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Controlling and Managing the New York Public Pools

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Controlling and Managing the New York Public Pools City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 5-2018 Swimming in a Sea of No's: Controlling and Managing the New York Public Pools Mette L. Jensen The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2588 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] SWIMMING IN A SEA OF NO'S: CONTROLLING AND MANAGING THE NEW YORK PUBLIC POOLS by METTE LÜTZHØFT JENSEN A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York. 2018 © 2018 METTE LÜTZHØFT JENSEN All Rights Reserved iii Swimming in a Sea of No’s: Controlling and Managing the New York Public Pools by Mette Lützhøft Jensen This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts. Date Sarah E. Chinn Thesis Advisor Date Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Executive Officer iv THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK ABSTRACT Swimming in a Sea of No's: Managing and Controlling the New York Public Pools by Mette Lützhøft Jensen Advisor: Sarah Chinn Swimming in a Sea of No's: Managing and Controlling the New York Public Pools traces the genealogy of the regulations, surveillance, and rules employed at New York public pools. The thesis discusses the intent and implications of the spatial strategies created to order and control the environment surrounding the swimming pools, and discusses how municipal public pools as specific, local landscapes manifest broader social and cultural processes. The main focus is on the transformation of the pools during the 1980s and 1990s, two decades after the fiscal crisis in 1975, when the pools had become defunded, dysfunctional spaces. By tracing the fluid interplay between the problems that arose at the pools, the public imagination, and the following response from the city, this analysis attempts to illuminate how the pools were a key part of the overall emergence of neoliberal public strategies to remake New York, and to remove what was considered urban disorder. Widening the scope even further, this thesis also traces the genealogy of swimming pools back to New York's first public baths. I argue that the changing political definition of pools, as well as their symbolic and cultural significance, reflect the changing understanding of shared space throughout American history. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My time at the Graduate Center has been rewarding in numerous ways. I graduate not only with a larger understanding of the complexity of American culture and society, but with a greater understanding of how global, national, and local structures of power, ideologies, and conflicts shape the world we live in. I feel incredibly privileged having had the chance to dive head-first into enriching texts and literature, discussing my thoughts and ideas with the bright and diverse students in my classes, as well as dedicated and qualified professors. I would like to give a special thanks to Michael Fortner, who truly opened my eyes to critical thinking in my academic work. I'm also grateful for the teaching of Justin Rogers-Cooper who inspired me to conceptualize history, nations, and social justice from a different perspective, expanding and enriching my analytical thinking. Lastly, I'd like to give an enormous thanks to my advisor Sarah Chinn, who was kind, supportive, and fun to work with, and who (most importantly) provided useful, constructive feedback and advice on my thesis. I received funding from several sources for which I am extremely grateful. I would like to thank the American-Scandinavian Foundation (ASF) for their generous fellowship program. I would also like to thank Nordea Fonden, Knud Højgaard Fonden, Oticon Fonden, Frimodt-Heineke Fonden, Rebildselskabets Uddannelsesfond, and Dagspressens Fond. Many thanks to the staff at the New York City Municipal Archives who were generous with their help and advice. I would also like to thank scholars Naomi Adiv, Themis Chronopoulos, and Jeff vi Wiltse for their thorough research, analysis, and studies on swimming pools in the United States and New York. I built my thesis on their work. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Approval page………………………………………………………………………… iii Abstract……………………………..…………..…………..…………..…………….. iv Acknowledgements…………..…………..…………..…………..…………..……….. v Introduction…………..…………..…………..…………..…………..……………….. 1 Part 1: A Brief History of Swimming in the United States…………..……………….. 6 Part 2: 1980s: Dreadful Pools in a Dangerous City…………..…………..…………... 12 Part 3: 1990s: Zero Tolerance—Both In and Out of the Pool…………..…………….. 19 Part 4: 2000s: Pools in Bloomberg's Luxury City? …………..…………..…………... 37 Works Cited…………..…………..…………..…………..…………..……………….. 46 1 Introduction On a hot summer day in 2014, Sharon Coppola, a 70-year-old grandmother, took her 11-year- old granddaughter to the Tottenville Pool in Staten Island. Dressed in all white and a grey t-shirt, she was denied entrance—only white t-shirts are allowed at New York public pools, she was told. A couple of days after Ms. Coppola and her granddaughter returned, this time wearing a white t-shirt with the print of a colorful bike on it. Once again, Ms. Coppola was denied entry because of her t-shirt. It had to be white, and only white. Instead of sitting on the deck, Ms. Coppola watched her granddaughter swim and play from a chained-off alleyway next to the pool. The grandmother was very upset about the t- shirt rule, calling it “ridiculous” in the Staten Island Advance, who reported on the story. “The rules are nothing new. We've had them year after year,” said a Parks Department spokesperson, after the newspaper reached out. “You've got to follow the rules if you want to be in the pool” (Rich, 2014). *** New York's Parks Department operates 34 outdoor pools, 19 outdoor mini-pools, and 12 indoor pools. The outdoor pools are free and open to the public from late June until Labor Day. Thousands of New Yorkers use the pools every summer, which are spread relatively democratically over the five boroughs, covering most neighborhoods. I consider the municipal pools, and especially the outdoor public pools, a great asset to the city. These pools, many of which are massive enough to fit thousands of swimmers, are equipped with diving boards, sun chairs, and a team of lifeguards. It's a great place for families to escape the New York summer heat and for kids to splash around and learn how to swim. 2 While being sites of great virtue, the New York public pools are simultaneously among the city's most heavily regulated, ordered, and surveilled public spaces. Besides the rules around white clothing, a visit also mandates a bag search, a thorough review of bathing suits (due to a requirement of mesh lining, users may not swim in their underwear or regular clothes), and a check to make sure the guest has brought a padlock (which must be a standard master or combination lock) (“Pool Rules”). Ms. Coppola is not the only one who has come to know the pools' strict enforcement. Breeze through Yelp reviews, and it's clear that many New Yorkers either know about the intricacies of the pool rules, or they have found out the hard way. A reviewer named Annabelle L. awards the John Jay Pool on the Upper East Side one star out of five, due to “a thousand of nonsensical rules”: “First you need to bring your own lock, and they require this is a MASTER lock. then you must put aaaaallll your belongings in your locker; for instance no way you could keep water and snacks with you at the pool, or even a jumper in case you are cold.” Another more experienced pool-goer, Brenna M., advises anyone thinking about going to an outdoor pool to “bring a combination lock. They will not let you in without one.” She advises that you follow the many rules and requests from staff (“Shake out your towel to prove you aren't smuggling in contraband”) in order to enjoy this free, “hidden gem” (“John Jay Pool and Recreation”). Though all urban public spaces (streets, parks, beaches, libraries) are regulated, ordered, and surveilled to a degree, the pools surpass them all. Parks, for example, have rules that prohibit unapproved vendors, loud music, sponsored events, fires, and biking (“§1-05 Regulated Uses”). But there are no rules on attire, and access to the parks does not depend on bringing or not bringing certain items. You can enter any park and stay there as long as you don't break the rules; public pools cannot be entered before guests have complied. Central to my thesis is the question: Why? What makes the pool a 3 different sort of shared public space, and what has led to these intense efforts of controlling its patrons? To answer these questions, my thesis focuses on the New York public outdoor pools and their cultural, social, and political transformation from the late 1970s through today. I argue that beginning with the New York fiscal crisis in the 1970s, New York public pools as a public space have transformed in accordance with the neoliberal shift of municipal governance in New York, set off by dramatic reductions in federal, state, and municipal funding. These changes led to new spatial ordering strategies at the municipal public pools, which today are sites of rigorous regulation, restriction, and surveillance. I examine the genealogy of the various decisions that transformed the outdoor public pools, and how the development of the public pools reflects the development of the city after the fiscal crisis.
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