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IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin 2011 REVIEW

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IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin 2011 REVIEW SEPTEMBER | 1 IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin 2011 REVIEW 15 CAPE VERDE IN 2011: TURNING ATYPICAL INTO TYPICAL Pedro Seabra IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin: 2011 Review | 15 Cape Verde in 2011: Turning Atypical into Typical PEDRO SEABRA Researcher, Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security (IPRIS) By now, Cape Verde is accustomed to international praise the leader of the main opposition party Movimento para a and recognition for its singular achievements in Africa. Fac- Democracia (MpD) would get a chance to beat José Maria ing several meaningful constrains due its small size, the Neves and return to the office of Prime Minister. The re- island has nonetheless thrived over the past few years in sults, however, showcased the penetration of the PAICV into an attempt to excel in terms of good governance and com- Cape Verdean society as Neves won again and even man- mitment to democratic ideals. That, in turn, has required aged to increase his party’s absolute majority to 37 seats credible and intensive diplomatic work, seeking not only to out of 72 in the Cape Verdean Parliament. Such turnout nat- present the country abroad as a worthy partner but also to urally allows for some inferences regarding a foreseeable attract greater interest for its development and business stable political constituency in the years ahead. Moreover it opportunities on the ground, in order to sustain a moderate also provides some clues as for the degree of generalized pattern of economic growth. approval of the path taken this far and of the proposals for In that sense, if conditions had remained constant it would the way ahead.2 have been safe to predict that 2011 would end up just as Among his official governing program for 2011-2016, Neves prolific as 2010 proved to be for Cape Verde.1 However, par- indicated the will to build upon previous policies including, liamentary and presidential elections combined with the as expected, the country’s foreign policy options. With Jorge effects of the international economic crisis, resulted in a Borges now in charge of the Foreign Ministry, the new cabi- challenging context for the government’s intended course net proposed to uphold three guiding principles: “affirm the of action. global nation, promote peace and global/regional security Be that as it may, Cape Verde managed to retain a great and support the economic agenda”.3 Evidently, it does not deal of its diplomatic hyperactivity on a number of fronts. comprise a deep cut with the past as it continues down the With that in mind, one will then seek to depict the devel- same lines followed in the past few years. Nevertheless, it is opments of 2011, highlighting the achievements and the significant to note that such a program does take into con- obstacles that the small island nation had to face all year. sideration some new variables, such as Cape Verde’s grad- The internal elections will inevitably receive greater atten- uation from the Least Developed Countries (LDC) list or the tion but so will the country’s projection in the wider African varying geopolitical context in the wider African neighbor- context and the generalized recognition by the international hood. In this sense, it is clearly more in tune with the pres- community that Cape Verde kept on receiving. Likewise, ent international reality. traditional relationships and the search/reinforcement with Nevertheless, despite the significant political boost that new partners will be equally taken into consideration. Con- Neves received, the PAICV’s intended victory lap suddenly clusions will then be drawn regarding what can be expected came to a halt following the presidential elections on 7 Au- for Cape Verde in the year ahead. gust. Marking a stark contrast with the country’s heavily polarized political scene, this election witnessed four can- Developments at the home front didates running for office and, more importantly, a break The central issue for Cape Verde in 2011 undoubtedly re- within PAICV’s own ranks on who should receive the party’s volved around the decade-long rule of the Partido Africano nomination. Manuel Inocêncio de Sousa eventually won the para a Independência de Cabo Verde (PAICV) and whether the party’s endorsement but the candidacy of Aristides Lima – a party would be able to stay in power after a predictably hec- long-time PAICV member and a former Parliament Speak- tic electoral year. The first test came on 6 February, when er – ended up dividing the coveted votes. This split within the country went to the ballot to choose if Carlos Veiga, 2 Pedro Seabra, “Cape Verde: new path on old ground?” (IPRIS Viewpoints, No. 53, May 2011), p. 1. 1 See Pedro Seabra, “Cape Verde in 2010: a prolific year” (IPRIS Lusophone Coun- 3 “Cabo Verde 2016 – Programa do Governo para a VII Legislatura 2011-2016” tries Bulletin: 2010 Review, 2011), pp. 13-18. (Governo de Cabo Verde, 5 April 2011), p. 41. IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin: 2011 Review | 16 the PAICV would then compromise the party’s chances and Among many other examples, one could cite the Heritage eventually lead to a second round of voting on 21 August Foundation and Wall Street Journal’s 2011 Index of Eco- that was greatly capitalized by MpD’s candidate Jorge Car- nomic Freedom that classified Cape Verde at the 65th overall los Fonseca to his personal advantage and that resulted in position, with the third highest rank among Sub-Saharan his subsequent victory with 54.16% of the electorate. Africa’s 47 countries. Likewise, Freedom House recog- For all purposes, such a fracture in PAICV’s overall rule fur- nized in its “Freedom in the World 2011 Report” that Cape ther helps to exhibit the grow- Verde “continued to serve as a ing maturity of Cape Verde’s model for political rights and democratic system, as it clearly For all purposes, such civil liberties in Africa” while exemplifies a healthy political a fracture in PAICV’s the African Development Bank rotation at the country’s highest (AfDB) noted in its “African Eco- offices and avoids an overly un- overall rule further helps nomic Outlook 2011” that Cape comfortable dominion by PAICV Verde was among the ten sub- alone. Moreover, despite some to exhibit the growing Saharan countries that most minor claims of irregularities, it improved in terms of economic should be noted that both elec- maturity of Cape Verde’s governance in the previous tions painted a stark contrast year. with similar contests in the democratic system, as Significant accomplishments, nearby region. it clearly exemplifies a to be sure, but none could On the other hand, although the actually top the distinction structural changes implied by healthy political rotation attributed in early October. this new political dichotomy in Highlighting his contribution terms of foreign policy orienta- at the country’s highest in helping Cape Verde becom- tion are essentially meaning- ing “a model of democracy and less, they do provide a different offices and avoids an overly stability” as well as his refusal internal framework from what in seeking a constitutionally Prime Minister Neves prob- uncomfortable dominion forbidden third term, the Mo ably would have anticipated in by PAICV alone. Moreover, Ibrahim Foundation decided to his third and, presumably, fi- award its annual US$5 million nal term. Be as it may, despite despite some minor claims prize to outgoing President Pe- some conspicuous delays in dro Pires. More importantly, it the nomination of diplomatic of irregularities, it should should be remembered that representatives,4 the first few for the past two years, the Mo ‘joint’ months in office have be noted that both elections Ibrahim Foundation prize com- come to demonstrate a size- mittee had declined to name able degree of institutional re- painted a stark contrast a recipient, stating that no spect and regular coordination with similar contests in the African leaders had met the between both leaders and, as criteria for promoting develop- such, it is not expected that ma- nearby region. ment and democracy by hand- jor rivalry or acrimony surfaces ing over power peacefully. As or stands in the way of fulfilling such, the choice of Pires was the state’s goals, whether at home or abroad. taken as an example that democratic leadership is still pos- sible in Africa. Moreover, the wave of international praising International recognition that followed such a distinction also helped to shine a spot- But while the country focused on important internal deci- light onto Cape Verde’s own progress in the areas of rule of sions, the international community did not loose sight of law and good governance.5 Cape Verde. With laudable economic performance and a Finally, culminating this roll of visibility, Cape Verdean au- number of concrete achievements, 2011 only confirmed the thorities also made sure to effectively conclude the adhe- country’s ascendant reputation. sion procedures to the Rome Statute that establishes the International Criminal Court, by delivering the ratification instruments on 10 October in the United Nations headquar- 4 “Cabo Verde discute apoio à Presidência da Comissão da União Africana” (Por- ters – a move only made possible after the constitutional tuguese News Network, 28 December 2011). Fonseca’s veto of the government’s revision in 2010. Cape Verde thus became the 119th coun- pick for the Embassy in Spain led to some concerns as for a stable cohabitation but the following nomination of a close ally of Prime Minister Neves for the Embassy in Portugal appeared to partially deflate such worries; see “Madalena 5 See for example, Scott Baldouf, “Why Pedro Pires won the $5 million Ibrahim Neves é a nova embaixadora de Cabo Verde em Portugal” (Angop, 31 December Prize for African governance” (Christian Science Monitor, 11 October 2011); Evan 2011).
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