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Ethnic Minorities and Their Media in Sweden an Overview of the Media Landscape and State Minority Media Policy1

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Ethnic Minorities and Their Media in Sweden an Overview of the Media Landscape and State Minority Media Policy1 Ethnic Minorities and their Media in Sweden An Overview of the Media Landscape and State Minority Media Policy1 LEONOR CAMAUËR In present-day Sweden, one person in twenty is a comes to their conditions of production and status foreign citizen, one in ten was born outside the as objects of the state integration policy and cul- country and one in five has his or her background in tural and media policies. This article constitutes a other countries or cultures. As they go about their first (and rough) attempt to make an inventory of lives, these minorities – be they exiles, labour force print and broadcast minority media in Sweden and immigrants or members of a diaspora or an indig- their conditions of production, including the way in enous population – uphold a simultaneous relation- which they are affected by state policies. However, ship to their present and former worlds, their given the scantiness of time and resources at my homelands and places of current dwelling, and their disposal for its preparation, this mapping of (eth- in-groups and out-groups. The media, both the ma- nic) minority media should be seen only as a work jority media and those that address these minorities in progress. as minorities, play a central role in this relationship. In focusing on the production of minority media, As media researcher Hamid Naficy (1999: 2) has I do not mean to imply that minorities should only observed, the media play a part that is both signifi- be concerned with these media as regards either pro- cant and signifying when it comes to creating, main- duction or consumption. Both majority and minor- taining and even dissolving ethnic, national and ity media are vital components of (ethnic) minority post-national identities. groups’ communication environment. In democratic Minority media is used here as an overall con- societies, it is vital that citizens who are also mem- cept for designing the media produced by, addressed bers of a minority have their needs met by both to, and/or of especial interest for, ethnic minorities. kinds of media. According to Georgiou (2002), the only trait shared A fruitful way of theorising the relationship by these media is that they all address an audience between majority and minority media can be found imagining itself as a specific community and sharing in the work of media researcher Charles Husband. a specific ethnicity. Minority media are otherwise He underlines that although it is necessary to have marked by great diversity as they may be produced media operating within community languages and by commercial, community or public service actors, addressing the concerns of ethnic communities, appear in the language of minorities, the language of media apartheid cannot be condoned. This is be- the country of settlement, or a combination of both, cause a public sphere operating through parallel and be information-centred, entertainment-centred, or a exclusive communication systems cannot promote combination of both, and have an output that re- dialogue between fellow citizens. A truly permeable lates to the country of origin, to the local, national interface between mainstream media and ethnic mi- or diasporic context, or to all of these. nority media is therefore a basic requirement of Minority media constitutes an area that is quite multiethnic societies (Husband 1994: 2 & 15). poorly researched in Sweden, especially when it This interface between minority and majority media could be realised in what Husband calls the Department of Humanities, Örebro University, SE- multiethnic public sphere, which he defines as a pub- 701 82 Örebro [email protected] lic sphere that must reflect the currently existing eth- 69 nic diversity in such a way as to facilitate the au- stance, no possibility of checking whether all the tonomous expression of ethnic identity of both mi- periodicals in the National Integration Office’s cata- nority and majority groups, as well as of national mi- logue were still appearing. In this context it is also norities. Moreover, this sphere must provide for the important to underline that it is virtually impossi- exchange of information and cultural products across ble to exactly assess the total amount of print and these communities of identity. A central condition for broadcast media at any given point in time, as the the construction of such a multiethnic public sphere minority media landscape is continuously changing, is the right to communicate, a right whose realisation with periodicals and community radio programmes places demands on the state: on the one hand, that it constantly appearing and disappearing or becoming will abstain from arbitrarily interfering with individu- dormant. I therefore make no claim as to the com- al’s communicative freedoms, and on the other, that it pleteness of this inventory. will through its policies and actions ensure a material The inventory of minority print publications is infrastructure of resources and institutions that will built mainly on the catalogue Invandrar- och facilitate the exercising of these freedoms (Husband minoritetstidskrifter (Immigrant and Minority Peri- 2000: 207-10). Thus, the performance of states as re- odicals), which at the time I was preparing my re- gards these demands constitutes a measure of their port for the project Minorities and their Media in willingness and ability to take public responsibility the EU: A Mapping (see Camauër 2002) was avail- for the managing of ethnic diversity. This is why it is able at the web site of the National Integration Of- important and necessary to study the conditions of fice.2 Other documents consulted include the list of production of both majority and minority media, in- recipients of grants to ”art periodicals” provided by cluding state media and integration policies and sys- the Swedish Council for Cultural Affairs and the list tems of support. of recipients of press subsidies provided by the The remainder of the article is structured as fol- Swedish Press Subsidies Council. lows: I begin with an account of the method and The inventory of minority radio programmes materials used in the preparation of this inventory builds on a list of community radio (CR) conces- and continue with an overview of the minorities that sion holders provided by RTVV (the Swedish Radio currently live in the country. After this, I trace a and Television Authority), and on information brief history of migration from the Swedish per- available at the web site of the public service com- spective. I then enter the domain of policy, first pany Sveriges Radio, SR (Swedish Radio).3 The list sketching the main features of government policy on of CR concession holders specified the name of the the treatment of immigrants and toward minorities programmes, associations and contact persons, from the 1960s to the early 1990s, then presenting without explicitly indicating the language of the the integration policy launched in the late 1990s. broadcasts. While in most of the cases the language After this I give an account of the salient features of was easy to deduce from the available data, I was Swedish cultural policy and present in more detail unable to place some 50 concession holders in any the main institutions and instruments of media language group, which led to their exclusion from policy. This is followed by an inventory of minor- this inventory. ity media and a rough description of their condi- To compile the inventory of television pro- tions of production. I then present some views of grammes I used information available at the web those directly involved in the production of minor- sites of the public service company Sveriges Tele- ity media, and my final comments. vision, SVT (Swedish Television), the public access channels Öppna Kanalen in Stockholm and Gothen- burg, the commercial channel DTU7, the television Compiling the Inventory programme Miniatyr and the cable operator com When compiling this inventory, my main working hem kabel tv.4 method consisted of searching for and gathering Reports published by RTVV and several official catalogues and lists (e.g., of periodicals and commu- documents constituted valuable sources of informa- nity radio concession holders), programming sched- tion on broadcast media and government policy, and ules (e.g., those of the Swedish Television and the the report of a conference organised by minority DTU7 channels), different organisations’ declara- media producers provided an insight on their analy- tions of principles, and official documents from sis of their current situation. governmental agencies. While many of the sources To make the reading of this article easier for used were recent reports and documents, which readers outside Sweden, I have given the subsidy guaranteed that they were up to date, I had, for in- amounts in €. 70 An Overview of Multicultural Sweden eign background, which comprises foreign-born per- sons and persons born in Sweden with one or both Sweden had slightly below 8.9 million inhabitants as parents born abroad, and therefore appears as more of 31 December 2000. One million of these, or 11.3% adequate an instrument for mapping diasporic com- of the population, were foreign-born (Befolknings- munities. The number of persons with foreign back- statistik 2000, 2001). In comparison with other Euro- ground living in the country at the end of 2000 pean countries, the Swedish population has a high amounted to 1.8 million, or 20.5% of the population percentage of foreign-born inhabitants (Integrations- (Befolkningsstatistik 2000, 2001). politik för 2000-talet, 2002: 10). However, these fig- The table below shows the distribution of the ures are insufficient to sketch the whole picture of a Swedish population with foreign background ac- country that is growing ever more multicultural: they cording to continent/region, and some of the coun- exclude a large number of people born and raised in tries of origin.
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