DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING and the BACKLASH AGAINST WOMEN’S RIGHTS: Understanding the Current Challenges for Feminist Politics

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING and the BACKLASH AGAINST WOMEN’S RIGHTS: Understanding the Current Challenges for Feminist Politics DISCUSSION PAPER DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING AND THE BACKLASH AGAINST WOMEN’S RIGHTS: Understanding the current challenges for feminist politics No. 35, June 2020 CONNY ROGGEBAND AND ANDREA KRIZSÁN BACKGROUND PAPER PREPARED FOR THE EXPERT GROUP MEETING ON THE 25TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BEIJING PLATFORM FOR ACTION, TO INFORM THE 64TH SESSION OF THE COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN The UN Women discussion paper series is led by the Research and Data section. The series features research commissioned as background papers for publications by leading researchers from different national and regional contexts. Each paper benefits from an anonymous external peer review process before being published in this series. © 2020 UN Women. All rights reserved. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of UN Women, the United Nations or any of its affiliated organizations. Produced by the Research and Data Section Editor: Tina Johnson DISCUSSION PAPER DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING AND THE BACKLASH AGAINST WOMEN’S RIGHTS: Understanding the current challenges for feminist politics No. 35, June 2020 CONNY ROGGEBAND AND ANDREA KRIZSÁN BACKGROUND PAPER PREPARED FOR THE EXPERT GROUP MEETING ON THE 25TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BEIJING PLATFORM FOR ACTION, TO INFORM THE 64TH SESSION OF THE COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY 5. IMPLICATIONS OF BACKLASH FOR WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND GENDER EQUALITY POLICIES 28 5.1 Discursive delegitimization of gender 1. INTRODUCTION 1 equality policies 29 5.2 Policy dismantling and reframing 30 5.3 Undermining of implementation arrangements 32 2. BACKLASH AGAINST WOMEN’S RIGHTS: 5.4 Erosion of inclusion and accountability mechanisms 32 ACTORS AND STRATEGIES 4 5.5 Dismantling patterns and strategies 33 3. FRAGILE DEMOCRACIES AND THE RISE OF 6. CONCLUSIONS 36 ANTI-DEMOCRATIC AND ANTI-GENDER GOVERNMENTS 8 BIBLIOGRAPHY 40 4. IMPLICATIONS OF BACKLASH ON STATE- MOVEMENT RELATIONS: A TRIADIC APPROACH 11 4.1 Top down: State responses to movements 14 4.2 Bottom up: Women’s movements’ responses to reconfigurations 19 4.3 Interactions between women’s movements and movements opposing gender equality 25 SUMMARY Trends of de-democratization across Europe and the challenges to the literature on gender and politics. Americas have emerged along with opposition to In this paper, we propose a conceptual framework to gender equality and threats to previous gender equality discuss these two interrelated realms: backsliding on policy achievements. Yet, de-democratization is rarely gender equality policies and the emerging political analysed through the lens of gender equality and, so space for feminist responses to this backsliding. We far, efforts to systematically examine the implications illustrate our framework with empirical observations for inclusive democracy and the representation of from three Central and Eastern European countries: gender interests are fragmented. Backsliding on Croatia, Hungary and Poland. We aim to contribute gender policies and on state commitments to gender to an understanding of the gendered aspects of equality, and new forms of feminist engagement with de-democratization and the functioning of illiberal hostile governments and audiences, also raise new democracies. RÉSUMÉ Les tendances à la « dé-démocratisation » (le recul de des gouvernements et des audiences hostiles font éga- la démocratisation) à l’oeuvre en Europe et dans les lement apparaître de nouveaux défis pour la littérature Amériques ont convergé avec la montée de l’opposition sur le genre et la politique. Dans ce document, nous à l’égalité des sexes et des tentatives de sabotage des proposons d’élaborer un cadre conceptuel permettant victoires enregistrées par les politiques en faveur de de débattre de ces deux volets interdépendants : le l’égalité des sexes. Pourtant, la « dé-démocratisation » recul des politiques en faveur de l’égalité des sexes et est rarement analysée à travers le prisme de l’égalité l’émergence d’un espace politique pour apporter des des sexes et, à ce jour, les efforts déployés pour exami- réponses féministes face à ces reculs. Nous illustrons ner de manière systématique ses répercussions sur la notre cadre avec des observations empiriques prove- démocratie inclusive et la représentation des intérêts nant de trois pays d’Europe centrale et d’Europe de genrés sont fragmentaires. Le recul des politiques l’Est : la Croatie, la Hongrie et la Pologne. Nous voulons en faveur de l’égalité des sexes et des engagements contribuer à améliorer la compréhension des aspects contractés par les États pour garantir l’égalité des sexes genrés de la « dé-démocratisation » et du fonctionne- et les nouvelles formes d’engagement féministe face à ment des démocraties non libérales. Democratic backsliding and the backlash against women’s rights: Understanding the current challenges for feminist politics iv RESUMEN A lo largo y ancho de Europa y las Américas, han sur- gobiernos y públicos hostiles también plantean nue- gido tendencias de desdemocratización junto con una vos desafíos para la literatura sobre género y política. oposición a la igualdad de género y amenazas a los En este trabajo, proponemos un marco conceptual logros en materia de políticas de igualdad de género. para discutir estas dos esferas interrelacionadas: el Sin embargo, la desdemocratización pocas veces ha declive de las políticas de igualdad de género y el espa- sido sometida a un análisis desde una perspectiva de cio político emergente para las respuestas feministas igualdad de género y, hasta ahora, los esfuerzos para a dicho declive. Ilustramos este marco con observa- examinar sistemáticamente las implicaciones para la ciones empíricas realizadas en tres países de Europa democracia y la representación inclusivas de los inte- central y oriental, a saber: Croacia, Hungría y Polonia. reses de género se dan de forma fragmentada. Tanto Con ello aspiramos a contribuir a una comprensión el declive de las políticas de género y de los compro- de los aspectos de género del proceso de desdemo- misos de los Estados con la igualdad de género como cratización y el funcionamiento de las democracias las nuevas formas de compromiso feminista frente a conservadoras. Democratic backsliding and the backlash against women’s rights: Understanding the current challenges for feminist politics v 1. INTRODUCTION1 The adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action at the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women was widely celebrated by feminists for its progressive global commitments. Yet, the hard-won gains on women’s rights are currently under attack in fields as diverse as political participation, the labour market, care work and violence against women. Trends of backsliding and de-democratization have emerged across Europe and the Americas, starting mainly around the time of the economic and financial crisis. We see articulated opposition to gender equality and threats to previous gender equality policy gains. Women’s rights are particularly vulnerable in fragile and nascent democracies where such rights have been more recently established and where the space for civil society actors to defend them is limited and even shrinking2. While significant attention has been devoted to democratic backsliding3, there is a striking lack of research into its gendered aspects and implications. In this paper we propose a conceptual framework To develop our conceptual framework, we use empirical to analyse and reveal the consequences of these illustrations gathered in previous and ongoing com- processes for inclusive democracy. The quality of parative research on the Central and Eastern European democracy can be assessed by the degree of its inclu- (CEE) region,6 which has been in the forefront of back- siveness and representativeness of societal interests, sliding in gender equality policies in recent years.7 In a including its responsiveness to women’s interests.4 We number of CEE countries, populist governments with ask: What does backsliding mean for gender equality hostile views on gender equality have taken office since policies and what are its implications for women’s 2010. As a result, official political discourses changed rights? How do feminists respond to and resist back- from positions that were either largely supportive sliding in the newly hostile political environment? of or silent on gender equality to openly challenging formally adopted and accepted policies.8 We examine We define backsliding in the field of gender equality the gender equality implications of these changes in policies with reference to the substantive normative three countries noted in recent studies as facing strong content of gender equality as a benchmark. But we see opposition to gender equality from both civil society the meaning of gender equality as differing depend- and government actors: Croatia, Hungary and Poland.9 ing on the political, social and cultural context.5 To use a substantive but contextualized approach, we define The Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc, PiS) Gov- backsliding as States going back on previous commit- ernment in Poland, elected in 2015, launched a series ments to gender equality norms as defined in their respective political contexts. 6 Data for our analysis come partly from our previous com- parative project focusing on the development of policies 1 This report is part of an ongoing research project on de- on violence against women in these countries (Krizsán and democratization processes and the backlash against
Recommended publications
  • From Understanding to Cooperation Promoting Interfaith Encounters to Meet Global Challenges
    20TH ANNUAL EPP GROUP INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE WITH CHURCHES AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS FROM UNDERSTANDING TO COOPERATION PROMOTING INTERFAITH ENCOUNTERS TO MEET GLOBAL CHALLENGES Zagreb, 7 - 8 December 2017 20TH ANNUAL EPP GROUP INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE WITH CHURCHES AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS / 3 PROGRAMME 10:00-12:30 hrs / Sessions I and II The role of religion in European integration process: expectations, potentials, limits Wednesday, 6 December 10:00-11:15 hrs Session I 20.30 hrs. / Welcome Reception hosted by the Croatian Delegation / Memories and lessons learned during 20 years of Dialogue Thursday, 7 December Co-Chairs: György Hölvényi MEP and Jan Olbrycht MEP, Co-Chairmen of 09:00 hrs / Opening the Working Group on Intercultural Activities and Religious Dialogue György Hölvényi MEP and Jan Olbrycht MEP, Co-Chairmen of the Working Opening message: Group on Intercultural Activities and Religious Dialogue Dubravka Šuica MEP, Head of Croatian Delegation of the EPP Group Alojz Peterle MEP, former Responsible of the Interreligious Dialogue Welcome messages Interventions - Mairead McGuinness, First Vice-President of the European Parliament, - Gordan Jandroković, Speaker of the Croatian Parliament responsible for dialogue with religions (video message) - Joseph Daul, President of the European People’ s Party - Joseph Daul, President of the European People’ s Party - Vito Bonsignore, former Vice-Chairman of the EPP Group responsible for - Andrej Plenković, Prime Minister of Croatia Dialogue with Islam - Mons. Prof. Tadeusz Pieronek, Chairman of the International Krakow Church Conference Organizing Committee - Stephen Biller, former EPP Group Adviser responsible for Interreligious Dialogue Discussion 20TH ANNUAL EPP GROUP INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE WITH CHURCHES AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS / 5 4 /20TH ANNUAL EPP GROUP INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE WITH CHURCHES AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS 11:15-12:30 hrs.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom House, Its Academic Advisers, and the Author(S) of This Report
    Croatia by Tena Prelec Capital: Zagreb Population: 4.17 million GNI/capita, PPP: $22,880 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores NIT Edition 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 National Democratic 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.75 Governance Electoral Process 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3 3 3 Civil Society 2.75 2.75 2.5 2.5 2.5 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 Independent Media 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4.25 4.25 Local Democratic 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Governance Judicial Framework 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.5 4.5 4.5 4.5 4.5 and Independence Corruption 4.5 4.5 4.25 4 4 4 4 4.25 4.25 4.25 Democracy Score 3.71 3.71 3,64 3.61 3.61 3.68 3.68 3.68 3.71 3.75 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year.
    [Show full text]
  • Davor Ivo Stier.Docx
    Det Udenrigspolitiske Nævn, Europarådet 2016-17 UPN Alm.del Bilag 125, ERD Alm.del Bilag 4 Offentligt Davor Ivo Stier Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign and European Affairs Born 6 January 1972 in Buenos Aires, Argentina Married with three children Education World Politics Institute Washinghton, postgraduate course on crisis management B.Sc. in political studies, international relations and journalism, Catholic University of Buenos Aires Diplomatic Academy Professional career 2014 – 2016 – member of the European Parliament, member and chief negotiator of the European People’s Party to the Development Cooperation Committee, substitute member of the International Trade Committee, member of the Group of the European Parliament and chief negotiator of the European People’s Party to the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, member of the Delegation for Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo 2013 – 2014 – member of the European Parliament, member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, substitute member of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs 2011 – 2013 – member of the Croatian Parliament, vice-chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, member of the European Integration Committee, member of the Croatian Parliament’s Delegation to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly 2003 – 2008 – Permanent Representation of the Republic of Croatia to NATO 1998 – 2002 – Croatian Embassy to the United States 1996 - 2011 – Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Protocol Department, North America Department, International Security Department, Office
    [Show full text]
  • Report on Illiberal Democracy Trends in Croatia, Slovenia, Hungary and Latvia
    Report on illiberal democracy trends in Croatia, Slovenia, Hungary and Latvia Report on illiberal democracy trends in Croatia, Slovenia, Hungary and Latvia Zagreb, Ljubljana, Budapest, Riga – February 2018 Editor: Gordan Bosanac Authors: Croatian Platform for International Citizen Solidarity (CROSOL) Latvian Platform for Development Cooperation (LAPAS) Slovenian Global Action (SLOGA) DemNet Publisher: Croatian Platform for International Citizen Solidarity (CROSOL) /Platforma za međunarodnu građansku solidarnost Hrvatske More Democracy for More Europe - project supported by EU - Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency. The European Commission support for the production of this publication does not constitute an endorsement of the contents which reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsi•ble for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. Introduction In recent years, we have seen the rise of the anti-liberal democracy politics in Eastern European EU member states. In the meantime, those trends are becoming visible in some Western European Countries but also USA. The situation in Poland and Hungary is maybe the best example of such politics where citizens are giving support to political parties whose political objectives are against the EU rule of law principles and against some fundamental human rights. Recent refugee crisis has also deepen those concerns. This is a clear sign that the citizens of Eastern European EU member states are willing to give up of some of the fundamental human rights values such as freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, free media, civil society or independent judiciary. Those trends are seriously harming EU rule of law principles but also are derogating human rights and democratic standards.
    [Show full text]
  • Croatia Political Briefing: the Beginning of Zoran Milanović's
    ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 27, No. 1 (HR) March 2020 Croatia political briefing: The Beginning of Zoran Milanović’s Presidency and Relationship with Andrej Plenković Valentino Petrović 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: CHen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 The Beginning of Zoran Milanović’s Presidency and Relationship with Andrej Plenković Summary After Zoran Milanović’s victory over Kolinda Grabar Kitarović in the second round of presidential elections in January this year, the media and public started discussing on his upcoming relationship with current Prime Minister and president of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), Andrej Plenković. When looking into their resumes, we can notice a lot of similarities, especially with their education and diplomatic background. Today, they are often perceived as rivals and after Milanović had been elected on a presidential duty, Plenković called for a “strong” cohabitation. In this article, we will analyze that very term and provide with overview of Milanović’s first moves as a new president. Introduction With Zoran Milanović being elected as a new Croatian president in January this year, a lot of questions have been raised regarding his upcoming cooperation with the current Prime Minister, Andrej Plenković. Since his victory on the presidential election, Milanović has expressed quite a few times his willingness and, most of all, his obligation to follow the rules and procedures of presidential duty and he underlined several times that he will not interfere in the work of the other part of the executive branch, that being the Government.
    [Show full text]
  • Narodne Novine, Br. 101/98, 15/2000, 117/2001, 199/2003, 30/2004 I 77/2009), Vlada Republike Hrvatske Je Na Sjednici Održanoj ______Godine Donijela
    Prijedlog Na temelju članka 30. stavka 2. Zakona o Vladi Republike Hrvatske (Narodne novine, br. 101/98, 15/2000, 117/2001, 199/2003, 30/2004 i 77/2009), Vlada Republike Hrvatske je na sjednici održanoj _______________ godine donijela O D L U K U o osnivanju Odbora za pripremu i praćenje posjete Svetog Oca Benedikta XVI Republici Hrvatskoj I. Osniva se Odbor za pripremu i praćenje posjete Svetog Oca Benedikta XVI Republici Hrvatskoj (u daljnjem tekstu: Odbor), u sljedećem sastavu: - Gordan Jandroković, ministar vanjskih poslova i europskih integracija - predsjednik Odbora - Ivan Šuker, potpredsjednik Vlade Republike Hrvatske i ministar financija, član - mr. Darko Milinović, dr. med., potpredsjednik Vlade Republike Hrvatske i ministar zdravstva i socijalne skrbi, član - Branko Vukelić, ministar obrane, član - Tomislav Karamarko, ministar unutarnjih poslova, član - Božidar Kalmeta, ministar mora, prometa i infrastrukture, član - dr. sc. Radovan Fuchs, ministar znanosti, obrazovanja i športa, član - mr. sc. Božo Biškupić, ministar kulture, član - Marina Matulović Dropulić, ministrica zaštite okoliša, prostornog uređenja i graditeljstva, članica - Joško Klisović, predstojnik Ureda predsjednika Republike Hrvatske, član - predstavnik Hrvatskoga sabora, član - Milan Bandić, gradonačelnik Grada Zagreba, član - mr. sc. Stjepan Kožić, župan Zagrebačke županije, član - Josip Buljević, ravnatelj Sigurnosno-obavještajne agencije, član - dr. sc. Davor Božinović, državni tajnik za politička pitanja u Ministarstvu vanjskih poslova i europskih integracija,
    [Show full text]
  • Read Or Download the Book
    Published by: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. Telephone: +36-1-5858-690 E-mail: [email protected] Webpage: www.china-cee.eu Address: 1052, Budapest, Petőfi Sándor utca 11. Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin ISSN: 978-615-6124-49-4 Cover design: PONT co.lab Copyright: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. The reproduction of the study or parts of the study are prohibited. The findings of the study may only be cited if the source is acknowledged. An Overview of Central and Eastern Europe Development in 2020 Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin CHINA-CEE INSTITUTE Budapest, April 2021 Table of Contents Preface ................................................................................................... 5 Part I Review of Political Development ................................................ 7 Albanian politics in times of uncertainties ..................................................... 8 BiH in 2020: Governing under COVID-19 .................................................. 13 Overview of the Political 2020 year for Bulgaria ......................................... 18 A summary of 2020 key political events in Croatia...................................... 24 Dynamics of the Czech Political Model in 2020 .......................................... 29 2020 for Estonia: A year to forget, the year to remember ............................. 34 Greek Politics in 2020 ................................................................................. 40 Covid-19 as the great divider in 2020 Hungarian Politics ............................ 45 Latvian major
    [Show full text]
  • 205649-4-6-V1.0 70-40642620
    REPUBLIC OF CROATIA €1,250,000,000 3.00 per cent. Notes due 2027 Issue price: 98.32 per cent. The issue price of the €1,250,000,000 3.00 per cent. Fixed Rate Notes due 2027 (the "Notes") issued by the Republic of Croatia (the "Issuer", the "Republic" or "Croatia"), will be 98.32 per cent. of their principal amount. The Notes will mature on 20 March 2027 at their principal amount. The Notes will be in registered form in denominations of €100,000 and integral multiples of €1,000 in excess thereof. Interest on the Notes will accrue at the rate of 3.00 per cent. per annum from and including 20 March 2017 and will be payable in Euro annually in arrear on 20 March in each year, commencing on 20 March 2018. Payments on the Notes will be made without withholding or deduction for or on account of taxes imposed by the Issuer except to the extent described under "Terms and Conditions of the Notes — Taxation". This Offering Circular neither constitutes a prospectus pursuant to Part II of the Luxembourg law on prospectuses for securities (loi relative aux prospectus pour valeurs mobiliéres) dated 10 July 2005 (the "Luxembourg Act") which implements Directive 2003/71/EC as amended (which includes the amendments made by Directive 2010/73/EU to the extent that such amendments have been implemented in a relevant Member State of the European Economic Area) (the "Prospectus Directive") nor a simplified prospectus pursuant to Part III of the Luxembourg Act. Accordingly, this Offering Circular does not purport to meet the format and the disclosure requirements of the Prospectus Directive and Commission Regulation (EC) No.
    [Show full text]
  • Croatian Parliament Members to the Joint Parliamentary Committee Croatia-European Union
    Croatian Parliament Members to the Joint Parliamentary Committee Croatia-European Union Mr Andrej PLENKOVIĆ HDZ Foreign Policy Committee, European Chairperson Integration Committee, Judiciary Committee, Environmental Protection Committee, Inter- parliamentary Co-operation Committee, (member), Delegation of the Croatian Parliament to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean (alternate member) Mr Jozo RADOŠ HNS European Integration Committee, Inter- Deputy Chairperson parliamentary Co-operation Committee (member) Mr Tonino PICULA SDP Delegation of the Croatian Parliament to the Deputy Chairperson Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean (Chairperson), Committee on Constitution, Standing Orders and Political System, Foreign Policy Committee, European Integration Committee, Inter-parliamentary Co-operation Committee, Delegation of the Croatian Parliament to the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (member) Mrs Ingrid ANTIČEVIĆ SDP Legislation Committee (Chairperson), MARINOVIĆ Committee on Constitution, Standing Orders and Political System, Judiciary Committee, Inter-parliamentary Co-operation Committee (member) Mrs Romana JERKOVIĆ SDP Foreign Policy Committee, Inter-parliamentary Co-operation Committee, Health and Social Welfare Committee, Delegation of the Croatian Parliament to the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (member), Delegation of the Croatian Parliament to the Parliamentary dimension of the CEI Initiative (Chairperson) Mrs Biljana BORZAN SDP Health and Social Welfare Committee (Chairperson), Foreign Policy Committee, Inter-parliamentary
    [Show full text]
  • Center-Right Parties in East Central Europe and Their Return to Power in the 2000S
    WHY HAND OW WE WON Center-Right Parties in East Central Europe and Their Return to Power in the 2000s PETER UČEŇ and JAN ERIK SUROTCHAK (editors) WHY AND HOW WE WON Center-Right Parties in East Central Europe and Their Return to Power in the 2000s Editors: Peter Učeň and Jan Erik Surotchak © International Republican Institute, Bratislava 2013. Graphic design: Stano Jendek | Renesans, s. r. o. Printing production: Renesans, s. r. o. Obsah PREFACE .................................................................................................................................... V DiD WE EvER LOSE? THE BulgARIAN CENTER RigHT REBORN ........................ 5 Roumen Iontchev THE CENTER RigHT IN CROATIA – HOW TO WIN, AgAIN? .................................21 Davor Ivo Stier A LONG HARD ROAD OUT OF OppOsitiON: EXplAINING THE SuccESS OF FIDESz–HUNGARIAN Civic UNION ..........................................31 Márk Szabó THE CONSErvATIVE COMEBACK IN LITHUANIA IN 2008: A PYRRHic victORY? .........................................................................................................49 Mantas Adomėnas FOUR VictORIES: THE MACEDONIAN CASE .............................................................71 Jovan Ananiev WHY WE WON – THE POLISH CASE ...............................................................................85 Marek Matraszek THE CENTEr­ RigHT IN ROMANIA: BEtwEEN COALITION CONFlicts AND REFORM REspONsibilitiES Dragoş Paul Aligică and Vlad Tarko FROM CulturE StrugglE TO DEVELOPMENTAL REFORMS: THE CASE OF SLOVENIA’s CENTEr­ RigHT
    [Show full text]
  • Modern-Day Crusaders in Europe
    MODERN-DAY CRUSADERS IN EUROPE Tradition, Family and Property: analysis of a transnational, ultra-conservative, Catholic-inspired influence network Neil Datta Modern-day Crusaders in Europe. Tradition, Family and Property: Analysis of a Transnational, Ultra-conservative, Catholic-inspired Influence Network Professional article DOI: 10.20901/PP.8.3.03 ISBN:978-2-931029-08-4 9782931029084 Modern-day Crusaders in Europe. Tradition, Family and Property: Analysis of a Transnational, Ultra-conservative, Catholic-inspired Influence Network Written by Neil Datta, Secretary of the European Parliamentary Forum for Sexual and Reproductive Rights. Brussels, June, 2020 Copyright © EPF 2020 All Rights Reserved. The contents of this document cannot be reproduced without prior permission of the author. EPF is a network of members of parliaments from across Europe who are committed to protecting the sexual and reproductive health of the world’s most vulnerable people, both at home and overseas. We believe that women should always have the right to decide upon the number of children they wish to have, and should never be denied the education or other means to achieve this that they are entitled to. Find out more on epfweb.org and by following @EPF_SRR on Twitter. 2 Neil Datta Modern-day Crusaders in Europe. Tradition, Family and Property: Analysis of a Transnational, Ultra-conservative, Catholic-inspired Influence Network Having withered away from Latin America, TFP is now an active European network with positions against sexual and reproductive rights (SRR) among its priorities. ABSTRACT Three recent events affecting human rights in sexuality and reproduction (a proposed ban on abortion in Poland, blocking support for She Decides in Croatia and halting a civil union law in Estonia) were spearheaded by organisations which appear to be the national antennae of the transnational, socially conservative network called Tradition, Family and Property (TFP).
    [Show full text]
  • Plenary Session of the Fourth SEECP Parliamentary Assembly 10 June 2017, Zagreb
    Plenary session of the fourth SEECP Parliamentary Assembly 10 June 2017, Zagreb Address by Mrs Marija Pejčinović Burić, State Secretary Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs of the Republic of Croatia President of Croatian Parliament Jandroković, Speakers of Parliaments, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a great pleasure to welcome you on behalf of His Excellency, Davor Ivo Stier, Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign and European Affairs of the Republic of Croatia at the Plenary session of the SEECP Parliamentary Assembly here in Zagreb. At the outset, allow me to express my compliments to the Croatian Parliament for organizing this important session. There is no doubt that regional cooperation in Southeast Europe has already reached such level that enables us to move forward and strengthen mutual interconnection in numerous key areas. Our aim is to build-up regional relevance and competitiveness in a way that it can be recognized in modern political surroundings. SEECP has already proven itself as an important political forum, playing a pivotal role in further development of stability and prosperity in the countries that joined their efforts in this initiative. Furthermore, as a process dedicated to fostering mutual understanding and experience-sharing, one of its main achievements is communication and exchange of best practices and know-how among the Participants. Republic of Croatia is committed to support SEECP political framework and shall continue to contribute in facilitating the cooperative political dialogue, fully convinced that this is the best way to achieve peace, stability and prosperity in the region. Variety of activities on the SEECP busy agenda in the last one year period confirm the pivotal role of the process in building an ever closer cooperation throughout the entire South-East Europe.
    [Show full text]