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The Blue State: UNRWA's Transition from Relief to Development in Providing Education to Palestinian Refugees in Jordan
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) Spring 5-1-2021 The Blue State: UNRWA's Transition from Relief to Development in Providing Education to Palestinian Refugees in Jordan Alana Mitias University of Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Arabic Studies Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Mitias, Alana, "The Blue State: UNRWA's Transition from Relief to Development in Providing Education to Palestinian Refugees in Jordan" (2021). Honors Theses. 1699. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/1699 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BLUE STATE: UNRWA’S TRANSITION FROM RELIEF TO DEVELOPMENT IN PROVIDING EDUCATION TO PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN JORDAN by Alana Michelle Mitias A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford, Mississippi April 2021 Approved by ____________________________ Advisor: Dr. Lauren Ferry ____________________________ Reader: Dr. Emily Fransee ____________________________ Reader: Professor Ashleen Williams © 2021 Alana Michelle Mitias ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION……………………………………………..…………..1 CHAPTER II: INTERNATIONAL DIMENSION & LEGAL FRAMEWORK………....8 CHAPTER III: JORDAN’S EVOLUTION AS A HOST STATE………………...…….20 CHAPTER IV: UNRWA’S TRANSITION FROM RELIEF TO DEVELOPMENT…...38 CHAPTER V: ANALYSIS……………………………………………………………...50 CHAPTER VI: CONCLUSION………………………………………………………...56 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………….61 iii “An expenditure for education by UNRWA should not be regarded as relief any more than is a similar expenditure by any Government or by UNESCO. -
Survey of Palestinian Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 2010 - 2012 Volume VII
BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights is an independent, community-based non- This edition of the Survey of Palestinian Survey of Palestinian Refugees and profit organization mandated to defend Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons BADIL Internally Displaced Persons 2010-2012 and promote the rights of Palestinian (Volume VII) focuses on Palestinian Vol VII 2010-2012 refugees and Internally Displaced Persons Survey of refugees and IDPs. Our vision, mission, 124 Pages, 30 c.m. (IDPs) in the period between 2010 and ISSN: 1728-1679 programs and relationships are defined 2012. Statistical data and estimates of the by our Palestinian identity and the size of this population have been updated Palestinian Refugees principles of international law, in in accordance with figures as of the end Editor: Nidal al-Azza particular international human rights of 2011. This edition includes for the first law. We seek to advance the individual time an opinion poll surveying Palestinian Editorial Team: Amjad Alqasis, Simon and collective rights of the Palestinian refugees regarding specific humanitarian and Randles, Manar Makhoul, Thayer Hastings, services they receive in the refugee Noura Erakat people on this basis. camps. Demographic Statistics: Mustafa Khawaja BADIL Resource Center was established The need to overview and contextualize in January 1998. BADIL is registered Palestinian refugees and (IDPs) - 64 Internally Displaced Persons Layout & Design: Atallah Salem with the Palestinan Authority and years since the Palestinian Nakba Printing: Al-Ayyam Printing, Press, (Catastrophe) and 45 years since Israel’s legally owned by the refugee community Publishing and Distribution Conmpany represented by a General Assembly belligerent occupation of the West Bank, including eastern Jerusalem, and the 2010 - 2012 composed of activists in Palestinian Gaza Strip - is derived from the necessity national institutions and refugee to set the foundations for a human rights- community organizations. -
The Decline of Palestinian Exceptionalism Observation of a Trend and Its Consequences for Refugee Studies in the Middle East
The Decline of Palestinian Exceptionalism Observation of a trend and its consequences for refugee studies in the Middle East By Mike Kagan Paper Prepared for the Migration and Refugee Movements in the Middle East and North Africa The Forced Migration & Refugee Studies Program The American University in Cairo, Egypt October 23-25, 2007 Discussion Paper The Decline of Palestinian Exceptionalism Observation of a trend and its consequences for refugee studies in the Middle East I. Introduction There has historically been a great divide at the heart of refugee policy and scholarship in the Middle East, between Palestinian refugees and all others. This intellectual and policy divide runs throughout political discourse, governmental and United Nations administration, and civil society activism. It poses a challenge to the coherency of forced migration studies in the Middle East. There is now a significant and growing inter- disciplinary literature about refugees of many nationalities in the region, but the largest and most visible refugee group in the region has been traditionally treated as “a case apart,” to borrow a phrase used recently in the Forced Migration Review (Couldrey and Morris 2006). Any scholarly attempt to synthesize this expanding knowledge into a coherent theoretical or research agenda – especially if one aims for this research to have practical application – will likely founder so long as this remains the case. The division between Palestinian and non-Palestinian refugees has been driven by the assumption – what Michael Dumper has called an “orthodoxy” -- that the Palestinian refugee case is unique, and should be treated as such (Dumper 2007, 347). But this assumption has always been questionable, and (more important) it is increasingly being questioned.1 In this paper, I argue that while the Palestinian refugee case does indeed bear some unique characteristics and thus should be treated separately in some ways, the predicament of Palestinian refugees also bears much in common with other refugees. -
Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty. -
PRISM Syrian Supplemental
PRISM syria A JOURNAL OF THE CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS About PRISM PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, and other partners Vol. 4, Syria Supplement on complex and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; 2014 relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; and developments in training and education to transform America’s security and development Editor Michael Miklaucic Communications Contributing Editors Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct Alexa Courtney communications to: David Kilcullen Nate Rosenblatt Editor, PRISM 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Copy Editors Fort Lesley J. McNair Dale Erikson Washington, DC 20319 Rebecca Harper Sara Thannhauser Lesley Warner Telephone: Nathan White (202) 685-3442 FAX: (202) 685-3581 Editorial Assistant Email: [email protected] Ava Cacciolfi Production Supervisor Carib Mendez Contributions PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers Advisory Board and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians from the United States Dr. Gordon Adams and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the address above or by email to prism@ Dr. Pauline H. Baker ndu.edu with “Attention Submissions Editor” in the subject line. Ambassador Rick Barton Professor Alain Bauer This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted Ambassador James F. Dobbins without permission of the copyright proprietors. PRISM should be acknowledged whenever material is quoted from or based on its content. -
UN Assistance Mission for Iraq ﺑﻌﺜﺔ اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة (UNAMI) ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة
ﺑﻌﺜﺔ اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة .UN Assistance Mission for Iraq 1 ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻟﻠﻌﺮاق (UNAMI) Human Rights Report 1 January – 31 March 2007 Table of Contents TABLE OF CONTENTS..............................................................................................................................1 INTRODUCTION.........................................................................................................................................2 SUMMARY ...................................................................................................................................................2 PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS.......................................................................................................4 EXTRA-JUDICIAL EXECUTIONS AND TARGETED AND INDISCRIMINATE KILLINGS .........................................4 EDUCATION SECTOR AND THE TARGETING OF ACADEMIC PROFESSIONALS ................................................8 FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION .........................................................................................................................10 MINORITIES...............................................................................................................................................13 PALESTINIAN REFUGEES ............................................................................................................................15 WOMEN.....................................................................................................................................................16 DISPLACEMENT -
American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics
American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Updated July 29, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL32492 American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Summary This report provides U.S. war casualty statistics. It includes data tables containing the number of casualties among American military personnel who served in principal wars and combat operations from 1775 to the present. It also includes data on those wounded in action and information such as race and ethnicity, gender, branch of service, and cause of death. The tables are compiled from various Department of Defense (DOD) sources. Wars covered include the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, the Civil War, the Spanish-American War, World War I, World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam Conflict, and the Persian Gulf War. Military operations covered include the Iranian Hostage Rescue Mission; Lebanon Peacekeeping; Urgent Fury in Grenada; Just Cause in Panama; Desert Shield and Desert Storm; Restore Hope in Somalia; Uphold Democracy in Haiti; Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF); Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF); Operation New Dawn (OND); Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR); and Operation Freedom’s Sentinel (OFS). Starting with the Korean War and the more recent conflicts, this report includes additional detailed information on types of casualties and, when available, demographics. It also cites a number of resources for further information, including sources of historical statistics on active duty military deaths, published lists of military personnel killed in combat actions, data on demographic indicators among U.S. military personnel, related websites, and relevant CRS reports. Congressional Research Service American War and Military Operations Casualties: Lists and Statistics Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................................... -
Employment Situation of Veterans — 2020
For release 10:00 a.m. (ET) Thursday, March 18, 2021 USDL-21-0438 Technical information: (202) 691-6378 • [email protected] • www.bls.gov/cps Media contact: (202) 691-5902 • [email protected] EMPLOYMENT SITUATION OF VETERANS — 2020 The unemployment rate for veterans who served on active duty in the U.S. Armed Forces at any time since September 2001—a group referred to as Gulf War-era II veterans—rose to 7.3 percent in 2020, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics reported today. The jobless rate for all veterans increased to 6.5 percent in 2020. These increases reflect the effect of the coronavirus (COVID- 19) pandemic on the labor market. In August 2020, 40 percent of Gulf War-era II veterans had a service-connected disability, compared with 26 percent of all veterans. This information was obtained from the Current Population Survey (CPS), a monthly sample survey of about 60,000 eligible households that provides data on employment, unemployment, and persons not in the labor force in the United States. Data about veterans are collected monthly in the CPS; these monthly data are the source of the 2020 annual averages presented in this news release. In August 2020, a supplement to the CPS collected additional information about veterans on topics such as service-connected disability and veterans' current or past Reserve or National Guard membership. Information from the supplement is also presented in this news release. The supplement was co-sponsored by the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs and the U.S. Department of Labor's Veterans' Employment and Training Service. -
MV2653 1/2019 S.341.14(6R) Wis
WISCONSIN DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORTATION Military License Plate – Information and Application Wisconsin Department of Transportation (WisDOT) MV2653 1/2019 s.341.14(6r) Wis. Stats. Who is eligible? An owner, lessee, or trust beneficiary who is: ► Currently serving. ► Veteran. ► Student or alumnus of a military academy. Vehicles that qualify ► An automobile. Military license plate ► A motor home (annual registration only). ► A private truck, dual-purpose motor home or dual-purpose farm truck that has a gross weight of 8,000 pounds or less. ► A farm truck that has a gross weight of 12,000 pounds or less. Please note: NO special parking privileges are provided with Military plates. Fees needed ► A $15 issuance fee or the annual $15 personalized plate fee. ► The annual registration fee, if your current plates expire within 3 months. WisDOT will transfer funds from the issuance fee to the WI Department of Veterans Affairs, Veterans Trust Fund. This fee may be tax deductible for certain tax filers; consult your tax advisor. Plates required in 2 days ► To legally operate your vehicle, you must display license plates within two business days of purchase. ► If you do not have current plates, apply to a DMV Customer Service Center or an agent authorized by DMV to obtain a temporary plate while your Military plate order is processed. An agent may charge a plate fee and/or service fee. If you have questions about this application: » Call: (608) 266-3041 » FAX: (608) 267-5106 » E-mail: [email protected] Over 50 service and/or medal designations are available. -
Who Are the Insurgents? Sunni Arab Rebels in Iraq
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT “Who Are the Insurgents?” offers insight into the breadth of Sunni Arab groups actively participating Who Are the Insurgents? in the insurrection in Iraq and specifically examines the three broad categories of insurgents: secular/ ideological, tribal, and Islamist. With the exception Sunni Arab Rebels in Iraq of the ultraradical Salafi and Wahhabi Islamists, this report finds, many rebels across these three classifications share common interests and do not sit so comfortably in any one grouping or category. This presents specific problems—and Summary opportunities—for U.S. and coalition forces that, • Building a profile of a typical anti-coalition Sunni Arab insurgent in Iraq is a daunting if handled correctly, could eventually lead to a rapprochement with some of the insurgents. task. Demographic information about the insurgents is fragmented, and the rebels themselves are marked more by their heterogeneity than by their homogeneity. Draw- The report’s author, Amatzia Baram, is a professor ing from a wide array of sources, however, we can try to piece together a view of their of Middle Eastern history at the University of Haifa, primary motivations for taking up arms against the U.S.-led occupation. Israel. He is a prolific writer and editor of several books and dozens of scholarly articles on Saddam • Sunni insurgents generally claim one of three primary identity-based impetuses Hussein and Iraqi politics and history. He testified for their anti-American and antigovernment violence: Ba’th Party membership or about Saddam Hussein and weapons of mass affiliation with Saddam’s regime, adherence to Islam, or tribal interests, values, and destruction in September 2002 before the House norms. -
The Gulf Crisis and Collective Security Under the United Nations Charter
Pace International Law Review Volume 3 Issue 1 Article 9 September 1991 The Gulf Crisis and Collective Security under the United Nations Charter Stephen M. De Luca Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/pilr Recommended Citation Stephen M. De Luca, The Gulf Crisis and Collective Security under the United Nations Charter, 3 Pace Y.B. Int'l L. 267 (1991) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/pilr/vol3/iss1/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pace International Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE GULF CRISIS AND COLLECTIVE SECURITY UNDER THE UNITED NATIONS CHARTER INTRODUCTION The international response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait stirred hope in many people around the world that, for the first time since it was created forty-five years ago, the United Na- tions can fulfill its role as the keeper of international peace and security.1 For the first time since 1950, during the Korean Con- flict, the Security Council adopted resolutions2 condemning an act of aggression, calling for universal action to stop the aggres- sion, and imposing sanctions to force the aggressor out of the invaded territory.3 The most remarkable aspect of the adoption of these resolutions is not that the Soviet Union did not boycott the Council, as it did in the Korean Conflict,4 but that no per- manent member of the Security Council5 used its veto power' to Greenberger & Shribman, Coming of Age: U.N., Long Stymied By Cold War, Be- gins to Fulfill Its Promise, Wall St. -
Non-Proliferation and the Dilemmas of Regime Change 7 Non-Proliferation and The
Non-proliferation and the Dilemmas of Regime Change 7 Non-proliferation and the Dilemmas of Regime Change ○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○○ Robert S. Litwak The Iraq war set an important historical precedent by being the first case in which forcible regime change was the means employed to achieve non- proliferation ends. In advocating this unique use of force, the Bush administration asserted that Iraq’s disarmament, mandated by the United Nations Security Council after the 1991 Gulf War, necessitated regime change because of Saddam Hussein’s unrelenting drive to acquire weapons of mass destruction (WMD).1 Although the US and British governments endeavoured to make the case for war based on international law – the Iraqi dictator’s flouting of multiple Security Council resolutions – war was ultimately waged without a legitimising UN imprimatur because of the political deadlock over the inherently contentious issue of regime change. Instead the military action was widely characterised in the American media as a decisive, even paradigmatic, application of the Bush administration’s September 2002 National Security Strategy document, which had formally elevated preemption as a policy option against ‘rogue states’ and terrorist groups in the post-11 September era.2 Viewed through that political optic, the war’s successful ousting of Saddam Hussein from power in April 2003 immediately raised the question as to how this precedent-setting case would affect US non-proliferation policy in addressing other hard cases. President George W. Bush laid down an ambitious marker when he boldly declared that the United States would not ‘tolerate’ the acquisition of nuclear weapons by Iran and North Korea – the other two charter members of his ‘axis of evil’ (now dubbed by one observer as the ‘axle of evil’).