EGPA, Lausanne, 5–7 September 2018, PSG 1, E-government

A Greater with Cities Smarter than Smart: Minimal Securitization, Maximal Deliberation

Pertti Ahonen, , e-mail [email protected]

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to take steps towards imminent empirical research on smart cities in the Greater Helsinki region of 1.5 million inhabitants in 14 municipalities. The intended research should combine two lines of inquiry. A technocratic line has generated a literature on “smart cities” with resilience in their various functions assured by means of intensive use of IoT, algorithms, and big data (Geertman et al. 2015). A political line of research forewarns of excessive “securitization” (Balzacq 2015) in smart cities (Sadowski & Pasquale 2015; Fichtner et al. 2016; Monahan 2018; Steele et al. 2017), and offers deliberation, societal inclusion (Garcia Alonso & Lippez-De Castro 2016; Cardullo & Kitchin 2018) and other democratic exigencies for recipes of smartness (Araya 2015; Foth et al. 2015; Spicer & Bowen 2017). This paper considers philosophy of science starting points, formulates a theoretical approach, outlines what Greater Helsinki is comprised of, reviews practical experiences, and traces methods and research materials.

Keywords: security, democracy, deliberation, civic participation

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Introduction

The purpose of this paper is to take steps towards empirical research on smart cities in the Greater Helsinki region with 14 municipalities with a combined population of 1.5 million exceeding one fourth of the population of . The empirical research shall combine two lines of inquiry:

• A technocratic line understands smart cities possessing such characteristics as the resilience of their functions assured by means that include the intensive utilization of IoT, algorithms, and big data (Geertman & al. 2015). • A political line of research is critical of risks of “securitization” (making something into a topic of security; Balzacq 2015) of smart cities (Sadowski & Pasquale 2015; Fichtner et al. 2016; Monahan 2018; Steele et al. 2017). Deliberation, societal inclusion (Garcia Alonso & Lippez-De Castro 2016; Cardullo & Kitchin 2018), and satisfying other democratic exigencies (Araya 2015; Foth et al. 2015; Spicer & Bowen 2017) belong to defining characteristics of smart cities according to the second inquiry line.

Answers are sought to five research questions:

1. Which philosophy of science starting points offer opportunities to carry out the intended research? 2. Within the frames of the chosen philosophy of science starting points, which kind of elements of a theoretical approach would enable the intended empirical research? 3. Which interesting characteristics does Greater Helsinki have from the viewpoint of smart city research? 4. Which background do accumulated practical experiences offer for the intended empirical research? 5. Which methods and research materials are needed for the intended research?

Specific research procedures are not available to examine alternative philosophy of science starting points or to elaborate a theoretical approach. For reviewing previous empirical research such methodologies exist as meta-analysis (Rinquist 2013; Fingfeld-Connett 2018) and systematic reviews (Gough et al. 2013; Meijer & Rodríquez Bolivar 2017; Bibri & Krogstie 2017a). However, such methodologies are suitable in later stages of the intended study than at the current beginning. To chart practical experiences in this paper semi-structured interviews were carried out. 3

This paper is structured according to its five research questions. Each of the five sections seeks answers to one of these questions. It arises from the character of this paper that a section with a summary, discussion and implications did not turn out to be practical to write.

Selecting from Among Alternative Starting Points of Philosophy of Science

Six Philosophies of Science

To make explicit the choice of a philosophical starting point for the imminent empirical study let us consider six alternative starting points (Table 1):

• Digital positivism • Critical realism • Post-foundationalism • Pragmatism • Strong constructionism • Weak constructionism

Table 1. Selected philosophy of science starting points. Digital positivism Critical realism Classical statements NA Bhaskar 1975 Characterization Quantitative or qualitative Causal explanation with examination of empirical reference to non-observable regularities; for a critique see mechanisms generating the Fuchs (2017) events whose observables are empirically available Generic researchers with Too many to mention NA relevance to smart city studies Smart city research and related Too many to mention Allen et al. 2013 research Positive aspects May have descriptive value Maintains intentions towards also in studies rejecting its scientific explanation with a presuppositions certain commensurability with the natural sciences Can be combined with different values and ethics 4

Possible problems Assumptions of efficiency May be dogmatic as concerns constrain examination the mechanisms postulated “Administrative” big data and the ethics subscribed to analytics (Fuchs 2017) Values and ethics Must be separately introduced Critical towards mechanisms to the examination if at all seen as generating effects seen A frequent assumption that as undesirable efficiency is for the best Positive values and ethics must be separately introduced in the examination if at all

Post-foundationalism Pragmatism Classical statements Laclau & Mouffe 1984; see Pragmatist philosophers; e.g. also Marchart 2007 Dewey and Peirce Characterization Emphasis upon negation and Emphasis upon problem the deconstruction of all solving and action rather than meanings describing, representing or mirroring “reality” Generic researchers with Swyngedouw 2009 Bridge 2004 relevance to smart city studies Smart city research or related NA NA research Positive aspects May generate scathing critical Can be combined with other analysis in focused studies philosophy of science starting points Possible problems Individual studies may find it Pragmatic acceptance of many difficult to more than repeat alternatives may lead to an the post-foundational instrumentalist attitude philosophical tenets Pragmatism may not easily allow taking into account negative side effects of science and technology Values and ethics Re-evaluates all values and High valuation of the progress questions the solidity of all of science and technology and meanings, deconstructing the pursuit of objectivity in them science (LaFollette 2000) Does not subscribe to any positive set of values

Strong constructionism Moderate constructionism Classical statements NA NA Characterization E.g., in Brey 2009; E.g., in Brey 2009; examines foregrounds the examination social and political effects upon technology; effects of technology upon itself; and 5

of social and political effects social and political effects of upon technology technology May distinguish political and social institutional constructedness and brute facts of nature (Hay 2016) Generic researchers with Steve Woolgar, several studies Actor-network-theory of relevance to smart city studies Wiebe Bijker, several studies Latour (2005) Research on the social shaping of technology Research on “affordances” that technology allows as explicated, e.g., in Zheng & Yu 2016 Smart city research or related Too many to mention Bibri & Krogstie 2017b research Positive aspects Has generated numerous Offers moderating correctives studies on social and political to strong constructionism effects upon technology Allows for examining May have substantial interactions between politics descriptive value also for and society on the one hand research that does not adopt and on the other technology in strong constructivism both directions Possible problems Foregrounds social and Finding orientation amongst political effects upon different approaches of technology instead of effects moderate constructionism taking place within technology Need to choose carefully the itself, or the social and values and ethics adopted in political effects of technology the examination Values and ethics Must be separately introduced Can be combined with many in the examination if at all alternative types of ethics

Building upon Milder Constructionism to Examine Smart Cities

The imminent empirical research on smart cities will build upon milder constructionism. The respective presuppositions are expected to enable examining social and political influences upon technology, influences of technology upon itself, and social and political influences of technology.

The assumptions of milder constructionism should also allow for examining “affordances” that technology offers actors to act in ways that otherwise would not be possible. These affordances can 6 be for the best in certain circumstances, such as helping to overcome marginalization and exclusion, raising the quality of decision-making, or improving transparency. However, there may also be circumstances in which affordances may be for the worst, such as when they enable intrusion to privacy, the appropriation of data on people from these people, secretive surveillance, and, in the extreme, the usurpation of power from the people to whom the power should belong in democracy.

Elements for a Theoretical Approach to Smart Cities

An Evaluation Framework, and an Analytic Separation of Dimensions of the Smart City

The theoretical approach to smart cities should in principle constitute an integrated whole. However, for analytical reasons it is useful, first, to divide this framework into a normative part and a non-normative part, and next, to elaborate empirical dimensions of the framework step by step. The first part of the approach comprises a normative framework comprised of a set of criteria of political evaluation. Second, in its non-normative aspects the approach is composed of three analytic dimensions: a technological dimension, a political dimension, and a security and securitization dimension.

A Framework for the Evaluation of Smart Cities with Liberal Democratic Principles

Many ethical frameworks with political relevance could be connected to the theoretical approach to smart cities being formulated, such as a traditional, religious, conservative, radical, individual liberal, or social liberal framework. From among such frameworks, the two last are known under the collective name of “restricted constructive” ethical frameworks (Street 2010). A well-known social liberal framework was chosen to include in the theoretical approach of the imminent study. The views of the philosopher John B. Rawls are built into the approach to smart cities elaborated in this paper. In the model of Rawls, “the truth of claims concerning social and political justice” concern liberal democratic values “entailed from the point of the original position”, by which Rawls means the choice of social and political arrangements under what he calls “a veil of ignorance” concerning what the position of each chooser might be (Street 2010, 368). The original position is composed of normative judgments of liberal democratic politics and society, including “judgments about fair bargaining conditions, the freedom and equality of persons, and the irrelevance from the moral point of view of individual traits such as race, sex, class, and natural endowment” (Street 2010, 368). Rawls (1971, 266) defines two normative principles: 7

First Principle: Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive total system of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar system of liberty for all.

Second Principle: Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both: (a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, consistent with the just savings principle [to take into account the lot of the future generations, my addition], and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity.

Examining Smart Cities in a Technological Dimension

Advances in ICTs transform the spatiality that constitutes cities, and enable the virtual transcendence of the limits of space. Boundaries and interactions between the state and civil society and the public sphere and privacy are also constantly transformed. In important respects the political effects of the ICTs derive from their affordances – meaning that which they make possible. Affordances may enable increases in the scale and scope of activities to proportions unheard of before, and may transcend myriad times over earlier limits to memorization, access, retrieval, dissemination, communication, contacting, interaction, transactions, and networking, as reflected in emphases such as those upon ubiquitous IoT, all- powerful algorithms, and massive utilization of big data (Geertman et al. 2015). Many studies on smart cities have examined analogous technological characteristics as in other types of institutions and organizations. However, there would be little point to replicate traits of such studies in the imminent study, but put the focus upon the political characteristics of smart cities. Affordances of technology have their darker side, as witnessed by denial-of-service attacks, the misuse of data on individuals and collective actors, legally or morally questionable data collection, data theft and the misuse of stolen data, ICT system crashes, and the chimaera of cyber warfare and hybrid warfare (Betz & Stevens 2013). Catalyzed by the ICTs, issues of risk and security are constantly transformed, and new risk and security issues continue to arise. ICTs do not leave relations of power intact, either. New issues arise such as the concentration of power in the hands of companies offering services on ICT platforms, or the dispossession of weaker individuals, strata, and communities (Calzada & Cobo 2015).

Examining Smart Cities in a Political Dimension

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In the imminent empirical study, the following themes are given emphasis in examining smart cities in a political dimension:

• The relevance of selected classical traditions of social and political thought to examining smart cities • The smart city membership of citizens, other residents, and collective actors • The institutional boundaries of smart cities • Key questions of political governance in smart cities

We can include smart cities among the inheritors of the classical political heritage of the ancient Greek polis (Aristotle 1932; Meijer et al. 2016). The metaphor of decision-making in an agora in which free citizens of the polis convene to use the power of the polis has not lost its strength. Another classical notion, deliberation, has not lost its relevance, either. This notion has its origin in an early Latin translation of one of Aristotle’s three genera of language use, meaning the genus liberativum of politically relevant language use of weighing policy proposals with balanced attention to their strengths and their weaknesses (Aristotle 2006). Certain newer including ICT- mediated procedures for citizen participation in smart cities and certain other affordances of ICTs in smart city contexts have made the metaphor of agora and deliberation ever more acute (Garcia Alonso & Lippez-De Castro 2016; Vinod Kumar 2017). Let us next turn to issues concerning membership in smart cities. Entrenched types of city members comprise national citizens with their permanent residence in the city, and institutions and organizations that have their domicile in the city. However, the identity of the citizens is intersectional rather than has a single origin (Raco 2018), mixing municipal membership, citizenship of a national state and, in a federal state, citizenship in a member state of a federation. Insofar as sub-national such as regional governance has been introduced, ever more complex intersectional identities arise. In the European Union citizens have also a European citizenship, and certain institutions and organizations may be registered as specifically European, companies offering a case of point. The membership of people in cities and the implications of this membership to the rights of individuals are not exhausted to national citizens (Foth et al. 2015). Besides citizens, cities may have other residents, whose identity includes citizenship of some other country, or downright statelessness. It is common that legal non-citizen residents have the right to vote in municipal elections on the one hand, but on the other controversies on allowing work- or refugee-related immigrants to stay let alone arrive are common. These issues are related to political cleavages 9 separating those with an anti-foreigner standpoint, those content with the status quo, and those ready to civic action for the benefit of people who lack legal permit of residence (Van Der Vaal et al. 2013; Schumacher & Van Kersbergen 2016). Cities and their different parts are known to be crucially different as concerns the acuteness of these issues and attitudes towards them. The official institutional boundaries between municipalities have been explicitly drawn, but in densely populated areas with neighboring municipalities many interactions transcend these boundaries. Some of these interactions may receive statutory or voluntary institutionalization, such as in cooperation between metropolitan municipalities. Demarcating the smart city is also an economic and fiscal issue of city revenue including corporate, real estate and sales taxes, federal or unitary state grants to cities, city fees on services, and city borrowing (Asatryan et al. 2015). Many issues that bear relevance for the political governance of smart cities including issues with ICT mediation are identical or analogous with questions with which one comes across in examining other research objects. Let us take a few examples from literature on elections, referenda, and citizen initiatives; centralization, decentralization, and networking; media and communication; and governance (see, e.g., Heinelt & Hlepas 2006; Loughlin et al. 2011; Ekman & Amnå 2012; Vissers & Stolle 2012; Spicer 2014; Araya 2015; Ladner et al. 2016; Sintomer et al. 2016; Cardullo & Kitchin 2018):

• Elections, referenda, and citizen initiatives o General electoral participation along the divisions of the voters according to ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic strata, and place of residence within the city o The representativeness of the elected city council in respect to such divisions as those above o Electoral web campaigning, voting advice applications, and e-voting in cities o Participation in traditional, e-, or web referenda insofar as these are arranged o Traditional, e-, or web-mediated processing of city member initiatives o Utilization of crowdsourcing in policy preparation and ex post policy evaluation • Centralization, decentralization, and networking o Centralization with massive municipal amalgamations creating unified metropolitan cities o Statutory or voluntary collaboration between self-governing metropolitan municipalities by traditional, e- or web-mediated means, such as associations of municipalities or comparable institutions or joint-stock companies with municipal ownership, or integration of ICT hardware, networks, applications, or data 10

o Traditional, e-, or web-mediated devolution of city power to different parts of the city o Traditional, e-, or web-mediated city interaction networks with federal, national or state governments, the business sector, the third sector, and individual citizens • Media and communication o City relationships with public opinion expressed in traditional, electronic, and traditional-electronic hybrid media o Social media in official and spontaneous interactions within the city and between the city and its external stakeholders • Governance o The source of the mandate of the individual top executive of the city, either election, nomination, or combination of both o The setup of the city executive board, such as according to majority parliamentarism or, the size of the board permitting, including all groups represented in the elected council o The quality of the traditional, e- and web-mediated city governance including its structures, systems, leadership, management, civil service, and other employees o The quality of the preparation, implementation, ex ante assessment, monitoring, control and ex post evaluation of policies and decisions

Examining Smart Cities in a Security and Securitization Dimension

The positive affordances of ICTs in relation to cities come with a price of negative affordances including security risks and other risks. In their formal outline these issues are classical, discussed since Thomas Hobbes and even earlier authors. Hobbes proposed the vesting of state power with an absolutist monarch under an implicit contract with the citizens in order to maintain peace and order (Hobbes 2017). A later author, who was also a Hobbes scholar, Carl Schmitt (1932), saw a fatal deficiency in liberal democracy in what see saw as its inability to answer to existential risks to its subsistence, which Schmitt reduced to confrontations between the “friend” and the “enemy”. However, Schmitt’s proposal for a “state of exception” with temporary lifting of the civil rights provides no satisfactory solution. Research on “securitization” with origins in international relations research has elaborated these issues further (Buzan et al. 1998; Balzacq 2015), including in smart city contexts (Sadowski & Pasquale 2015; Fichtner et al. 2016; Monahan 2018; Spicer & Bowen 2017; Steele et al 2017). 11

Securitization comprises extreme politicization transforming topics into issues of security with extraordinary measures justified to ensure or re-establish security. Instead of security threats that come as close to brute facts as can be such as a nuclear attack, securitization studies rather focus on less extreme situations in which those who emphasize threats have succeeded in persuading others of the existential character of certain threats. Examples of consequences of securitization include heavy emphasis upon eliminating terrorism by such means as the meticulous screening of airline and other passengers, video and other electronic surveillance, and security authorities tapping electronic communications and profiling persons seen as possible troublemakers. Securitization research has also paid attention to the possible crowding out of attention to risks empirically known to lead to high loss-of-life figures such as traffic accidents, smoking, alcoholism and drug addiction, unhealthy food habits and sedentary ways of life, diseases preventable by means of inoculation, and lax regulation of the acquisition and use of firearms. Cities pose specific security challenges to resolve if the cities are to deserve the attribute of smartness. The complexity of cities and the concentration of numerous functions in the cities give rise to multiple vulnerabilities, capital cities offering a case of point. The issues involved frequently call for cooperation between city and federal or unitary state authorities, between various city authorities, with companies, and with voluntary organizations, citizens, and media. Negative scenarios include the paralysis of the vital activities either as a consequence adverse contingent conditions or as a result of terrorist or comparable acts or cyber attacks by hostile foreign powers. Examples can be found that best-willed intentions of public authorities to categorize security risks, assess their severity, and inform the public on these leads to a backlash of international proportions. To take a Swedish case, the police have frequently reported on problem areas in cities and towns (Polisen 2015, 2017). Despite indications that “no-go areas” do not exist in Sweden and that the situation has been improving, international issues have arisen, including a U.S. President tweet that such areas would abound in Sweden, although substantially moderated in a later presidential tweet (New York Times 2017). In short, insofar as efforts are made to make people frightened, they may indeed get afraid, and excessive securitization may take another step forward.

Greater Helsinki in Outline

The geographical area of the empirical study grounded in this paper comprises Greater Helsinki (Suur-Helsinki) with 14 municipalities in an area of 3 700 square kilometers with a combined population exceeding 1.5 million (Figure 1). In Helsinki the national political institutions and almost all headquarters of national institutions of civilian and military public administration are 12 located. Most large companies have their headquarters in Helsinki and many in the neighboring . The region generated 42 per cent of the national gross production value and the national value added in 2016 (Statistics Finland 2018). Analogous shares exceed one half in computer, electronic and optical products, electric equipment, information and communication industries, and education, situate themselves between 3/5 and 2/3 in scientific research and development, and exceed 2/3 in the arts, entertainment, and recreation. Finland’s foremost airport by far is located in . More than four fifths of Finland’s passenger sea traffic travels through the Port of Helsinki, which is the country’s second port in import volume and the third one in export volume.

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Figure 1. The Greater Helsinki region and its municipalities. Explanations: Pääkaupunkiseutu = The region Helsingin seutu = Greater Helsinki

Helsinki, Vantaa and Espoo have substantially larger shares than the national average of speakers of other languages than the official national languages Finnish and Swedish (Table 1). The share of people with a foreign background is somewhat higher in the three cities, meaning about one fifth (Helsinki 2018). In international comparison these shares are comparatively low. The two other languages with the most speakers in these three municipalities comprise Russian and Estonian, meaning that the two dominant foreigner groups do not represent cultures far removed from that of Finland, although high shares of children among population groups with Asian or African origins predict changes. The Greater Helsinki area had a Swedish-speaking majority one hundred years ago, but at the present the Swedish-speakers only have substantial shares left in a few of the municipalities of this region. None of the Greater Helsinki municipalities has a share of senior citizens over the national average, but several of these municipalities have a population share of children exceeding the national average. The municipal income tax rate lies discernibly below the national average in , Espoo, Helsinki, and, although less so, in Vantaa, whereas signs of fiscal strain with higher rates are visible in some of the other municipalities. Kauniainen has Finland’s highest per capita taxable incomes in municipal taxation, and Espoo and Helsinki are also situated comparatively high.

Table 1. Statistics on the municipalities of the Greater Helsinki region. Helsinki Vantaa Espoo Kauniainen Sq. km land 214 238 312 6 Inhabitants 645 000 224 000 280 000 9 600 Languages, % 80 – 6 – 15 81 – 3 – 16 78 – 7 – 15 60 – 34 – 6 Parties K25-G21-S12 S18-K17-G12 K26-G17-S10 F16-K12-G3 Age groups, % 14 – 69 – 17 18 – 67 – 15 20 – 66 – 14 18 – 61 – 21 Mayor Elected Appointed Appointed Appointed Taxable income 22 046 19 789 24 967 37 805 Income tax rate 18.5 19.0 18.0 17.0 14

Higher education 33 21 36 47

Kirkkonummi Nurmijärvi Hyvinkää Sq. km land 394 522 362 323 Inhabitants 39 000 29 000 42 000 47 000 Languages 76 – 17 – 7 94 – 2 – 5 95 – 1 – 4 94 – 1 – 5 Parties K13-F11-G11 K10-C10-S10 K15-C11-S9 S14-K13-G7 Age groups, % 21 – 64 – 15 20 – 63 – 17 22 – 63 – 15 15 – 63 – 20 Mayor Appointed Appointed Appointed Appointed Taxable income 22 252 19 113 20 244 18 797 Income tax rate 19.5 20.5 19.5 19.75 Higher education 28 20 21 26

Tuusula Järvenpää Sq. km land 219 31 40 343 Inhabitants 39 000 36 000 43 000 20 000 Languages 94 – 2 – 4 90 – 1 – 9 94 – 1 – 5 63 – 33 – 4 Parties S13-K12-O11 S13-K13-G9 K11-S10-O8 F17-K11-G5 Age groups, % 20 – 64 – 16 17 – 65 – 18 18 – 66 – 17 20 – 63 – 17 Mayor Appointed Appointed Appointed Appointed Taxable income 21 247 19 847 20 100 21 442 Income tax rate 19.5 19.25 19.75 19.25 Higher education 22 21 22 24

Pornainen Mäntsälä Greater Helsinki Finland Sq. km land 147 522 3 673 338 000 Inhabitants 5 100 21 000 1 479 000 5 523 000 Languages 96 – 2 – 2 96 – 1 – 3 .. 88 –5 – 7 Parties C10-S7-K4 C12-S11-K9 .. K21-S19-C18-G13 Age groups, % 23 – 63 – 14 21 – 62 –17 .. 16 – 64 – 19 Mayor Appointed Appointed 1 of 14 elected 3 of 313 elected Taxable income 17 030 16 657 .. 17 245 Income tax rate 19.5 20.5 .. 19.86 15

Higher education 12 15 .. 21

Explanations: From public domain statistics, 2018 or latest available year. Native languages: % of Finnish – Swedish – Other Parties: The number of council members for the three parties with the highest number of these members in 2017/2018, except for the last column indicating the % of the four parties with most votes of the national vote in the 2017 local government elections. K, Coalition a.k.a. Conservatives, G Greens, S Social Democratic Party, F Swedish People’s Party, C Center, and O Local groupings. Age groups: -15, 15-65, 66- Taxable income: Euros per inhabitant in municipal taxation Income tax rate: Municipal income tax % of taxable income Higher education: % of at least 15-year olds with a polytechnic or university degree

The council members of all municipalities in Finland are elected in local government elections normally held every four years. Since 2017 the City of Helsinki is Finland’s third municipality that moved to an elected major system. Rather than parliamentarism Helsinki applies multi-party government. In 2017, the candidate with most personal votes in the party with the highest total of votes became the mayor, and the candidate with most personal votes in the party with the second highest total votes became one of the deputy mayors. Both two parties also received another deputy mayor, as did the party with the third highest total of votes. Besides the mayor and the deputy mayors, the executive board of Helsinki comprises other members on the general principle applied in Finland that the party composition of the board should reflect the party composition of the elected council. In its political ecology Greater Helsinki differs from Finnish averages although not from several of the other larger urban concentrations in that the Greens, which is a moderate, social liberal party attracting academic and female voters in the Finnish case, have substantial representation in several municipal councils. The political party with the highest contingent of seats in the Finnish municipal boards meaning Center is particularly weak except in certain Greater Helsinki fringes. The immigration-critical populist party True Finns has not been nor comprises an influential party in the Greater Helsinki municipalities. The Greater Helsinki municipalities not only operate alone. The characteristic form of cooperation between municipalities in Finland is comprised of unions of municipalities officially translated as “joint authorities”, meaning independent legal subjects in whose governance their member municipalities are represented in agreed upon proportions, the population size typically 16 predicting each proportion. For certain functions the Finnish municipalities have the statutory obligation to join at least some although no given joint authority. The Hospital District of Helsinki and Uusimaa with 24 members and 22 hospitals offers a prime example, joining all Greater Helsinki municipalities and some more in addition. The Helsinki Region Transport Authority HSL currently has eight members from Greater Helsinki and one from the outside. Helsinki Region Environmental Services Authority has the four municipalities of the capital city region as its members (see Figure 1). Finnish municipalities are also allowed to invest in joint-stock companies they own or co-own, comprising another important form of inter-municipal cooperation. Promises towards “smartness exceeding smartness” in Greater Helsinki include an educated and youthful population, Finland’s sole , concentrations of high value-added economic activities, the national political institutions, and the headquarters of most large companies, most organizations of the national public administration, and many of the foremost NGOs of their headquarters. Greater Helsinki politically represents social liberal values (the Greens, somewhat lesser so the Social Democrats, and in certain respects the Swedish People’s Party SPP) and mixed social liberal and market liberal values (Coalition a.k.a. the Conservatives, and in certain respects SPP) rather than values of Finland’s faraway regions (the Center) or a political platform prioritizing those with Finnish-speaking ancestry (the True Finns). Smart city projects have certainly been carried out in Greater Helsinki (LvM 2014; the interviews carried out for this paper).

Surveying Practical Experiences with Potential Paradigmatic Value

Practical experiences were surveyed by means of semi-structured interviews. The questions (see Appendix) were used as prompts rather than a strict scheme. First the imminent summer in May and early June of 2018 and next the ongoing summer from late June to early August 2019 restricted the number of people who could be reached for an interview.

Smart City Flagships Are not Enough

One aspect that came up comprised taking distance from overstating such smart city achievements such as pilots, trials and isolated solutions to be world class achievements in elaborating a fully- fledged smart city. In the interviews it was put metaphorically that a smart cities “flagship” or a few are not enough, but an entire smart city “fleet” should be built and proven seaworthy. According to the interviews, the jargonesque characteristics of the notion of smart city and related notions had done their share to invite overstatements. 17

According to the interviews it is advisable to accept the gradual introduction of smart city characteristics without necessarily abandoning entrenched procedures, and creating new, hybrid combinations rather than unleashing a veritable smart city revolution. However, different opinions were also presented, including those that called for rapid and fundamental changes in decision- making procedures and institutions along given smart city lines. According to the interviews solutions exist according to which the civil servants including those with responsibilities in the security domain appropriately and actively involve the elected council members and members of the executive boards of the relevant city functions. It is not ruled out that a program-in-principle on security has been confirmed in the elected city council. Moreover, the democratic procedures have received explicit enhancement. However, problems exist, such as frequently lacking coordination between city authorities with safety-related responsibilities. What also came up comprised observations of problems to define a workable division of labor between national government authorities and city authorities, and issues arising from conflicts between authorities emphasizing prevention on the one hand, and on the other authorities that rather underline taking action after adverse incidents have taken place. Deregulatory steps taken by the national government were also mentioned as an influence, although it did not become quite clear if this influence was seen as welcome or problematic.

Remarkable Institutionalization in Security-Related Smart Cities Development

In the security domain, the interviews indicated intensive cooperation between security officials in Greater Helsinki cities and municipalities on the one hand, and on the other national government authorities. Specific fields of cooperation between cities, the national government, companies, NGOs and other stakeholders that came up include, for instance, electricity, water supply, public transportation, and protected communication connections between the public authorities. Cities were generally indicated as important cooperation partners in implementing the official Government Security Strategy (Government 2017). This is understandable given the roles ascribed in the strategy and many of its fifty-seven items to the cities.

Understanding the Dynamics of Smart Cities Development

The interviews paint a preliminary picture on the dynamics of smart cities evolution in Greater Helsinki. A three-stage model came up in resemblance with international examples (Cohen 2018):

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• A technology-driven stage with large ICT companies selling cities systems and solutions • A technology-enabled but city-led stage characterized by assertive mayors and other assertive decision-makers defining what to acquire from providers of ICT hardware and applications • A stage in which co-creation of solutions with the participation of the local citizens receives emphasis, including emphasis upon the softer side of human services provision

In the interviews the elaboration of new types of participatory tools came up. Rather than promising a turnaround in formal democratic procedures, these tools were seen to allow the local citizens more say in detailing their near environment and services made available to them. The interviews indicated that these tools are typically developed by specialized companies, and catalytic roles of researchers are also common. Moving “substance first” rather than starting from political and social principles was seen as typical of the development and the use of the new tools, foregrounding such everyday functions as food services, transportation and other movement and energy supply rather enhancing traditional or introducing new forms of voting or expressing opinion in traditional, e- or web referenda, or joining traditional, e- or web-based civic organizations. Active roles of NGOs of the welfare sector was also explicitly mentioned. The new Kalasatama of Helsinki, with 3 000 inhabitants in 2018 of the projected 25 000, was mentioned as one of the foremost hotbeds of smart city activities. However, there are also smart city activities that transcend boundaries between the Greater Helsinki cities and municipalities. The interviews indicated comparisons between Finland and other countries. The self- understanding of Finland as a high-trust society was mentioned as an important facilitator of people’s smart city participation. According to observations, people do not seem to be seriously concerned with preserving exclusivity to their “my data”. High trust levels had also been used to interpret the keen willingness of people to join social media groups of their immediate living environment.

Concluding Results

The interviews support the orientation of the imminent study towards combining a technology and security centered orientation of smart cities research on the one hand, and on the other an orientation of the political analysis of smart cities. However, although both orientations do consider the affordances of ICTs in smart cities evolution, work need be done to integrate the orientations. 19

This is also because of indications that the “security people” and the “democracy people” do not talk to each other sufficiently thus far. A certain characteristic of the results of the interviews hardly is visible without specifically emphasizing it. Although a distant outsider to Finland might imagine to see systematic and strong national government policies driving smart city developments in Finland, at the closer distance few or no such policies are visible. Resembling the results of another e-government study on quite a different topic (Ahonen 2018), the non-interventionist character of e-policies in Finland and reliance upon more spontaneously evolving network or market-based solutions or both in combination appear as characteristic to Finland rather than any degree of top-down imposition.

Methods and Research Material

The imminent empirical study will represent qualitative rather than quantitative research. However, this does not mean shying away from quantitative illustrations of qualitative research results insofar as useful. Moreover, it is important to keep in mind that qualitative research can be carried out under many types of philosophy of science presuppositions, such as, utilizing the terminology used in this paper, those of digital positivism, critical realism, post-foundationalism, or strong or moderate constructionism. This spread of opportunities requires some continuation of methodological work to solidify the grounding of the empirical research steps in order to ensure that the imminent study indeed will stay confident to its moderate constructionist presuppositions. There is little doubt that semi-structured interviews analogous with those carried out for this paper will occupy a role in the imminent empirical research. Systematizing the examination of the ample documentary material relevant for examining “smarter than smart cities” in Greater Helsinki comprises one of the methodological challenges ahead. Some degrees of participant observation and even action research are also worth consideration, but it will depend on the opportunities for these methodological extensions if they will truly ensue.

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Appendix. Questions in the semi-structured interviews and the people interviewed by 2 August 2018

The questions were written and presented in the Finnish language. These questions were used as prompts rather than a rigid structure. Here, English translations of the questions are given.

1. How would you characterize the general security situation in the region of the 14 municipalities Greater Helsinki with special reference to your own municipality from the viewpoint of strengths and weaknesses and opportunities and threats? 2. How do you see the role of ICT including digitalization and AI in security issues in Greater Helsinki with special reference to your municipality as a domain of security issues? – Conceivable foci: a. ICT infrastructures b. Information leakages c. Denial-of-service attacks d. Cyber and hybrid warfare e. ”Fifth column” domestic organizations such as support organizations to questionable activities directed from abroad f. The control ICT and electronics of technical infrastructures g. Others 3. How do you see the role of ICT including digitalization and AI in security issues in Greater Helsinki with special reference to your municipality as a source of solutions observing smart cities principles? - For example: a. Video and other surveillance b. Social media channels and other e-channels giving feedback to public authorities, with special reference to channels initiated by these authorities c. Forecasting of problems within the limits of data protection and protection of the individual d. Creative digital problem solving fora for the citizens and for interaction between them and the public authorities e. Extended crowdsourcing of problem solving f. E-voting g. Others 4. How do you characterize the cooperation between the municipalities of Greater Helsinki and between these municipalities and government (state) authorities in security issues? 5. How do you characterize the possibilities of entrenched political decision-making and participation in Greater Helsinki with special reference to your municipality in ICT-related security issues? 6. How do you characterize the possibilities of newer modes of political decision-making and participation (e.g., some of the modes mentioned above under question 3) in Greater Helsinki with special reference to your municipality in ICT-related security issues?

People interviewed by 2 August 2018:

• Jouko Sillanpää, recently retired head of security, City of Vantaa, Finland • Pekka Sauri, Professor of Practice in Communication, University of Helsinki, previous Deputy Mayor, City of Helsinki, Finland • Tapio Katko, Unesco Chair in Sustainable Water Services, University of , Finland 24

• Veera Mustonen, Executive Director, Smart Cities Living Lab, Adelaide, Australia, until 2018 CEO of the smart cities company Forum Virium whose stocks are owned by the City of Helsinki