Increasing Security, but Avoiding a Security Dilemma
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
COUNCIL REGULATION (EU) No 267/2012 of 23 March 2012 Concerning Restrictive Measures Against Iran and Repealing Regulation (EU) No 961/2010 (OJ L 88, 24.3.2012, P
02012R0267 — EN — 09.07.2019 — 026.002 — 1 This text is meant purely as a documentation tool and has no legal effect. The Union's institutions do not assume any liability for its contents. The authentic versions of the relevant acts, including their preambles, are those published in the Official Journal of the European Union and available in EUR-Lex. Those official texts are directly accessible through the links embedded in this document ►B COUNCIL REGULATION (EU) No 267/2012 of 23 March 2012 concerning restrictive measures against Iran and repealing Regulation (EU) No 961/2010 (OJ L 88, 24.3.2012, p. 1) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 350/2012 of 23 April 2012 L 110 17 24.4.2012 ►M2 Council Regulation (EU) No 708/2012 of 2 August 2012 L 208 1 3.8.2012 ►M3 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 709/2012 of 2 August 2012 L 208 2 3.8.2012 ►M4 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 945/2012 of 15 October L 282 16 16.10.2012 2012 ►M5 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 1016/2012 of 6 November L 307 5 7.11.2012 2012 ►M6 Council Regulation (EU) No 1067/2012 of 14 November 2012 L 318 1 15.11.2012 ►M7 Council Regulation (EU) No 1263/2012 of 21 December 2012 L 356 34 22.12.2012 ►M8 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 1264/2012 of 21 December L 356 55 22.12.2012 2012 ►M9 Council Implementing Regulation (EU) No 522/2013 of 6 June 2013 L 156 3 8.6.2013 ►M10 Council Regulation (EU) No 517/2013 of 13 May 2013 L 158 1 10.6.2013 ►M11 Council Regulation (EU) No 971/2013 of 10 October 2013 -
Defence and National Security Strategic Review 2017
2017 DEFENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC REVIEW STRATEGIC REVIEW REVIEW STRATEGIC 2017 Defence and National Security Strategic Review 2017 DICoD - Bureau des éditions - Octobre 2017 Defence and National Security Strategic Review 2017 1 DEFENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC REVIEW PREFACE BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC . 5 FOREWORD BY THE MINISTER FOR THE ARMED FORCES . 9 INTRODUCTION . 13 PART A A RAPID AND LASTING DETERIORATION OF THE STRATEGIC ENVIRONMENT . 16 1 . A challenged international system . 17 1 .1 . The multilateral order called into question . 17 1 .2 . Deconstructing the European security architecture . 19 1 .3 . Tensions within the European Union . 19 2 . France, exposed and committed . 20 2 .1 . Simultaneous and long-term commitments . 20 • Direct attacks on the national territory . 20 • The vulnerable Sahel-Sahara region . 21 • A destabilized Middle East . 22 • Tensions on Europe’s eastern and northern flanks . 23 2 .2 . Risk areas . 24 • The Mediterranean and its southern regions . 24 • Balkans . 24 • Sub-Saharan Africa . 25 • Asia . 26 3 . Multiple weaknesses aggravating crises . 29 3 .1 . Demographic and migration pressure . 29 3 .2 . Climate change . 29 3 .3 . Sanitary risks . 30 3 .4 . Energy rivalries . 30 3 .5 . Organised crime . 31 4 . Disruptive technological and digital innovation . 31 4 .1 . A double risk: technology lag and operational levelling . 32 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE 4 .2 . Growing threats in cyberspace . 33 2 DEFENCE AND NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIC REVIEW PART B NEW FORMS OF WARFARE AND CONFLICT . 36 1 . Harder, more disseminated threats . 37 1 .1 . Entrenchment and spread of jihadist terrorism . 37 1 .2 . Accelerating proliferation . 38 • Spread of conventional weaponry . -
Managing the Security Dilemma in East Asia: the Potential and Performance of Confidence Building Measures*
Managing the Security Dilemma in East Asia: The Potential and Performance of Confidence Building Measures* Tamotsu Fukuda Strategic and Defence Studies Centre Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies The Australian National University Canberra December 2002 Abstract: After the end of the Cold War, many states in East Asia embarked on robust military build-up and defence modernisation programs. In light of this development, one of the main security concerns in the region stemmed from the fact that such weapons acquisition programs were conducted with a relative lack of transparency with respect to regional states’ objectives and motivations. In an effort to prevent the military build- up/modernisation programs from escalating into a regional arms race, East Asian countries began implementing confidence building measures (CBMs) mainly through the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). This paper assesses the performance of the CBMs that have been implemented in the region and examines their potential in preventing arms races. The paper finds that most measures implemented in East Asia are transparency measures which do not require strong political commitment, while the implementation of constraint measures remains minimal. The region, thus, has not reached a point where it is sufficient to prevent arms races. One of the important reasons for this insufficient level of cooperation stems from the lack of the acceptance of the status quo. Without the acceptance of the status quo or an agreement that the status quo is changed only through peaceful means, CBMs and arms control arrangements will be of nominal value in East Asia. Introduction Overcoming the security dilemma is one of the most important challenges that states in East Asia face today in the twenty-first century.1 Since the end of the Cold War, the region has made efforts to ease the security dilemma. -
The Utility of Military Force and Public Understanding in Today's Britain
EUROPE HEW STRACHAN, RUTH HARRIS The Utility of Military Force and Public Understanding in Today’s Britain For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA213-1 The Global Strategic Partnership (GSP), a consortium of research, academic and industry organisations that is led by RAND Europe, provides ongoing analytical support to the UK Ministry of Defence. Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. RAND Europe is a not-for-profit research organisation that helps to improve policy and decision making through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.randeurope.org Table of Contents Table of Contents .................................................................................................................................... -
Defence and Security After Brexit Understanding the Possible Implications of the UK’S Decision to Leave the EU Compendium Report
Defence and security after Brexit Understanding the possible implications of the UK’s decision to leave the EU Compendium report James Black, Alex Hall, Kate Cox, Marta Kepe, Erik Silfversten For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1786 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: HMS Vanguard (MoD/Crown copyright 2014); Royal Air Force Eurofighter Typhoon FGR4, A Chinook Helicopter of 18 Squadron, HMS Defender (MoD/Crown copyright 2016); Cyber Security at MoD (Crown copyright); Brexit (donfiore/fotolia); Heavily armed Police in London (davidf/iStock) RAND Europe is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.rand.org/randeurope Defence and security after Brexit Preface This RAND study examines the potential defence and security implications of the United Kingdom’s (UK) decision to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’). -
Is Non-Offensive Defence Viable As a Strategy for National Security?
Is Non-Offensive Defence Viable As A Strategy For National Security? IS NON-OFFENSIVE DEFENCE VIABLE AS A STRATEGY FOR NATIONAL SECURITY? By LTC Goh Nichola ABSTRACT Non-Offensive Defence is described as the strategic defence stance taken by a country to safeguard its naonal interest. Without being aggressive with its military, a naon can potenally deter an aggressor, through its uneven terrain or foreign alliances. In this essay, the author states that non-offensive defence is viable as a strategy only if certain condions are fulfilled—suitable geography, benign strategic environment and neutral foreign outreach. In the case of Japan, the author puts forth an addional condion, which is alliances. In the author’s opinion, however, Non-Offensive defence is only fully viable if the three condions highlighted above are met. Keywords: Offence, Defence, Strategic, Condions, Environment INTRODUCTION extremist groups) and hybrid taccs (e.g. cyberaacks) employed by state actors. Non-Offensive Defence (NOD) gained prominence during the height of the Cold War in the late 1970s to THE CONCEPT OF NON-OFFENSIVE early 1980s as a strategy for the North Atlanc Treaty DEFENCE Organisaon (NATO). Nevertheless, it has remained The concept of NOD originated during the Cold prominent in the discourse of security studies ll today. War as a means of defusing tensions between NATO In this essay, the author argues that non-offensive and the Warsaw Pact. Moller and Wiberg idenfied the defence is viable as a strategy for naonal security only three purposes of NOD as follows: (1) to facilitate arms if the following condions are fulfilled—the geography control and disarmament, (2) to strengthen peace by of the country in queson must defensible, its strategic ruling out pre-empve and prevenve wars, and (3) to environment must be benign, and the way it conducts 1 provide effecve yet non-suicidal defensive opons. -
Lawful Targets in Cyber Operations: Does the Principle of Distinction Apply?
Lawful Targets in Cyber Operations: Does the Principle of Distinction Apply? Noam Lubell 89 INT’L L. STUD. 252 (2013) Volume 89 2013 International Law Studies 2013 Lawful Targets in Cyber Operations: Does the Principle of Distinction Apply? Noam Lubell* I. INTRODUCTION M ost of the advanced and largest militaries in the world have, in recent years, devoted significant attention and resources to the development of the capacity to conduct—and defend against—cyber operations.1 Indeed, cyber operations feature prominently in discussions over future conflicts and are expected to be an inherent and major component in the waging of war. But cyber operations are not usually conducted with the aim of straightforward material harm to a physical military object and their use * Reader in Law, School of Law, University of Essex, United Kingdom. Thanks are due to Marty Ehlenbach for research assistance and to Audrey Guinchard for comments. 1. U.S. Department of Defense, Department of Defense Strategy for Operating in Cyberspace (2011), available at http://www.defense.gov/news/d20110714cyber.pdf; HM Government, Securing Britain in an Age of Uncertainty: UK Strategic Defence and Securi- ty Review (2010), available at http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/sites/default/files /resources/strategic-defence-security-review.pdf; NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence, http://www.ccdcoe.org/; Jim Wolf, China Cyber Capability Puts U.S. Forces at Risk: Report, REUTERS (Mar. 8, 2012, 12:11 AM), http://www.reuters.com /article/2012/03/08/us-china-usa-cyberwar-idUSBRE8270AF20120308; Nick Hopkins, Militarisation of Cyberspace: How the Global Power Struggle Moved Online, GUARDIAN (Apr. -
The Political Economy of the IRGC's Involvement in the Iranian Oil and Gas Industry
The Political Economy of the IRGC’s involvement in the Iranian Oil and Gas Industry: A Critical Analysis MSc Political Science (Political Economy) Thesis Research Project: The Political Economy of Energy University of Amsterdam, Graduate School of Social Sciences 5th June 2020 Author: Hamed Saidi Supervisor: Dr. M. P. (Mehdi) Amineh (1806679) Second reader: Dr. S. (Said) Rezaeiejan [This page is intentionally left blank] 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents ................................................................................................................................ 3 Abstract ............................................................................................................................................... 6 Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................................... 7 Maps ................................................................................................................................................ 8 List of Figures and Tables ................................................................................................................. 10 List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................................................ 11 I: RESEARCH DESIGN .................................................................................................................................... 13 1.1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ -
Verordnung Über Massnahmen Gegenüber Der Islamischen Republik Iran Vom 19
946.231.143.6 Verordnung über Massnahmen gegenüber der Islamischen Republik Iran vom 19. Januar 2011 (Stand am 17. April 2012) Der Schweizerische Bundesrat, gestützt auf Artikel 2 des Embargogesetzes vom 22. März 20021 (EmbG), verordnet: 1. Abschnitt: Begriffe Art. 1 In dieser Verordnung bedeuten: a. Gelder: finanzielle Vermögenswerte, einschliesslich Bargeld, Schecks, Geldforderungen, Wechsel, Geldanweisungen oder andere Zahlungsmittel, Guthaben, Schulden und Schuldverpflichtungen, Wertpapiere und Schuldti- tel, Wertpapierzertifikate, Obligationen, Schuldscheine, Optionsscheine, Pfandbriefe, Derivate; Zinserträge, Dividenden oder andere Einkünfte oder Wertzuwächse aus Vermögenswerten; Kredite, Rechte auf Verrechnung, Bürgschaften, Vertragserfüllungsgarantien oder andere finanzielle Zusagen; Akkreditive, Konnossemente, Sicherungsübereignungen, Dokumente zur Verbriefung von Anteilen an Fondsvermögen oder anderen Finanzressour- cen und jedes andere Finanzierungsinstrument für Exporte; b. Sperrung von Geldern: die Verhinderung jeder Handlung, welche die Ver- waltung oder die Nutzung der Gelder ermöglicht, mit Ausnahme von nor- malen Verwaltungshandlungen von Finanzinstituten; c. Geldtransfer: jede Transaktion, die im Namen eines Auftraggebers über ei- nen Zahlungsverkehrsdienstleister auf elektronischem Weg mit dem Ziel ab- gewickelt wird, einem Begünstigten bei einem Zahlungsverkehrsdienstleister einen Geldbetrag zur Verfügung zu stellen, unabhängig davon, ob Auftrag- geber und Begünstigter dieselbe Person sind; d. iranische Bank: 1. eine Bank mit Sitz in der Islamischen Republik Iran (Iran), einschliess- lich der iranischen Zentralbank, 2. Zweigniederlassungen und Tochtergesellschaften einer Bank mit Sitz in Iran, AS 2011 383 1 SR 946.231 1 946.231.143.6 Aussenhandel 3. eine Bank, die ihren Sitz nicht in Iran hat, aber von Personen oder Organisationen mit Sitz in Iran kontrolliert wird; e. iranische Person oder Organisation: 1. der iranische Staat sowie jede Behörde dieses Staates, 2. jede natürliche Person mit Aufenthaltsort oder Wohnsitz in Iran, 3. -
The Revolutionary Guards' Looting of Iran's
k o No. 3 • June 2010 o l t The Revolutionary Guards’ Looting u of Iran’s Economy O By Ali Alfoneh n On June 9, 2010, the United Nations (UN) Security Council imposed the fourth round of sanctions on the r Islamic Republic of Iran in response to the Iranian leadership’s refusal to comply with its international obligations e regarding its nuclear program. The sanctions include the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and its t engineering arm, which serves as the engine of Iran’s nuclear program. Sanctions against the IRGC, however, are likely to prove insufficient because they do not target the IRGC’s banking sector. An effective sanctions regime s against the IRGC must necessarily also target the IRGC’s financial arm. a On June 9, 2010, in response to Iran’s refusal to how to sanction it,” and continued that sanctions E comply with its international obligations regarding would “increase the Guard’s popularity.”4 With its nuclear program, the UN Security Council Kayhan preparing the public mind, Ahmadinejad e adopted Resolution 1929, imposing the fourth addressed GHORB commanders and executives l round of sanctions on Iran, including new measures February 21 and asked them to ready themselves d to limit the role of the IRGC and fifteen IRGC- to “enter high-end oil and gas activities in order related companies linked to proliferation.1 The to satisfy the domestic needs of the country.”5 d Security Council’s initiative follows the same line Sure enough, on March 15 the Oil Ministry gave i as the U.S. -
Prospect Theory and the Defence in Clausewitz's on War Paper
Prospect theory and the defence in Clausewitz’s On War Paper presented to the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, 16 March 2016, Atlanta, Georgia. Kenneth Payne, KCL It is quite clear how greatly the objective nature of war makes it a matter of assessing probabilities.1 Carl von Clausewitz, somewhat cryptically, argued that defence in war was stronger than attack. This seems to jar with much military writing then and now which praises the dynamism of the offensive and advocates using surprise as a means of overcoming an adversary’s strengths. Seizing the initiative, particularly when done by bold, visionary generalship, is the way to win victory in battle. By contrast, the defence seems reactive and passive, not commonly traits praised in military commanders or strategists. Waiting, Clausewitz averred, is the ‘leading feature’ of the defence.2 Passivity in the face of enemy hostility is not commonly remarked upon as a feature of martial prowess. Even when an attack was underway, the defensive force would remain on the back foot, reacting to events, rather than shaping them decisively; passively enduring the blows of the assaulting armies. As Clausewitz saw it, ‘prudence is the true spirit of defence, courage and confidence the true spirit of the attack’.3 How then could defence be the stronger of the two forces in war? Nonetheless, I argue here that Clausewitz was essentially correct, and for reasons that modern psychology would recognize. Specifically, I claim that the defence is stronger because we have an innate aversion to losing possessions, and this causes us both to fight more tenaciously to hold on to what we have, and to risk more to secure it. -
National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015
National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015 Third Annual Report July 2019 2 National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015: Third Annual Report © Crown copyright 2019 Produced by Cabinet Office You may re-use this information (excluding logos) free of charge in any format or medium, under the terms of the Open Government Licence. To view this licence, visit http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/ or email: [email protected] Where we have identified any third party copyright material you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. Alternative format versions of this report are available on request, from [email protected] Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at [email protected] National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015: Third Annual Report 3 Foreword by the Prime Minister, The Rt. Hon Theresa May MP. Over the last year, the challenges our nation faces have continued to evolve. They have become more complex, driven by technology and increasing competition between states. They have required greater collaboration to form an effective deterrent. The UK has responded to these challenges, building on the commitments we made in the Strategic Defence and Security Review 2015 and the National Security Capability Review 2018. We have begun to realise the benefits of the new Fusion approach in dealing with national security threats. We are able to harness the full impact of our national capabilities, increasing our ability to respond at speed, improving coordination of our activity, both across Government and with partners.