) [http://www.oxforddnb.com]. Cited by article number. EEA English Episcopal Acta. Cited by document number. EHR English Historical Review. GC Actus , Actus Pontificum, in William Stubbs (ed.), Historical Works, The Chronicle of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, by Gervase, the Monk of Canterbury, RS 73 (2 vols, London: Longmans, 1879-80), vol. 2, pp. 325-414. GC Chron Gervase of Canterbury, Chronica, in William Stubbs (ed.), Historical Works, The Chronicle of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, by Gervase, the Monk of Canterbury, RS 73 (2 vols, London: Longmans, 1879-80), vol. 1. GFEp Foliot, Gilbert, The Letters and Charters of , Z.N. Brooke, Adrian Morey and C.N.L. Brooke (eds) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967). GS Gesta Stephani, K.R. Potter (ed. and trans.) and R.H.C. Davis (rev.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976). x Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec

HC Hugh the Chanter, The History of the Church of York 1066- 1127, Charles Johnson (ed. and trans.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990). HH , Historia Anglorum: The History of the English People, Diana Greenway (ed. and trans.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996). HN Eadmer, Historia Novorum in Anglia, Martin Rule (ed.), RS 81 (London: Longmans, 1884). Jaffé Regesta Pontificum Romanorum ad Annum Post Christum Natum 1198, P. Jaffé (ed.), W. Wattenbach,S . Loewenfeld, F. Kaltenbrunner and P. Ewald (rev.) (2 vols, Leipzig: Veir, 1885-8). JH John of Hexham, Historia, in SD, vol. 2, pp. 284-332. JS EP , The Letters of John of Salisbury, Volume One, The Early Letters (1153-1161), W.J. Millor, S.J. Butler and H.E. Butler (ed. and trans.), C.N.L. Brooke (rev.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). Cited by letter no. JS HP John of Salisbury, Historia Pontificalis, Marjorie Chibnall (ed. and trans.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press,1986). JW John of Worcester, The Chronicle of John of Worcester, P. McGurk (ed. and trans.), vol. 3 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998). LEp , The Letters of Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury, Helen Clover and Margaret Gibson (ed. and trans.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979). MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Schriften Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Stuttgart, 1938-). Scriptores Scriptores in folio (Hanover-Berlin, 1871-). MM Hollister, C. Warren, Monarchy, Magnates and Institutions in the Anglo-Norman World (London: Hambledon Press, 1986). OV Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History, Marjorie Chibnall (ed. and trans.) (6 vols, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969-80). PL Patrilogia Latina, Jacques Paul Migne (ed.) (221 vols, Paris, 1841-64). List of Abbreviations xi

Regesta 2 Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum 1066-1154. Vol. II. Regesta Henrici Primi 1100-1135, Charles Johnson and H.A. Cronne (eds) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956). Cited by document number. Regesta 3 Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum 1066-1154, Vol. III, Regesta Regis Stephani ac Mathildis Imperatricis ac Gaufridi et Henrici Ducum Normannorum 1135-1154, H.A. Cronne and R.H.C. Davis (eds) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968). Cited by document number. RS Rolls Series. RT Robert of Torigny, Chronica, in Richard Howlett (ed.), Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, RS 82 (4 vols, London: Longmans, 1884-9), vol. 4. Saltman Saltman, Avrom, Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury (New York: Greenwood Press, 1969). SD Simeon of Durham, Opera Omnia, Thomas Arnold (ed.), RS 75 (2 vols, London: Longmans, 1882-5). TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. WM GP William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum Anglorum: The History of the English Bishops, M. Winterbottom and R.M. Thomson (ed. and trans.), vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2007). WM GR William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum: The History of the English Kings, R.A.B. Mynors, R.M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom (ed. and trans.), vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998). WM HN William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella, Edmund King (ed.), K.R. Potter (trans.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998).

Part I The Archbishops and TheirC areers

Chapter 1 Introduction: The nglishE Church as Anselm LeftI t

The first two archbishops of Canterbury after theN orman Conquest, Lanfranc and Anselm, were towering figures in the medieval church, whose accomplishments are familiar to students of philosophy, theology and law as well as history. The sixth archbishop, the martyred , is perhaps the most famous figure ever to hold the office. In between these giants of the ecclesiastical world came three less noteworthy men: Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald ofB ec. Avrom Saltman, who wrote the definitive biography of Theobald, referred to them as “the three ciphers between Anselm and Becket.”1 This is perhaps unduly harsh, for important trends, which had their roots in Anselm’s pontificate, came to fruition during these men’s tenures, with the result that when Becket was consecrated in 1162, he found a very different English church from the one that Anselm had left in 1109.B y considering the careers of the three archbishops who came between these two as a unit, it should be possible to highlight certain crucial developments in the English church that are not so easily visible when considering a single pontificate. Accounts of the careers of these three archbishops are available in the Dictionary of National Biography.2 Only Archbishop Theobald has been treated in a full-length, scholarly biography, published by Saltman in 1969. Ralph d’Escures was the subject of an unpublished dissertation, and much information about him can be found in Donald Nicholl’s biography of his great rival, Archbishop Thurstan of York.3 The best secondary source for the career of Archbishop William of Corbeil is an article by Denis Bethell.4

1 Saltman, p. ix. 2 Martin Brett, “Escures, Ralph d’ (c. 1068-1122), archbishop of Canterbury,” DNB 23047; Frank Barlow, “Corbeil, William de (d. 1136),” DNB 6284; Barlow, “Theobald (c. 1090-1161),” DNB 27168. 3 Mary Amanda Clark, “Ralph d’Escures, Anglo-Norman and Archbishop,” unpublished PhD dissertation, University of California at Santa Barbara (1975); Donald Nicholl, Thurstan, (1114-1140) (York, 1964). 4 Denis Bethell, “William of Corbeil and the Canterbury-York Dispute,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 19/2 (Oct., 1968): 145-59. 4 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec

The correspondence of ArchbishopsR alph and William has not survived; many of Theobald’s letters have been published as part of the correspondence of John of Salisbury, who was his secretary for many years.5 The administrative documents from the pontificates of Ralph d’Escures and William of Corbeil appear in volume 28 of the English Episcopal Acta series.6 Archbishop Theobald’s charters are published at the end of Saltman’s biography and a new, expanded edition is in preparation by Martin Brett for English Episcopal Acta. As will be apparent from the list of abbreviations, most of the major narrative sources for the period are available in modern critical editions. The usual cautions about working with medieval narrative sources must be reiterated here. The writers, who were generally monks or canons, composed their works for a purpose beyond that of merely recording events as they happened. They wrote with varying degrees of objectivity to entertain and instruct their audiences, to enhance the reputation of their houses, to praise local saints, to eulogize patrons or to take sides in a current dispute. For example Henry of Huntingdon wrote:

… in the recorded deeds of all peoples and nations, which are the very judgements of God, clemency, generosity, honesty, caution and the like, and their opposites, not only provoke men of the spirit to what is good and deter them from evil, but even encourage worldly men to good deeds and reduce their wickedness.7

Writers like St. Anselm’s friend and biographer Eadmer, an Englishman living in a newly Norman world, reflected post-conquest tensions in their works. And as those antagonisms faded into memory, new ones took their place as England chose sides in the civil war between King Stephen and the . William of Malmesbury in his later years showed himself a partisan of the Empress and dedicated his Historia Novella to her brother Robert of Gloucester. On the other side, the anonymous Gesta Stephani has been attributed to the bishop of Bath and Wells, Robert of , who saw his diocese overrun by the Angevins and was himself imprisoned for a time.8

5 John of Salisbury, The Letters of John of Salisbury, Volume One, The Early Letters (1153- 1161), W.J. Millor, S.J. Butler and H.E. Butler (ed. and trans.), C.N.L. Brooke (rev.) (Oxford, 1986). 6 English Episcopal Acta 28: Canterbury 1070-1136, Martin Brett and Joseph A. Gribbin (eds) (Oxford, 2004). 7 HH, pp. 4-5. 8 The starting point for the study of the chronicles of this period is Antonia Gransden, Historical Writing in England, c. 550 to c. 1307 (Ithaca, NY, 1974), pp. 136-218. Also, Mary Frances Giandrea, Episcopal Culture in Late Anglo-Saxon England (Woodbridge, 2007), pp. 25-31. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 5

It must be remembered that these writers were members of religious institutions, whether as monks or regular or secular canons, and were not usually present to observe the events that they recorded, depending instead on second-hand accounts of current events. We know from their works that Orderic Vitalis, William of Malmesbury, Eadmer and Hugh the Chanter did travel, but even this did not mean that they were always in a position to observe high-level negotiations.9 As William of Malmesbury himself wrote regarding his account of the reign of Henry I:

… resolved as I am not to trust dubious authorities, yet being a man remote from the mysteries of the court, I am ill-informed about his greater achievements, and can lay my hands on little; with the resultant risk that what I write will fall far short of what I should like, and I shall make him seem a lesser man by omitting many of his exploits.10

Further complicating matters, manuscripts were routinely shared between religious houses and chroniclers frequently copied from one another, so the fact that one source tells the same story as another does not necessarily constitute an independent verification of the facts.11 Furthermore, as we will see again in Chapter 4 when discussing medieval forgeries, the standard of truth was not as objective as it is today. Because they were writing for a worthy purpose, the chroniclers felt free to enhance certain events and to suppress others.12 Medieval writers sought to make their compositions conform to earlier models like the histories of Suetonius or the Life of St. Martin of Tours by Sulpicius Severus, and material might be borrowed from other sources or constructed to fit the pattern.13 Inventing conversations to

On individual chroniclers see Marjorie Chibnall, The World of Orderic Vitalis (Oxford, 1984); Rodney Thomson,William of Malmesbury (Woodbridge, 2003); R.W. Southern, St. Anselm and His Biographer: A Study in Monastic Life and Thought, 1059-c. 1130 (Cambridge, 1963); H.S. Offler, Medieval Historians of Durham (Durham, 1958); David Rollason (ed.), Symeon of Durham: Historian of Durham and the North, Studies in North-Eastern History (Stamford, 1998); R.H.C. Davis, “The Authorship of theGesta Stephani,” EHR 76/303 (Apr., 1962): 209- 32; Martin Brett, “John of Worcester and His Contemporaries,” in R.H.C. Davis, J.M. Wallace- Hadrill, R.J.A.I. Catto and M.H. Keen (eds), The Writing of History in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Richard William Southern (Oxford, 1981), pp. 101-26. 9 Gransden, Historical Writing, pp. 161, 174-5 and below, Chapter 2, p. 41. 10 WM GR, pp. 708-9. 11 Martin Brett, “A Note on the Historia Novorum of Eadmer,” Scriptorium: International Review of Manuscript Studies 33/1 (1979): 56-8; Brett, “John of Worcester,” pp. 101-26. 12 See below Chapter 4, pp. 86-9. 13 Gransden, Historical Writing, pp. 170-72. 6 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec illustrate a point was a well-recognized technique. Documents could be similarly concocted, and as Marjorie Chibnall has pointed out, these might even become the basis for later forgeries.14 Thus we will see that writers like Eadmer andH ugh the Chanter, who took opposite sides in the Canterbury-York primacy dispute, often gave quite different versions of the same events. Despite this, today we unhesitatingly label their works as history and ’s Historia Regum Britanniae, which tells the story of King Arthur, as fiction.15 But in the twelfth century, the lines between archival records, history, hagiography and fiction were blurred and the distinction would not have been so clear, either to the writers or their readers. Source material is never as complete or definitive as a medievalist would like, but sufficient information remains to piece together a fairly complete account of these three archbishops. The job thatR alph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald ofB ec took on was, to say the least, challenging on many fronts. The archbishop of Canterbury not only was responsible for the administration of the vast estates of the archdiocese and the spiritual direction of its inhabitants, but also, as we shall see, played a significant role in the politics of the realm. The archbishop of Canterbury was one of the largest landholders in England, with revenues in the Domesday Book for 1086 of £1750. The majority ofC anterbury’s estates lay in Kent, but the see held significant estates throughout the southeastern shires of England. An estimated 25-30 percent of Canterbury’s lands lay outside the diocese at the time of the conquest. Archiepiscopal properties in Middlesex accounted for almost one-third of the shire.16 As was usual in all English bishoprics, such revenues were divided between the bishop and the , an arrangement which protected the monks from financial mismanagement by the bishop and prevented them from becoming destitute when the revenues of the see fell into the king’s hands during an episcopal vacancy. In Canterbury’s case, it is estimated that £1170 belonged to the archbishop and £580 to the monks. Despite this division, the archbishop was responsible for the administration of both sets of properties, with the cathedral chapter only gradually gaining the

14 Marjorie Chibnall, “Charter and Chronicle: TheU se of Archive Sources by Norman Historians,” in C.N.L. Brooke, D.E. Luscombe, G.H. Martin and Dorothy Owen (eds), Church and Government in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to C.R. Cheney on His 70th Birthday (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 1-17. 15 Gransden, Historical Writing, pp. 200-208. 16 Nicholas Brooks, The Early History of the Church of Canterbury: Christ Church from 597 to 1066 (Leicester, 1984), pp. 311-13; Everett U. Crosby, Bishop and Chapter in Twelfth-Century England: A Study of the “Mensa Episcopalis” (Cambridge, 1994), p. 367; Giandrea, Episcopal Culture, pp. 124-31; F.R.H. Du Boulay, The Lordship of Canterbury: An Essay on Medieval Society (New York, 1966), pp. 16-51. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 7 right to administer its own lands.17 In addition to the revenue from his estates, a bishop’s income included fines derived from the administration of justice, a share of the revenues of the collegiate churches of the bishopric, synodal dues levied against the churches in his diocese and payments made to the cathedral church for such services as burials and the provision of the chrism blessed by the bishop on Holy Thursday.18 All bishops, but especially the archbishop of Canterbury, bore a heavy burden of responsibility in return for their great wealth and power. They were the administrators of their estates, responsible for the granting and revoking of leases, the collection and accounting of revenues and the administration of justice on their lands, just like any secular lord. In addition their ecclesiastical responsibilities included the supervision of the morals and preaching of the clergy of their dioceses, the care of the poor and the recruiting of candidates for the priesthood. Many sacramental functions could only be performed by a bishop, including ordinations, the dedication and consecration of sacred vessels, churches, monastic houses and graveyards, the blessing of the heads of religious houses and the administration of the sacrament of confirmation to the laity.19 A bishop presided over several different types of courts, a typical honor court concerned with the administration of secular justice upon his estates and ecclesiastical courts concerned with the morals of the laity, especially in matters of marriage; with offenses by the clergy and with the property and rights of churches within the diocese. Bishops also held diocesan synods at which they encouraged and instructed the clergy and settled disputes.20 The archbishop of Canterbury bore an especially heavy burden in this respect, since his duties also included the supervision and instruction of his suffragan bishops. The archbishop was far more than the administrator of his diocese and the arbiter of moral and theological disputes. He was the guardian of the status and prestige of the see of Canterbury both within the English church and with respect to the faraway pope in Rome. As a major landholder, like all bishops, he had the same duty to support and advise the king as a secular magnate and by virtue of his position atop the English hierarchy, the archbishop of Canterbury was often one of the king’s most influential advisors.I t was inevitable that these

17 Crosby, Bishop and Chapter, pp. 44-7, 66-105, 367; Vanessa King, “Share and Share Alike? Bishops and Their Cathedral Chapters: TheD omesday Evidence,” Anglo-Norman Studies 28 (2006): 138-52; Martin Brett, The English Church Under Henry I (Oxford, 1975), pp. 68-9, 103, n. 1 and 191-2. 18 Brett, English Church, pp. 161-9. For the revenues of the priory see R.A.L. Smith, Priory: A Study in Monastic Administration (Cambridge, 1969), pp. 9-13. 19 Brett, English Church, pp. 101-40; Giandrea, Episcopal Culture, pp. 100-121. 20 Brett, English Church, pp. 148-54; Giandrea, Episcopal Culture, pp. 169-72. 8 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec varied roles and responsibilities would often bring the archbishop into conflict with other members of the hierarchy, the secular nobility and the king himself. The pontificate ofL anfranc, which largely coincided with the reign of , established a model for his successors in dealing with the demands of the office. Lanfranc, Anselm and their successors were first of all heirs to a particular method of dispute resolution that current research has shown to have been largely prevalent throughout medieval society. Cases which modern society would expect to be brought to a definitive resolution in a court of law, with one party winning and the other losing, were often settled during the medieval period by mediation and compromise, favoring solutions in which both parties came away with some positive gain.21 Thus in a property dispute between a monastery and a layman, the layman might receive the land in question, only to turn it over to the religious institution in return for spiritual benefits. Alternatively, the monastery might receive the property, with the layman who had contested its ownership agreeing to hold it in fief. Disputes between two lay parties might end in a marriage alliance between the contending families. Initially this reliance on negotiation and compromise rather than fixed law was interpreted as a sign of the breakdown of the old Carolingian royal and comital authority in the tenth and eleventh centuries. However, it is now recognized that these strategies for conflict resolution functioned along with and were complementary to more formal legal proceedings. Naturally there were cases in which lack of documentary evidence, inadequate or conflicting rules or the inability of the court to enforce its decisions caused the parties to a dispute to seek a mediated compromise. In addition ties of kinship and friendship were complex and interlocking and a dispute between two individuals might easily spiral out of control, drawing an entire community into the conflict. A resolution by which one party was publicly humiliated

21 Frederic Cheyette, “Suum cuique tribuere,” French Historical Studies 6 (1970): 287-99; Stephen D. White, “Pactum … Legem Vincit et Amor Iudicium: The Settlement of Disputes by Compromise in Eleventh-century Western France,” American Journal of Legal History 22 (1978): 281-301; Wendy Davies and Paul Fouracre, The Settlement of Disputes in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 233-6; Patrick Geary, “Living with Conflicts inS tateless France: A Typology of ConflictM anagement Mechanisms 1050-1200,” in Patrick Geary, Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY, 1994), pp. 125-60; Patrick Geary, “Moral Obligations and Peer Pressure: ConflictR esolution in the Medieval Aristocracy,” in Claudie Duhamel-Amado and Guy Lobrichon (eds), Georges Duby: L’écriture de l’Histoire (Brussels, 1996), pp. 217-22; Emily Zack Tabuteau, “Punishments in Eleventh-century ,” in Warren C. Brown and Piotr Górecki (eds), Conflict in Medieval Europe (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 131-49; Geoffrey Koziol, “Baldwin VII of Flanders and the Toll of Saint-Vast (1111): Judgment as Ritual,” in Brown and Górecki, Conflict, pp. 151-61. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 9 might lead to more trouble later on. On the other hand a compromise in which everyone came away with something might prevent claims from being reopened, especially if benefits continued into the future, as would be the case in which a monastery granted ongoing spiritual benefits to a former opponent and his family. In some cases the very act of going to court was only part of a larger strategy, designed to make the dispute public and rally supporters. The hearing itself sometimes paved the way for a negotiated settlement and it was not unusual for cases to be withdrawn from court because a compromise had been reached. The emphasis in medieval conflict resolution was first of all on restoring peace between the contending parties and their wider kinship groups rather than imposing a preordained solution to be enforced by the court. Perhaps the Leges Henrici Primi, itself a document concerned with the rules and niceties of court procedure, said it best: “For an agreement supersedes the law and amicable settlement a court judgment.”22 The archbishops of Canterbury were no strangers to conflict in the Anglo-Norman years and we will return to the themes of mediation, negotiation and compromise many times in the course of this study. In addition to this generalized preference for compromise, Lanfranc and his successors were also heirs to a traditional concept of the relationship between the secular and religious powers that found its classic expression in the letter written in 494 by Pope Gelasius I to the Emperor Anastasius: “There are two swords, august Emperor, by which this world is chiefly ruled, namely, the sacred sword of the priests and the royal sword. Of these that of the priests is the more weighty, since they have to render an account for even the kings of men in the divine judgment.”23 The notion that authority in the world flowed from God through the church to the secular authority had a long history in the medieval world, and is echoed in a letter which Pope Gregory the Great sent to King Aethelbert of Kent on behalf of Augustine, the first archbishop of Canterbury:

Our most reverend brother Bishop Augustine, who was brought up under a monastic rule, is filled with the knowledge of the holy scriptures and endowed with good works through the grace of God; so whatever counsel he gives you, listen to it gladly, follow it earnestly and keep it carefully in mind. If you listen to him as he speaks on behalf of Almighty God, that same Almighty God will listen to him more readily as he prays for you. But if, which God forbid, you neglect his words, how can Almighty God listen to him when he speaks on your

22 Leges Henrici Primi, L.J. Downer (ed. and trans.) (Oxford, 1972), pp. 164-5, C. 49, 5a. 23 Gelasius I, Ep. 8, PL 59, col. 42; Frank Barlow, The English Church, 1066-1154 (London, 1979), pp. 269-71; Beryl Smalley, The Becket Conflict and the Schools: A Study of Intellectuals in Politics (Totowa, NJ, 1973), pp. 26-9. 10 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec

behalf, seeing that you fail to listen to him when he speaks on God’s behalf? So ally yourself to him with all your heart in fervent faith and aid his efforts with that vigor which God has bestowed on you, so that He may make you share in His kingdom, if you cause His faith to be accepted in your kingdom.24

Thus,L anfranc came to England expecting to work hand in hand with William the Conqueror to secure the proper order of society and expected that disagreements between the two of them would be settled by negotiation and compromise. Since the pattern established by Lanfranc and upheld by St. Anselm was the standard by which their successors would be judged, it is appropriate to consider in more detail the specific ways in which the model was applied during their pontificates. WhenL anfranc and Anselm arrived at Canterbury they brought with them international reputations as teachers and theologians. Lanfranc was known for his biblical commentaries on the psalms and the Pauline epistles, and he had involved himself in the controversy with Berengar of Tours over the nature of the eucharist, producing an influential treatise that was crucial in establishing the accepted doctrine on the subject.25 Schools grew up around Lanfranc, first at Bec, where he was , and afterwards at Caen, when he became the abbot of the ducal monastery of Saint-Etienne. Students came from all over Europe to study with Lanfranc, possibly including Pope Alexander II and the great canonist Ivo of Chartres.26 The school of Bec continued to flourish under Anselm, who

24 Bede, Ecclesiastical History of the English People, Bertram Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (ed. and trans.) (Oxford, 1969), pp. 112-13. 25 On the biblical commentaries, see Margaret T. Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec (Oxford, 1978), pp. 39-62; Margaret T. Gibson, “Lanfranc’s Commentary on the Pauline Epistles,” Journal of Theological Studies, new ser. 22/1 (1971): 86-112; H.E.J. Cowdrey, Lanfranc: Scholar, Monk, and Archbishop (Oxford, 2003), pp. 50-59. On the controversy with Berengar of Tours see R.W. Southern, Saint Anselm: A Portrait in a Landscape (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 43-50; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 63-97; Margaret T. Gibson, “The Case of Berengar of Tours,” in G.J. Cuming and Derek Baker (eds), Councils and Assemblies (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 61-8; R.W. Southern, “Lanfranc of Bec and Berengar of Tours,” in R.W. Hunt, W.A. Pantin and R.W. Southern (eds), Studies in Medieval History Presented to Frederick Maurice Powicke (Oxford, 1948), pp. 27-48; Cowdrey, Lanfranc, pp. 59-74; Jean de Montclos, “Lanfranc et Bérengar: les origines de la doctrine de la Transsubstantiation,” in G. D’Onofrio (ed.), Lanfranco di Pavia e l’Europa del secolo XI: nel IX centenario della morte (1089-1989): atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Pavia, Almo Collegio Borromeo, 21-24 settembre 1989) (Rome, 1993), pp. 297-326. 26 WM GP, pp. 48-51; Southern, Portrait, pp. 39-43; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 34-8; Cowdrey, Lanfranc, pp. 19-24; Sally N. Vaughn, “Lanfranc at Bec,” Albion 17/2 (Summer, 1985): 135-9; Sally N. Vaughn, “Anselm of Bec: TheP attern of His Teaching,” in Sally N. Vaughn and Jay Rubenstein (eds), Teaching and Learning in Northern Europe, 1000-1200 (Turnhout, 2006), Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 11 served there first as prior and later as abbot before his election to Canterbury in 1093.27 Anselm’s treatises on the existence and nature of God, the trinity and the incarnation continue to be studied today.28 Thus the first two Anglo-Norman archbishops of Canterbury brought with them reputations well-suited to their new roles atop the ecclesiastical and political hierarchies. Accordingly when Lanfranc arrived in England in 1070 to take up his new office, he established himself not only as the head of the English church but also as William the Conqueror’s principal advisor.29 He was among the most frequent attestors of the king’s charters, along with the greatest of the magnates and members of the king’s immediate family, and when the two men were apart, a constant stream of notifications and requests was addressed to the archbishop.30 William the Conqueror left him in charge when he returned toN ormandy between 1073 and 1075, and thus it was Lanfranc who directed the defense of England during the earls’ rebellion in 1075.31 As William the Conqueror lay on his deathbed in 1087, he wrote to Lanfranc designating his son William Rufus as his heir for England. The archbishop loyally supported Rufus during the ensuing power struggle, and it was largely due to his endorsement that Rufus was able to

pp. 99-127; David S. Spear, “The School of Caen Revisited,” Haskins Society Journal 4 (1992): 55- 66; Priscilla D. Watkins, “Lanfranc at Caen: Teaching by Example,” in Vaughn and Rubenstein, Teaching and Learning in Northern Europe, pp. 71-97. 27 S ally N. Vaughn, “Lanfranc, Anselm and the School of Bec: In Search of the Students of Bec,” in Marc Anthony Meyer (ed.), The Culture of Christendom: Essays in Medieval History in Commemoration of Denis L.T. Bethell (London, 1993), pp. 155-81. 28 WM GP, pp. 112-13, 152-3; Eadmer, The Life of St. Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, by Eadmer, R.W. Southern (ed. and trans.) (Oxford, 1962), pp. 28-31, 107; Southern, Anselm, pp. 34-121; Southern, Portrait, pp. 91-137; Giles E.M. Gasper, and His Theological Inheritance (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 107-73. 29 HN, p. 12; Barlow, English Church, pp. 279-80; Z.N. Brooke, The English Church and the Papacy: From the Conquest to the Reign of John (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 132-46. 30 Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum: The Acta of William I (1066-1087), David Bates (ed.) (Oxford, 1998). For confirmations, nos 15-16, 20, 20a, 22-3, 39, 46, 49, 53-4, 59, 60, 67-8, 106, 111, 144, 146, 151-2, 154, 156, 166-7, 175, 185, 188, 193-4, 220, 228, 250, 253, 266, 290, 303, 305-6, 317, 322, 328. Several documents mention actions taken on Lanfranc’s advice: nos 109-10, 139, 249, 277. For notifications, nos 4-5, 15-20a, 66, 72, 87-8, 102, 124, 133-4, 190, 221- 2, 265, 285, 307-8. For orders for Lanfranc to take some action, nos 83-4, 120-21, 123, 125-7, 129, 347. Also, Sally N. Vaughn, Anselm of Bec and Robert of Meulan: The Innocence of the Dove and the Wisdom of the Serpent (Berkeley, CA, 1987), pp. 156-7; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 157-9. 31 LEp, nos 31-6; ASC, 1074-5 A.D.; Liber Monasterii de Hyda, Edward Edwards (ed.), RS 45 (London, 1866), pp. 295-6; JW, pp. 24-9; WM GR, pp. 472-3; OV, vol. 2, pp. 310-23; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, p. 156; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 156-7; Cowdrey, Lanfranc, pp. 188-92. 12 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec make good his claim.32 Desperate for Lanfranc’s help, Rufus promised that he would “always follow Lanfranc’s bidding and counsel,” a commitment which he soon broke.33 Nevertheless Lanfranc’s example established a Gelasian tradition of cooperation shared between king and archbishop that his successors would do their best to uphold, sometimes under very trying circumstances.34 When Anselm became archbishop in 1093, he aimed to enjoy the same relationship with his king, William Rufus, that Lanfranc had established with William the Conqueror. He expressed the idea as follows: “You must think of the church as a plow …. In England this plow is drawn by two oxen outstanding above the rest, and these two, by drawing the plow, rule the land: the king and the archbishop of Canterbury.” However, Anselm faced a very different situation from his predecessor, and he went on to describe himself as “an old and feeble sheep harnessed in the yoke with an untamed bull.”35 In part, Anselm’s unenviable situation came about because he faced a more demanding papacy, which was beginning to intrude itself into the affairs of the secular rulers of Europe in ways that William the Conqueror and Lanfranc could have neither envisioned nor tolerated.36 Furthermore, William Rufus, and later Henry I, were very different from their father. WilliamR ufus, although personally indebted to Archbishop Lanfranc, was no friend of the church. He ruthlessly exploited the wealth of vacant bishoprics and abbacies that fell to his control37 and forbade the holding of reform councils during his reign. The king and Anselm fell out immediately after the archbishop’s consecration because Anselm wanted to make the traditional journey to Rome to obtain his archiepiscopal pallium from Pope Urban II. William Rufus was unwilling to permit this because he had not recognized either Urban II or his opponent Clement III in the current papal schism and did not intend to be forced into doing so by Anselm’s prior recognition of Urban II while abbot of Bec. The situation was finally resolved in 1095 when a , Cardinal Walter of Albano, delivered the pallium

32 OV, vol. 4, pp. 96-7, 110-11; ASC, 1088 A.D.; JW, pp. 46-7; WM GR, pp. 510-13; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 159-61. 33 HN, p. 25; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 163-4. 34 Everett U. Crosby, “The Organization of the English Episcopate Under Henry I,” in William M. Bowsky (ed.), Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 4 (Lincoln, NE, 1967), pp. 3, 27-8. 35 HN, p. 36; WM GP, pp. 120-23; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 150-51. 36 Christopher Harper-Bill, The Anglo-Norman Church (Bangor, 1992), pp. 27-8; Southern, Portrait, pp. 232-4. 37 C. Warren Hollister, “St. Anselm on Lay Investiture,” Anglo-Norman Studies 10 (1987): 148-9; C. Warren Hollister, “William Rufus, Henry I, and the Anglo-Norman Church,” Peritia 6 (1988): 119-40. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 13 to England.38 However the situation became strained again only two years later when Anselm, weary of the king’s refusal to allow him to hold a reforming council, departed for Rome to seek the pope’s advice. He remained in exile on the continent until recalled by Rufus’s successor Henry I in 1100.39 From this it might seem that the idea of cooperation between archbishop and king was moot during the reign of William Rufus. However, a closer examination of Anselm’s conduct during the two years of relative peace between the two men tells a different story.O nce the pallium issue had been resolved, Anselm threw himself into his new role as Rufus’s chief mainstay and adviser. During that time, he served as the military commander for the south of England while Rufus was engaged in putting down the baronial revolt in Northumberland.40 Not only did he refrain from immediately pressing the king regarding the holding of a reform council at this busy time, but when Walter of Albano attempted to force the issue, Anselm put him off, pleading his more urgent military responsibilities.41 He also contributed generously when the king levied a special tax on all English landholders in order to raise the funds to obtain the custody of Normandy from Duke Robert Curthose when the latter departed on the First Crusade.42 When William Rufus was killed in a hunting accident in the New Forest in 1100, his younger brother Henry dashed to Winchester to seize the royal treasury. He immediately sent a letter to the exiled Anselm asking him to return, but desperate to forestall the plots of those barons who preferred his elder brother Duke Robert Curthose of Normandy as the next king, Henry had himself crowned by the bishop of London before Anselm could return from the continent.43 Had Anselm wished to demand his primatial rights, he might have declared the coronation invalid and even thrown his own support behind the Norman duke. He did neither, despite the fact that he immediately faced a conflict with the new king over the issue of investitures. While in exile on the continent, Anselm had attended a papal synod at Easter 1099 and had heard for himself the papal ban on prelates performing homage to secular rulers and receiving investiture at their hands.44 When Henry I demanded the customary

38 AEp, no. 176; HN, pp. 52-3; WM GP, pp. 135-43; Southern, Anselm, pp. 130-32. 39 AEp, nos 206, 210; HN, pp. 79-117; WM GP, pp. 144-67; JW, pp. 86-7; Eadmer, Life of St. Anselm, pp. 88-124; Southern, Anselm, pp. 160-63; Barlow, English Church, pp. 287-92. 40 AEp, nos 191-2; Frank Barlow, William Rufus (Berkeley, CA, 1983), pp. 348-51. 41 AEp, nos 191-2; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 193-4. 42 HN, pp. 74-5. 43 HN, pp. 118-20; AEp, no. 212. 44 HN, p. 114; JW, pp. 90-91; Eadmer, Life of St. Anselm, pp. 126-7; Hollister, “St. Anselm on Lay Investiture,” pp. 145-58; Southern, Anselm, pp. 165-7; Henry Mayr-Harting, Religion, 14 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec homage from Anselm, the archbishop had no choice but to refuse. An open conflict between king and archbishop at this critical time, withH enry’s hold on the throne still precarious, could have had disastrous consequences. However, Anselm agreed to work with the king, consenting to a truce while messengers went back and forth between Rome and England, seeking a compromise with the pope that would allow England to continue observing its traditional customs.45 This is not the place to rehearse the details of the tortured maneuverings between king and archbishop, as that has been covered in the works of Sally Vaughn and Sir Richard Southern and receives a fresh look in Vaughn’s contribution to this series.46 However, a brief account of a few key incidents will clearly show that Anselm attempted to cooperate with the king as best he could during this difficult time and to preserve the tradition that his predecessorL anfranc had established. For example when a third set of messengers returned to England from Rome in March 1103, they brought with them a letter from Pope Paschal II demanding the excommunication of the bishops who had received investiture from the king while the negotiations were in progress. However, undoubtedly having been informed of the contents of the missive by the messengers, Anselm chose to leave this letter unopened.47 At the king’s behest, he left for Rome, accompanied by veteran diplomat William Warelwast, in April 1103 and did not open the papal letters until he was safely on the continent, when it was clearly too late for him to perform the required excommunications, thus avoiding forcing the king’s hand at this critical juncture.48 Unfortunately when the two men arrived in Rome, they found Paschal II determined not to yield on the question of investitures, and now that Anselm had heard the decision from the pope’s own lips, he no longer had any pretext for delay or disobedience. To make matters worse, while the two envoys were spending Christmas at Lyon on their way home, William Warelwast informed Anselm of a secret that he

Politics and Society in Britain, 1066-1272 (London, 2011), pp. 49-53. 45 AEp, nos 214-15; HN, pp. 119-21; WM GP, pp. 172-5; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 218-23. 46 AEp, nos 216-20, 222, 224, 280; HN, pp. 126-44; WM GP, pp. 174-7, 190-95; JW, pp. 102-3; CS, no. 113, pp. 668-88; Southern, Anselm, pp. 167-76; R.W. Southern, “Sally Vaughn’s Anselm: An Examination of the Foundations,” Albion 20/2 (Summer, 1988): 181-204; Sally N. Vaughn, “St. Anselm and the English Investiture Controversy Reconsidered,” Journal of Medieval History 6/1 (Mar., 1980): 61-86; Sally N. Vaughn, “Anselm: Saint and Statesman,” Albion 20/2 (Summer, 1988): 205-20; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 214-312; Sally N. Vaughn, Archbishop Anselm 1093-1109: Bec Missionary, Canterbury Primate, Patriarch of Another World (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012). Also C. Warren Hollister, Henry I, edited and completed by Amanda Clark Frost (New Haven, CT, 2001), pp. 164-6. 47 HN, pp. 147-9; AEp, no. 281. 48 HN, pp. 149-51; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 255-9. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 15 had been carrying with him throughout their long journey together: if the investiture issue was not decided in the king’s favor so that Anselm would be willing to do homage and consecrate the invested bishops-elect, the archbishop would not be permitted to return to England.49 Faced with this ultimatum Anselm settled down on the continent and attempted to construct a resolution of the investiture issue via a voluminous correspondence with the king, the pope and various other allies.50 A tiny sample of the correspondence illustrates the fact that the king and the archbishop bent over backwards to show respect for one another during this difficult time.F or example Henry mourned the fact that Anselm could not be with him “like your predecessor Lanfranc was with my father for many years.”51 In reply Anselm wrote: “There is no mortal king or prince with whomI would rather live or whom I would rather serve.”52 By mid-1104 the situation had become more complicated, because Henry I was setting the stage for a final show-down with his brotherR obert Curthose for possession of the duchy of Normandy. During the confrontation Henry had taken care to position himself as the savior of a Norman church suffering under his brother’s neglect, a stance that would be difficult to sustain while his own archbishop of Canterbury languished in exile on the continent.53 Seizing the opportunity, Paschal notified Henry that his case would be heard at a synod to be held in Rome during Lent 1105.54 At that gathering, Paschal II excommunicated Robert of Meulan, the king’s other principal counselors and the bishops whom Henry had invested. The pope delayed the excommunication of the king himself because he expected the envoys from England to arrive by Easter.55 By April 1105 Anselm had learned of the pope’s action and he hastened north, ostensibly to perform the excommunication of the king himself.56 However, while on his way he received a message from King Henry’s sister, Countess Adela of Blois, saying that she was gravely ill and asking him to visit her at Blois. When he arrived there he found the countess much recovered. The two went on toL aigle together, where Adela arranged a meeting with her brother that led to the resolution of

49 HN, pp. 152-3; Eadmer, Life of St. Anselm, pp. 127-8; AEp, no. 308; WM GP, pp. 180-83. 50 AEp, nos 316-21, 323, 329-31, 338-42, 346-50. For analysis, see Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 265-80. 51 AEp, no. 318. 52 AEp, no. 319. 53 Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 265-312; Barlow, English Church, pp. 299-300. 54 AEp, no. 351. 55 HN, p. 163; AEp, no. 353. Also no. 354 ordering Gerard of York to publicize the excommunications in England. 56 HN, pp. 163-4; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 287-9. 16 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec the controversy: the king would cease investing clerics with the symbols of their ecclesiastical office but would continue to receive their homage for the secular property that went along with their positions.57 Although Anselm remained on the continent until the pope approved the compromise, he took it upon himself to revoke Robert of Meulan’s excommunication without waiting for papal approval.58 It might be argued that Anselm took advantage of Henry’s precarious position during the contest for Normandy to force a settlement of the investiture controversy. However, one might equally well interpret Anselm’s action as a desperate attempt to forge a compromise that would rescue the king from the danger of excommunication just on the eve of his confrontation with his brother. By 1107 the compromise had received papal approval and Anselm settled into his role as one of the king’s chief advisers. He attested nine of the king’s charters during this period and when the king undertook a major series of legal reforms, Eadmer, the archbishop’s companion and biographer, recorded that these were done “on the advice of Anselm and the great men of the realm.”59 In return Anselm received the king’s backing in the holding of a second primatial council in May 1108, which dealt primarily with the enforcement of clerical celibacy.60 In July 1108 when King Henry departed for Normandy, he left Anselm behind as regent in his place.61 Despite the harmony between the king and the archbishop during Anselm’s last two years in office, it is evident that he did not enjoy the same kind of smooth working relationship with William Rufus and Henry I that Lanfranc had had with William the Conqueror. Nevertheless, during the best times when ecclesiastical conflicts did not intrude, Anselm whole-heartedly threw himself into his role as the king’s chief supporter and advisor. And at the worst time, at the height of the investiture controversy, the archbishop tried to broker a compromise as long as he could, accepting exile only when he had no other choice. Throughout the conflict Anselm andH enry I remained

57 HN, pp. 164-6; AEp, nos 364, 388-9; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 289-92; Sally N. Vaughn, St. Anselm and the Handmaidens of God: A Study of Anselm’s Correspondence with Women (Turnhout, 2002), pp. 244-6; Southern, Anselm, pp. 176-7; Lynn Barker, “Ivo of Chartres and Anselm of Canterbury,” Anselm Studies 2/2 (1988): 16-17; Norman F. Cantor, Church, Kingship and Lay Investiture in England 1089-1135 (Princeton, NJ, 1958), pp. 202-27; A.L. Poole, From Domesday Book to Magna Carta, 1087-1216, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1955), p. 179; Mayr-Harting, Religion, Politics and Society, pp. 53-4. 58 AEp, no. 388. 59 Regesta 2, nos 826, 828, 831-3, 881, 885, 894. No. 880 records the results of a lawsuit heard before the king and the archbishop. On the legal reforms, see HN, p. 192. 60 HN, pp. 193-5; CS, no. 115, pp. 689-704. 61 HN, p. 197; AEp, nos 461-2. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 17 understanding of each other’s positions and personally respectful. Their relative restraint insured that Canterbury’s Gelasian tradition of cooperation, though somewhat tattered by all that had taken place, remained intact to be passed down to their successors. As we shall see, not only did subsequent archbishops follow the model constructed by Lanfranc and Anselm, but the archbishops of York and the other English bishops were also strongly influenced by this tradition of cooperation between secular lords and senior ecclesiastics. Furthermore Lanfranc brought another concept to England which would profoundly influence the post-Conquest church and dictate the conduct of his successors in years to come. He arrived in his new position with a definite idea of the position of the church of Canterbury within the Anglo-Norman realm, a concept radically different from the arrangement that had prevailed under his predecessors. According to Bede, when Pope Gregory the Great dispatched St. Augustine on his mission to England, he determined that there would be two archbishoprics in England, one in the south at London and another in the north at York, with the archbishop who had been consecrated first taking precedence over the other.62 Pope Honorius I further decreed that when a new archbishop was elected, he would be consecrated by his opposite number.63 However Lanfranc believed that the entire English church should be unified under the , a concept which he had no trouble convincing William the Conqueror to accept. As Margaret Gibson has pointed out, William was challenged throughout his reign by members of the local nobility, and the growth of regional churches under the leadership of strong local bishops could have contributed to the fragmentation of the Anglo-Norman realm. Moreover, a Scandinavian invader entering England from the north might find an independent archbishop of York willing to crown him king of England.64 In practice Lanfranc’s concept meant two things: first, he and his successors would be the primates of all England, exercising their authority over the archbishop of York. Secondly, they would also have authority over the bishops of Ireland and Wales, with immediate jurisdiction over Scotland having been delegated to the archbishop of York.65

62 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, pp. 104-7. 63 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, pp. 194-7; Jaffé, no. 2020. 64 HC, pp. 4-5; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 130-31; Raymonde Foreville, “Lanfranc et la politique ecclésiastique de Guillaume le Conquérant,” in G. D’Onofrio (ed.), Lanfranco di Pavia e l’Europa del secolo XI, pp. 411-12. 65 Regesta William I, Bates (ed.), nos. 67-8; LEp, no. 3; H.E.J. Cowdrey, “Lanfranc, the Papacy, and the See of Canterbury,” in D’Onofrio (ed.), Lanfranco di Pavia e l’Europa del secolo XI, pp. 464-71. 18 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec

The long-running dispute regarding Canterbury’s primacy over York began in the fall of 1070 with the first consecration that Lanfranc was called upon to perform, that of Thomas of Bayeux to the see of York. Lanfranc demanded a written profession of obedience from Thomas, similar to the ones that were routinely given by Canterbury’s suffragan bishops, but Thomas stoutly refused.66 At the same time Lanfranc soundly rejected York’s claim to authority over the bishoprics of Worcester, Dorchester and Lichfield, which had traditionally been subject to Canterbury. Gaining the allegiance of these bishoprics would have been a major victory for Thomas of York, because he had only the bishop of Durham subject to him and thus did not have enough sufragans to perform his own consecrations without the loan of someone whose allegiance was to Canterbury. The king was at first inclined to support Thomas on the issue of the profession of obedience, since there was absolutely no precedent for Lanfranc’s demand, but the archbishop of Canterbury prevailed upon him to refer the matter to Rome. In the meantime Thomas consented to make a profession of obedience to Lanfranc personally and so the archbishop was willing to perform the disputed consecration. The two men journeyed together toR ome in the fall of 1071, where Pope Alexander II granted them their palliums. Because the question of the allegiance of the three bishoprics touched upon the king’s interests, the pope referred both matters back to England for settlement, sending his own representative, the legate Hubert, along with the returning archbishops.67 The matter was decided generally inL anfranc’s favor at meetings held at Easter 1072 with Canterbury retaining jurisdiction over the three bishoprics that York had claimed. By way of compensation the archbishop of York received jurisdiction over Scotland.68 However, the primacy issue was not fully settled, for although Thomas of York swore obedience to Lanfranc and his successors as archbishop of Canterbury, nothing was said about future archbishops of York . 69 A new papal privilege was needed, one that would unequivocally affirm Canterbury’s primacy over York. Lanfranc composed a long letter to the pope

66 HC, pp. 6-9; WM GP, pp. 50-53; Cowdrey, “Lanfranc, the Papacy, and the See of Canterbury,” pp. 460-62; Foreville, “Lanfranc et la politique ecclésiastique,” pp. 412-14; Mayr- Harting, Religion, Politics and Society, pp. 29-32. 67 WM GP, pp. 52-5; Cowdrey, “Lanfranc, the Papacy, and the See of Canterbury,” pp. 463-4. 68 Regesta William I, Bates (ed.), nos. 67-8, 177; LEp, no. 3; Cowdrey, “Lanfranc, the Papacy, and the See of Canterbury,” pp. 464-71; Martin Brett, “Gundulf and the Cathedral Communities of Canterbury and Rochester,” in Richard Eales and Richard Sharpe (eds), Canterbury and the : Churches, Saints and Scholars 1066-1109 (London, 1995), pp. 23-5; C.N.L. Brooke, “Archbishop Lanfranc, the English Bishops, and the Council of London of 1075,” Studia Gratiana 12 (1967): 39-60. 69 CP, no. 34. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 19 in which he set forth the justification for Canterbury’s claim.70 The pope’s reply has been lost, but a letter from Hildebrand, the future Gregory VII, informed Lanfranc that such a privilege could not be granted unless the petitioner appeared in Rome to present his case in person.71 This the archbishop declined to do, and there the matter rested for the remainder of his pontificate.72 Nevertheless the two archbishops cooperated for the rest of the reign. Lanfranc assisted Archbishop Thomas of York in 1073 when EarlP aul of Orkney sent his candidate for bishop of Orkney to York for consecration. Since Thomas did not have the two suffragans needed to perform the consecration himself,L anfranc instructed Wulfstan of Worcester and Peter of Chester to assist Thomas, without prejudice either to their own allegiance to Canterbury or to Thomas’s jurisdiction over Orkney.73 The incident shows that Lanfranc and Thomas of York had managed to establish a satisfactory working relationship despite the unresolved primacy issue. In general Thomas of York seems to have settled into his subordinate position, perhaps accepting the situation because he had once been Lanfranc’s student.74 Since the issue of the Canterbury primacy over York had not been definitively settled under Lanfranc, Anselm faced the same problem when Gerard of Hereford was translated to York in April 1100. However, since Gerard was already a bishop, Anselm could not force him to make a profession of obedience in order to obtain consecration.75 Nevertheless over the next several years Anselm obtained several papal privileges confirming his primacy and commanding the archbishop of York to make his profession to Canterbury, including a letter from Pope Paschal II containing the most definitive endorsement that Canterbury was ever to receive:

In a previous letter addressed to you from the Apostolic See, we granted you the primacy of the Church of Canterbury as fully as it is known to have been held by your predecessors. Now … that primacy and all the dignity and authority, which, as is well known, attach to that holy Church of Canterbury, we confirm … both

70 LEp, no. 3; WM GP, pp. 56-61. 71 LEp, no. 6; Cowdrey, “Lanfranc, the Papacy, and the See of Canterbury,” pp. 472-3. 72 Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 116-21; Cowdrey, Lanfranc, pp. 87-103; H.E.J. Cowdrey, “Pope Gregory VII and the Anglo-Norman Church and Kingdom,” in H.E.J. Cowdrey (ed.), Popes, Monks and Crusaders (London, 1984), pp. 89-96; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 159-63. 73 LEp, nos 12-13; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, p. 125; Cowdrey, Lanfranc, p. 147; Raymonde Foreville, L’Eglise et la Royauté en Angleterre sous Henri II Plantagenet (1154-1189) (Paris, 1943), p. 46. 74 Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 145-6. 75 AEp, nos 214, 220; HC, pp. 22-3. 20 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec

to you and your lawful successors as your predecessors from St. Augustine’s time have undoubtedly held them by the authority of the Apostolic See.76

The primacy issue was raised again at the Westminster council in 1107, when Anselm had returned to England to take his rightful place at the king’s side. At the council King Henry proposed a mutually acceptable compromise: both sides would agree that Gerard’s original profession as remained in effect and Gerard would promise that as archbishop of York he would render the same obedience to Anselm as he had done as bishop of Hereford.77 Naturally the primacy dispute flared up again when Gerard died the following year. His successor Thomas II embarked on a series of delaying tactics, explaining in a series of letters to Anselm the various reasons why he could not immediately come to Canterbury for his consecration.78 One of these is particularly revealing, for Thomas wrote that while he himself was willing to make a personal submission to Anselm, the cathedral chapter at York had forbidden him to profess on behalf of the church of York and had threatened to withdraw their obedience from him and take their case to the papal court.79 This illustrates the dilemma that succeeding archbishops would also face. When Lanfranc introduced the concept of the primacy, he was breaking new ground for the English church, but by the time his successors faced the problem, the cause had been taken up by the cathedral chapters, which often tried to force their archbishops to adopt more extreme positions than they would otherwise have taken. As letters continued to pass back and forth between the parties, a York delegation departed for Rome to bring back a papal legate bearing a pallium for the new archbishop.80 In the meantime the king proposed a truce between the two archbishops to last until April 1109.81 By that time Anselm lay dying, and one of his last acts was to prepare letters suspending Thomas from the priesthood altogether until he made his profession to Canterbury. Moreover he forbade the bishops of England on pain of excommunication from consecrating him.82 Anselm died on April 21, 1109, just a few weeks before Henry I returned from Normandy and the papal legate, Cardinal Ulrich, arrived with the York

76 AEp, no. 303. See also AEp, nos 222, 283, 304; WM GP, pp. 392-3; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, p. 261; Hollister, Henry I, pp. 150-51. 77 HN, pp. 186-7; JW, pp. 110-13; CP, no. 53 for his original profession at Hereford; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 335-6; Southern, Anselm, pp. 135-7; Southern, Portrait, pp. 340-43. 78 HN, pp. 199-206; AEp, nos 443-5, 451, 453-6; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 337-9. 79 AEp, nos 453-4; HC, pp. 26-33. 80 HC, pp. 34-9; AEp, nos 455-6, 462, 464-5, 467. 81 AEp, no. 470. 82 AEp, nos 471-2; HN, p. 206; WM GP, pp. 394-7. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 21 pallium, which he had been instructed to deliver to Anselm. No one was willing to incur the excommunication that Anselm had threatened and so Archbishop Thomas finally surrendered and made his profession of obedience to the church of Canterbury, rather than to a named archbishop, since the see was vacant. He was then consecrated by Bishop Richard of London, assisted by a group of Canterbury suffragan bishops and Ranulf of Durham.83 Anselm had raised the Canterbury primacy to the highest level it would ever attain and had obtained the strongest confirmation of his primacy from the pope. However even Paschal II’s letter84 fell short of a definitive papal privilege that would forever subjugate the archbishop of York to the metropolitan of Canterbury and so the same question was bound to come up again under the successors of Anselm of Canterbury and ThomasI I of York. The concept of the primacy of Canterbury also meant that the archbishop would have authority over the bishops of Ireland and Wales. Lanfranc exercised limited influence inI reland, consecrating two bishops of Dublin, Patrick in 1074 and Donngus in 1085. He also corresponded with King Guthric of Dublin and with King Toirrdelbach and Bishop Domnall of Munster on matters of theology and church discipline.85 Anselm also successfully exercised primatial authority over the bishops of Ireland.86 Early in his pontificate he wrote to Bishops Domnall of Cashel and Donngus of Dublin, reminding them to send any doubtful or disputed cases to him for resolution.87 He consecrated two Irish bishops, Samuel of Dublin and Malchus of Waterford, and later wrote to Samuel to admonish him regarding the proper conduct of a bishop.88 It is

83 HN, pp. 207-11; HC, pp. 38-53; WM GP, pp. 396-9; CP, no. 62; Southern, Anselm, pp. 138-9. 84 See above pp. 19-20, n. 76. 85 LEp, nos 9-10, 49; CP, nos 36, 42; J.A. Watt, The Church and the Two Nations in Medieval Ireland (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 5-12. Cowdrey, Lanfranc, pp. 144-6; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 122-5; Aubrey Gwynn, “Lanfranc and the Irish Church,” The Irish Ecclesiastical Record57 (1941): 497-500; Marie Therese Flanagan, The Transformation of the Irish Church in the Twelfth Century (Woodbridge, 2010), pp. 31-2; Mark Philpott, “Some Interactions between the English and Irish Churches,” Anglo-Norman Studies 20 (1998): 190-93; Martin Brett, “Canterbury’s Perspective on Church Reform and Ireland, 1070-1115,” in Damian Bracken and Dagmar O’Rian-Raedel (eds), Ireland and Europe in the Twelfth Century (Dublin, 2006), pp. 18-25. 86 Southern, Anselm, pp. 133-5; Southern, Portrait, pp. 338-9; Brett, English Church, pp. 31-3; Aubrey Gwynn, “St. Anselm and the Irish Church,” The Irish Ecclesiastical Record 59 (1942): 1-14. 87 AEp, no. 198; Flanagan, Transformation of the Irish Church, p. 40; Brett, “Canterbury’s Perspective,” pp. 25-7. 88 HN, pp. 73-4, 76-7; CP, nos 51, 54; AEp, nos 277-8; Flanagan, Transformation of the Irish Church, pp. 50-51; Philpott, “Interactions,” pp. 198-201. 22 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec significant that the bishops consecrated to Irish sees by Lanfranc and Anselm were not strangers to the Anglo-Norman world. Patrick of Dublin had close ties to Worcester, although he had probably not been a monk there. His successor Donngus came from Canterbury itself. Similarly Samuel of Dublin had been at St Albans and Malchus of Waterford was previously a monk at Winchester.89 Another Irish bishop, Gilbert of Limerick, was not consecrated at Canterbury, but was nevertheless not immune to its reforming influences. His correspondence with Anselm indicates that he met the archbishop in Rouen, a visit which Flanagan dates to 1106.90 Gilbert later authored a treatise on the hierarchical organization of the church which is notable for its supposition that an archbishop should be subject to a primate, a view that accorded well with Canterbury’s concern to uphold its own primatial authority.91 Anselm corresponded with King Murchertach regarding the reform of the Irish church, an effort which culminated in the holding of a reform council presided over by the bishop of Munster acting as papal legate at Cashel in 1101.92 As Vaughn has pointed out, the reform of the Irish church initiated by Anselm was so successful that it resulted in the permanent separation of that church from Canterbury.93 Thus subsequent archbishops ofC anterbury had only limited contact with the Irish church. In Wales, however, the archbishop’s influence and authority would prove more permanent. William the Conqueror traveled to Wales in 1081 to secure the homage of the Welsh princes and met with the clergy at St. David’s. The clergy there claimed a primacy over the Welsh church entirely equal to that of Canterbury over England, a claim which was summarily dismissed by the Conqueror.94 However it was left toS t. Anselm to begin the process of establishing the practical authority of Canterbury over the Welsh church. He first exerted

89 Watt, Medieval Ireland, pp. 6-9. On Patrick of Dublin, see Brett, “Canterbury’s Perspective,” p. 33. 90 AEp, nos 428-9; Flanagan, Transformation of the Irish Church, pp. 45-53; Philpott, “Interactions,” pp. 201-4; Aubrey Gwynn, “The Diocese of Limerick in the Twelfth Century,” North Munster Antiquarian Journal 5/2-3 (1946-7): 35-7; See Dom Hubert Janssens de Varebeke, “Benedictine Bishops in Medieval Ireland,” in Etienne Rynne (ed.), North Munster Studies: Essays in Commemoration of Monsignor Michael Moloney (Limerick, 1967), pp. 245-6 for the suggestion that Gilbert may have been a monk at Westminster who had studied under Anselm at Bec. This is unlikely since Gilbert did not die until 1145. 91 Flanagan, Transformation of the Irish Church, pp. 54-83; Brett, “Canterbury’s Perspective,” pp. 30-32; John Fleming, Gille of Limerick (Dublin, 2001). Fleming’s work includes the text and translation of his subject’s known writings. 92 AEp, nos 201-2, 426-7; Watt, Medieval Ireland, pp. 11-12. 93 Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 333-4; Brett, English Church, pp. 32-3. 94 Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 29-30. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 23 his rights in Wales by suspending Bishops Wilfrid of St. David’s and Herewald of Llandaff. He later restored Wilfrid to his position and consecrated Urban, a priest of the diocese of Worcester and archdeacon of Llandaff, as in 1107.95 He wrote to Earl Robert of Shrewsbury and an assortment of other Norman nobles with lands in Wales ordering them to obey Bishop Wilfrid and to respect his lands.96 As we shall see, succeeding archbishops of Canterbury would be largely successful in retaining their authority over the Welsh church, even during the difficult period of KingS tephen’s reign. Lanfranc also sought to limit papal authority in England and to prevent papal legates from intervening in English affairs.97 In the early years of the reign, William the Conqueror’s relationship with the papacy was cordial and he permitted legates to operate in England as long as they were useful to him. TheC onqueror had invaded England carrying a papal banner.98 A papal legate, Ermenfrid of Sion, held councils at Winchester and Windsor in the spring of 1070 at which appointments were made to the sees of York and Winchester. The legate and the council at Winchester also deposedS tigand, the reigning archbishop of Canterbury, for having seized the archbishopric from the previous archbishop, Robert of Jumièges, for holding the archbishopric in plurality with the see of Winchester, and later for having accepted a pallium from the simoniacal Pope Benedict X.99 Two years later another legate, the lector Hubert, attended the royal councils at Winchester and Windsor at which the primacy dispute was settled.100 However, the Conqueror had his limits. Orderic told the story of the dispossessed abbot of Saint-Évroul, Robert of Grandmesnil, who went to Rome in 1061 to seek help from Pope Nicholas II. The pope eventually sent him back to his monastery with two cardinals to help him take back the abbey from the ducal candidate, one Osbern, whose promotion Lanfranc had advised. The duke

95 For Wilfrid see HN, p. 72 and Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents Relating to Welsh Dioceses, 1066-1272, James Conway Davies (ed.) (2 vols, Historical Society of the Church in Wales, 1946-8), vol. 1, p. 64; for Urban, see HN, p. 187, CP, no. 59 and Episcopal Acts, vol. 1, pp. 33, 58, 125-6; Southern, Anselm, pp. 132-3; John Reuben Davies, “Aspects of Church Reform in Wales, c. 1093-c. 1223,” Anglo-Norman Studies 30 (2008): 86-8. 96 AEp, no. 270. 97 Brooke, The English Church and the Papacy, pp. 132-46; Harper-Bill, Anglo-Norman Church, pp. 21-6. 98 OV, vol. 2, pp. 142-3; William of Poitiers, Histoire de Guillaume le Conquérant, Raymonde Foreville (ed. and trans.) (Paris, 1952), pp. 154-5; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 111, 132. 99 LEp, no. 1; JW, pp. 10-15; CS, no. 87, pp. 577-81; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, p. 132; H.E.J. Cowdrey, “Bishop Ermenfrid of Sion and the Penitential Ordinance Following the Battle of Hastings,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 20/2 (Oct., 1969): 225-42; Cowdrey, “Lanfranc, the Papacy, and the See of Canterbury,” pp. 452-6. 100 Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, pp. 119-20, 133. 24 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec responded angrily that he would welcome legates from the pope, his universal father, in matters of faith and religion but if any Norman monk lodged a plea against his interest, he would find himself hanging by his cowl from the highest oak tree available.101 Influenced byL anfranc, William decreed that no one could recognize a pope or even accept a papal letter without royal permission.102 The relationship definitely soured with the reign of Pope Gregory VII as that pope began to take a more active role in the affairs of the Anglo-Norman church, deposing, censuring or suspending almost the entire episcopate of Normandy within the space of the two years 1078-80.103 Lanfranc’s attitude toward Gregory as betrayed in his correspondence was distant and cool and he refused Gregory’s frequent demands that he come to Rome.104 By the time the activist pope turned his attention to England, William and Lanfranc were ready for him, and when the pope ordered the English and Norman bishops to attend the Lenten synod to be held in March 1080, the king refused to allow his clergy to go, a position he maintained for the rest of his reign. When the legate Hubert requested payment of Peter’s Pence, he also asked the king to swear fealty to the pope for England. William agreed to the payment without question but absolutely rejected the demand for fealty.105 Subsequent legates fared no better. Lanfranc discouraged Hugo Candidas from coming as the legate of the anti-pope Clement III.106 And it is not clear that Urban II’s legate, the cardinal subdeacon Roger, was ever admitted to England carrying a similar letter from his candidate.107 When Odo of Bayeux and later William of Saint-Calais were accused of treason, both tried to claim that as bishops, they could be tried only by the pope. Lanfranc

101 OV, vol. 2, pp. 94-5. 102 HN, p. 10. 103 Gregory VII, Das Register Gregors VII, Erich Caspar (ed.) (2 vols, Berlin, 1967). For Juhel of Dol, vol. 2, pt 1, book 4, nos 4-5, pp. 300-303; no. 17, pp. 322-3; pt. 2, book 5, nos 22-3, pp. 385-8. For John of Rouen, vol. 2, pt 2, book 5, no. 19, pp. 382-3; book 6, nos 34-5, pp. 447-52. For William Bona Anima, vol. 2, pt. 2, book 9, no. 1, pp. 568-9. For Arnold of LeMans, vol. 2, pt. 2, book 7, nos 22-3, pp. 499-502. For the bishops generally, vol. 2, pt. 2, book 9, no. 5, pp. 579-80. Also Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, p. 134. 104 LEp, no. 38; Cowdrey, Lanfranc, pp. 197-202; H.E.J. Cowdrey, “The Enigma of Archbishop Lanfranc,” Haskins Society Journal 6 (1995): 138-40; Cowdrey, “Lanfranc, the Papacy, and the See of Canterbury,” pp. 475-82; Foreville, “Lanfranc et la politique ecclésiastique,” pp. 418-20. 105 LEp, no. 39; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, p. 135; Cowdrey, Lanfranc, p. 201; Cowdrey, “Gregory VII,” pp. 89-92; Z.N. Brooke, “Pope Gregory VII’s Demand for Fealty from William the Conqueror,” EHR 26/102 (Apr., 1911): 225-38. 106 LEp, no. 52; Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec, p. 138; Cowdrey, “Gregory VII,” pp. 109-12; F. Lieberman, “Lanfranc and the Antipope,” EHR 16/62 (Apr., 1901): 328-32. 107 Jaffé, no. 5351; Gibson,Lanfranc of Bec, p. 138. Introduction: The English Church as Anselm Left It 25 excluded them from papal jurisdiction by replying that they were not being tried as bishops but rather as tenants-in-chief of the crown, who were answerable only to the crown.108 Anselm attempted to maintain the same distant relationship with Rome that Lanfranc had established, despite the fact that he faced a more active and demanding papacy than his predecessor could ever have envisioned.109 As noted above, Pope Urban II dispatched a legate, Cardinal Walter of Albano, to England bearing Anselm’s archiepiscopal pallium because King William Rufus had prevented his archbishop from making the traditional visit to Rome. Anselm declined to acknowledge the legate’s authority by refusing to accept the pallium from his hands, insisting upon picking it up from the altar instead.110 Later, when the cardinal pressed Anselm to conduct a reform council, the latter put him off, pleading other responsibilities and noting that he was perfectly capable of doing so himself at a more convenient later date.111 At this time, in return for his recognition of Pope Urban II, William Rufus obtained a concession that no legate would come to England unless requested by the king.112 During his 1099 visit to Rome, Urban II granted legatine powers to Anselm at least informally.113 Anselm protested loudly when Urban’s successor, Paschal II, sent Archbishop Guy of Vienne to England in 1100 and Eadmer haughtily remarked that “he was not recognized by anyone as legate.”114 Two subsequent papal envoys, John of Tusculum and Tiberius, the papal chamberlain, were carefully described as messengers (nuntii) and came and went without accomplishing anything, although they did participate in the king’s court at Windsor in September 1101.115 Anselm was helped in this matter by the pope’s desire to bolster his resolve during the investiture contest and by 1102 Anselm had received a letter from Paschal II declaring that he was to be “subject only to our judgment and not at any time to that of any legate.”116 Thus to all appearances Anselm had maintained intact Lanfranc’s barrier against papal intervention. However, the reform papacy had made demands which no previous archbishop had had

108 Christopher Harper-Bill, “The Anglo-Norman Church,” in Christopher Harper-Bill and Elizabeth Van Houts (eds), A Companion to the Anglo-Norman World (Woodbridge, 2003), p. 180; Cowdrey, “Enigma,” pp. 142-52. 109 Southern, Portrait, pp. 335-6; Hollister, Henry I, pp. 147-8. 110 JW, pp. 74-7. 111 AEp, no. 191. 112 Hugh of Flavigny, Chronicon, MGH Scriptores 8, p. 475. 113 AEp, no. 214; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 209-10. 114 AEp, no. 214; HN, p. 126. 115 Regesta 2, nos 544, 547, 548; Vaughn, Anselm of Bec, pp. 227-9, 236-7. 116 AEp, no. 222. 26 Archbishops Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec to face. Anselm had appealed to the pope for support in both the investiture contest and the primacy dispute with the archbishop of York. A door had appeared in Lanfranc’s wall and subsequent archbishops would be hard pressed to keep that door closed. To summarize, when Lanfranc answered William the Conqueror’s call to become archbishop of Canterbury in 1070, he brought with him to England several radical new ideas about the position of the archbishop relative to the pope, the king and his fellow bishops. Anselm largely upheld these ideals, although he faced a more demanding papacy and did not have the same harmonious relationship with the two kings with whom he served that Lanfranc had enjoyed with William the Conqueror. Nevertheless, despite Anselm’s difficulties under William Rufus and Henry I, the Gelasian tradition of cooperation between king and archbishop remained intact. He obtained the most definitive papal statement regarding the Canterbury primacy that any archbishop was ever to receive, and he extended the authority of Canterbury into Ireland and Wales. Even though Anselm was forced to depend upon papal support in the investiture contest and the primacy dispute, he successfully prevented papal legates from operating in England during his tenure in office. In a word, Anselm had more than satisfactorily maintained and enhanced the Canterbury tradition. However by 1114, when Henry I came to fill the see of Canterbury after a five year vacancy following Anselm’s death, he had probably grown tired of famous and independent-minded archbishops and was looking for a fundamentally different type of candidate, one who would be quiet, loyal and compliant. While Ralph d’Escures, William of Corbeil and Theobald of Bec had certainly enjoyed respectable ecclesiastical careers before coming to Canterbury, they were simply not of the same stature as their predecessors. Ralph d’Escures had been abbot of Séez in Normandy and was at the time of his election to Canterbury in 1114. William of Corbeil was an Augustinian canon and prior of St. Osyth’s when he became archbishop nine years later. Theobald had been abbot of Bec for little more than a year before he was elected in 1139. None of these men enjoyed a reputation as a theologian; only Ralph d’Escures is known to have written a theological work, a tract on devotion to the Virgin Mary, which is closely dependent upon Anselm’s thought and in fact was long thought to have been written by the latter.117 These were the men entrusted with the maintenance of the illustrious Canterbury tradition established by Archbishop Lanfranc and upheld by St. Anselm. How well they succeeded in accomplishing their task is the theme of the chapters that follow.

117 Herbert Thurston, “Abbot Anselm ofB ury and the Immaculate Conception,” The Month (Jun., 1904): 561-73; Dom André Wilmart, “Les homélies attribuées à S. Anselme,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen age 2 (1927): 5-29. References De Abbatibus Abbendoniae , in Joseph Stevenson (ed.), Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon , RS 2 (2 vols, London: Longmans, 1858), vol. 2, pt 2, pp. 267-295. Acta Lanfranci , in J. Earle and C. Plummer (eds), Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel (2 vols, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892-8), vol. 1, pp. 287-292. Aelred of Rievaulx , Relatio Venerabilis Aelredi,Abbatis Rievallensis, de Standardo , in Richard Howlett (ed.), Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I , RS 82 (4 vols, London: Longmans, 1884-9), vol. 3, pp. 181-199. Alexander , Alexandri monachi Cantuariensis liber ex dictis Beati Anselmi, in R.W. Southern and F.S. 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