US Diplomatic History in Brief
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American Diplomacy Project: a US Diplomatic Service for the 21St
AMERICAN DIPLOMACY PROJECT A U.S. Diplomatic Service for the 21st Century Ambassador Nicholas Burns Ambassador Marc Grossman Ambassador Marcie Ries REPORT NOVEMBER 2020 American Diplomacy Project: A U.S. Diplomatic Service for the 21st Century Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 www.belfercenter.org Statements and views expressed in this report are solely those of the authors and do not imply endorsement by Harvard University, Harvard Kennedy School, or the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Design and layout by Auge+Gray+Drake Collective Works Copyright 2020, President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America FULL PROJECT NAME American Diplomacy Project A U.S. Diplomatic Service for the 21st Century Ambassador Nicholas Burns Ambassador Marc Grossman Ambassador Marcie Ries REPORT NOVEMBER 2020 Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs | Harvard Kennedy School i ii American Diplomacy Project: A U.S. Diplomatic Service for the 21st Century Table of Contents Executive Summary ........................................................................3 10 Actions to Reimagine American Diplomacy and Reinvent the Foreign Service ........................................................5 Action 1 Redefine the Mission and Mandate of the U.S. Foreign Service ...................................................10 Action 2 Revise the Foreign Service Act ................................. 16 Action 3 Change the Culture .................................................. -
Dean of the Diplomatic Corps
Dean of the Diplomatic Corps Dean of the Honorary Consular Corps Excellencies, Members of the Diplomatic Corps Members of the Honorary Consular Corps Special Guests Ladies and Gentlemen Friends, Good Afternoon, A small rudder on a huge ship in the hands of a skilled captain sets a course in the face of the strongest winds. 1. This is the aspiration of the pragmatic Foreign Policy of The Bahamas, and the lessons from the opportunities of interaction in the global arena despite its many challenges. These challenges include, not least, the economic and financial crises with which a majority of States continues to grapple, including The Bahamas, and, the “hot spots” and “hot issues” from which no State is ultimately immune in an interdependent world. This is, therefore, the backdrop of this year for my reflections with you, on the focus, conduct and promulgation of the Foreign Policy of The Bahamas for 2011. I shall also this time attempt to be a bit ambitious and reveal some hopes for the future. Excellencies, Honorary Consuls, Ladies and Gentlemen, Diplomatic and Consular Representation 2 I shall begin, however, with an update on an overview of The Bahamas Diplomatic and Consular Representation. We bid farewell to various members of the resident Diplomatic Corps, namely Ambassadors Guggenheim of Brazil, HU of China, Ponce of Cuba, and, Avant of the United States. We have had the pleasure of welcoming to the Diplomatic Community, Resident Ambassadors Veras, HU and Guzman of Brazil, China and Cuba, respectively. We look forward to the continuation of our productive relationship and the advancement of our mutual interests with these most recent, and with you all. -
Diplomacy and the American Civil War: the Impact on Anglo- American Relations
James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses, 2020-current The Graduate School 5-8-2020 Diplomacy and the American Civil War: The impact on Anglo- American relations Johnathan Seitz Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/masters202029 Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, Public History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Seitz, Johnathan, "Diplomacy and the American Civil War: The impact on Anglo-American relations" (2020). Masters Theses, 2020-current. 56. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/masters202029/56 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses, 2020-current by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Diplomacy and the American Civil War: The Impact on Anglo-American Relations Johnathan Bryant Seitz A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History May 2020 FACULTY COMMITTEE: Committee Chair: Dr. Steven Guerrier Committee Members/ Readers: Dr. David Dillard Dr. John Butt Table of Contents List of Figures..................................................................................................................iii Abstract............................................................................................................................iv Introduction.......................................................................................................................1 -
Gunboat Diplomacy: Political Bias, Trade Policy, And
Gunboat Diplomacy Political Bias, Trade Policy, and War∗ Brendan Cooley† 13 November 2019 Abstract Countries with deep trading relationships rarely ght wars with one another. Here, I develop a theory of trade, war, and political bias, in which both trade and war are endogenous objects. Governments can rectify poor market access conditions abroad through war and subsequent regime change, in which the victorious country installs a liberal “puppet” government abroad. Trade policy bargaining is therefore conducted “in the shadow of power,” with counterfactual wars shaping the policy choices that prevail in times of peace. When peace prevails, militarily weak countries are more open to trade than powerful ones, all else equal. Equilibrium trade policies balance domestic interests against military threats from abroad. War is less likely between liberal governments because they prefer less protectionist trade policies. As a result, trade ows and the probability of peace are positively correlated in equilibrium, even though trade does not cause peace. JEL Classication Codes: D72, D74, F13, F51, F52, F54 ∗Ph.D. candidate, Department of Politics, Princeton University. Previous versions of this paper were circulated under the titles “Trade Wars, Hot Wars, and the Commercial Peace” and “Trade Policy in the Shadow of Power.” For helpful comments and discussions on earlier drafts of this paper, I thank Timm Betz, Adrien Bilal, Tyson Chatagnier, Rob Carroll, Andrew Coe, Noel Foster, Erik Gartzke, Kishore Gawande, Dan Gibbs, Joanne Gowa, Gene Grossman, -
Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire
Journal of International Eastern European Studies/Uluslararası Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol./Yıl. 2, No/Sayı. 2, Winter/Kış 2020) ISSN: 2687-3346 Araştırma Makalesi Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire: With Particular Reference to the Salonika Incident (1876) and Armenian Reform Demands (1879-80) Fikrettin Yavuz* (ORCID ID: 0000-0002-3161-457X) Makale Gönderim Tarihi Makale Kabul Tarihi 01.12.2020 08.12.2020 Abstract Throughout history, gunboat, a small vessel of a naval force, has been turned into a term of coercive diplomacy. Gunboat diplomacy, associated with chiefly the activities of the Great Powers, means the use of naval power directly or indirectly as an aggressive diplomatic instrument. It seems highly probable to see many examples of this coercive diplomacy in the world history, particularly after the French Revolution. Naturally, the Ottoman Empire, always attracted attention of the Great Powers, was exposed to this policy of the Powers. During the nineteen century, the rivalry among the European Powers on the Ottoman territorial integrity became a common characteristic that led them to implement gunboat diplomacy on all occasions. In this context, this article firstly offers a critical analysis of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire within the dimension of two specific examples: The Salonika Incident and Armenian reform demands. In addition, it aims to contribute to the understanding of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers and Ottoman response by evaluating it from native and foreign literatures. Keywords: European Powers, Ottomans, Gunboat Diplomacy, Salonika, Armenian, Reform * Assoc. Prof. Dr., Sakarya University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Department of History, Turkey, [email protected]. -
The Elizabethan Diplomatic Service
Quidditas Volume 9 Article 9 1988 The Elizabethan Diplomatic Service F. Jeffrey Platt Northern Arizona University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/rmmra Part of the Comparative Literature Commons, History Commons, Philosophy Commons, and the Renaissance Studies Commons Recommended Citation Platt, F. Jeffrey (1988) "The Elizabethan Diplomatic Service," Quidditas: Vol. 9 , Article 9. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/rmmra/vol9/iss1/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Quidditas by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. JRMMRA 9 (1988) The Elizabethan Diplomatic Service by F. Jeffrey Platt Northern Arizona University The critical early years of Elizabeth's reign witnessed a watershed in European history. The 1559 Treaty of Cateau-Cambresis, which ended the long Hapsburg-Valois conflict, resulted in a sudden shift in the focus of international politics from Italy to the uncomfortable proximity of the Low Countries. The arrival there, 30 miles from England's coast, in 1567, of thousands of seasoned Spanish troops presented a military and commer cial threat the English queen could not ignore. Moreover, French control of Calais and their growing interest in supplanting the Spanish presence in the Netherlands represented an even greater menace to England's security. Combined with these ominous developments, the Queen's excommunica tion in May 1570 further strengthened the growing anti-English and anti Protestant sentiment of Counter-Reformation Europe. These circumstances, plus the significantly greater resources of France and Spain, defined England, at best, as a middleweight in a world dominated by two heavyweights. -
Diplomatic List March 2020.Pdf
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Department of Diplomatic Protocol DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR CORPS AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA March 2020 C O N T E N T S Order of Precedence among the Heads of Diplomatic Missions and Dates of Presentation of Credentials AMBASSADORS 8 Diplomatic Missions accredited to Bosnia and Herzegovina *Non-resident REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA* 13 PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF ALGERIA* 14 REPUBLIC OF ANGOLA* 16 REPUBLIC OF ARGENTINA* 17 REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA* 18 COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA* 19 REPUBLIC OF AUSTRIA 20 REPUBLIC OF AZERBAIJAN* 23 KINGDOM OF BAHRAIN* 24 PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF BANGLADESH* 25 REPUBLIC OF BELARUS* 26 KINGDOM OF BELGIUM* 27 FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL 30 NEGARA BRUNEI DARUSSALAM* 32 REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA 33 BURKINA FASO* 35 CANADA* 36 REPUBLIC OF CHILE* 39 PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA 40 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA* 42 REPUBLIC OF CROATIA 43 REPUBLIC OF CUBA* 46 REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS* 47 CZECH REPUBLIC 48 KINGDOM OF DENMARK* 50 REPUBLIC OF ECUADOR* 51 2 ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT 52 REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA* 53 FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF ETHIOPIA* 54 REPUBLIC OF FINLAND* 55 REPUBLIC OF FRANCE 56 GEORGIA* 60 FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY 62 REPUBLIC OF GHANA* 66 HELLENIC REPUBLIC (GREECE) 68 HOLY SEE 70 HUNGARY 71 REPUBLIC OF ICELAND* 74 REPUBLIC OF INDIA* 75 REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA 77 ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN 79 REPUBLIC OF IRAQ* 81 IRELAND* 82 STATE OF ISRAEL* 83 REPUBLIC OF ITALY 84 JAPAN 87 HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN* 89 REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN* 90 DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC -
Ideologies of Diplomacy: Rhetoric, Ritual, and Representation in Early Modern England
• • Ideologies of Diplomacy: Rhetoric, Ritual, and Representation in Early Modern England Jane Yeang Chui Wong Nanyang Technological University Singapore In 2008 John Watkins edited a special issue for the Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, “Toward a New Diplomatic History of Medi- eval and Early Modern Europe,” which initiated a necessary and meaning- ful assessment of diplomatic studies in premodern Europe.1 The call for a more nuanced study of diplomacy in the period brought together a group of scholars with a common interest: their essays test and broaden conven- tional frameworks that generally isolate the study of premodern diplomacy within the confines of diplomatic documentation. In drawing on the multi- disciplinary expertise of the contributors, Watkins’s special issue reevaluates premodern diplomatic studies in a richer and more complex sociocultural landscape that acknowledges and examines the undocumented import of diplomacy- in- the- making. Using interdisciplinary frameworks that take up discussions of gender, semantics, patronage, and race, among others, schol- ars of New Diplomatic History look beyond the immediacy of documentary evidence to explain the variegated processes of creating and understanding diplomatic discourses in the premodern era. This special issue hews closely to Watkins’s cross- disciplinary aim in a number of ways, but it also offers a response in light of developments in the field since then. The proliferation of scholarly works on New Diplomatic History, quite possibly at its most excit- ing and dynamic phase, has introduced some very promising contributions, identifying strategic limitations that were considered but not yet thoroughly problematized before. The current critical impulse for proponents of New Diplomatic History can be traced to a general dissatisfaction with a lapse of innova- tion and how, for many years, its development has remained out of sync with the wider and ever- growing interdisciplinary developments in the study of early modern Europe. -
Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881
China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 The East India Company’s steamship Nemesis and other British ships engaging Chinese junks in the Second Battle of Chuenpi, 7 January 1841, during the first opium war. (British Library) ABOUT THE ARCHIVE China and the Modern World: Imperial China and the West Part I, 1815–1881 is digitised from the FO 17 series of British Foreign Office Files—Foreign Office: Political and Other Departments: General Correspondence before 1906, China— held at the National Archives, UK, providing a vast and significant primary source for researching every aspect of Chinese-British relations during the nineteenth century, ranging from diplomacy to trade, economics, politics, warfare, emigration, translation and law. This first part includes all content from FO 17 volumes 1–872. Source Library Number of Images The National Archives, UK Approximately 532,000 CONTENT From Lord Amherst’s mission at the start of the nineteenth century, through the trading monopoly of the Canton System, and the Opium Wars of 1839–1842 and 1856–1860, Britain and other foreign powers gradually gained commercial, legal, and territorial rights in China. Imperial China and the West provides correspondence from the Factories of Canton (modern Guangzhou) and from the missionaries and diplomats who entered China in the early nineteenth century, as well as from the envoys and missions sent to China from Britain and the later legation and consulates. The documents comprising this collection include communications to and from the British legation, first at Hong Kong and later at Peking, and British consuls at Shanghai, Amoy (Xiamen), Swatow (Shantou), Hankow (Hankou), Newchwang (Yingkou), Chefoo (Yantai), Formosa (Taiwan), and more. -
Diplomatic Processes and Cultural Variations: the Relevance of Culture in Diplomacy
Diplomatic Processes and Cultural Variations: The Relevance of Culture in Diplomacy by Wilfried Bolewski Let us not be blind to our differences—but let us also direct attention to our common interests and to the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot now end our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. John F. Kennedy, American University, June 10, 1963. The relationship between diplomacy and culture has been somewhat neglected in recent academic and practical studies,1 even though competence and understanding during intercultural exchanges unites societies and facilitates further intercultural interactions. Current public discussions concentrate exclusively on the existence of cultural commonalities and universal values all cultures share.2 However, determining likenesses among cultures should be secondary to the awareness of cultural differences as the logical starting point for the evaluation of intercultural commonalities. Intercultural sensitivity within groups paves the way for the acceptance and tolerance of other cultures and allows members to be open to values which are universal among all groups, such as law and justice, which globalized society should then build upon together. Facing the challenges of an increasingly complex world, the question of interdependency between diplomatic processes and cultural variations becomes relevant: is there a shared professional culture in diplomacy apart from national ones, and if so, does it influence diplomacy? To what extent can research into national cultures help diplomacy and governments to understand international interactions? DEFINITION OF “CULTURE”3 General definition Before analyzing the interdependency between culture and diplomacy, it is necessary to state what the word culture implies. -
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution Introduction In his poem, The Second Coming (1919), William Butler Yeats captured the moment we are now experiencing: Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. As we see the deterioration of the institutions created and fostered after the Second World War to create a climate in which peace and prosperity could flourish in Europe and beyond, it is important to understand the role played by diplomacy in securing the stability and strengthening the shared values of freedom and democracy that have marked this era for the nations of the world. It is most instructive to read the Inaugural Address of President John F. Kennedy, in which he encouraged Americans not only to do good things for their own country, but to do good things in the world. The creation of the Peace Corps is an example of the kind of spirit that put young American volunteers into some of the poorest nations in an effort to improve the standard of living for people around the globe. We knew we were leaders; we knew that we had many political and economic and social advantages. There was an impetus to share this wealth. Generosity, not greed, was the motivation of that generation. Of course, this did not begin with Kennedy. It was preceded by the Marshall Plan, one of the only times in history that the conqueror decided to rebuild the country of the vanquished foe. -
The Missing Key to More Effective U.S. Diplomacy: Religious Liberty Lecture Delivered at Benne Center for Religion & Society
1 The Missing Key to More Effective U.S. Diplomacy: Religious Liberty Lecture delivered at Benne Center for Religion & Society, Roanoke College, February 9, 2015 Thomas F. Farr* Last week we were treated to the spectacle of Henry Kissinger, who had been Secretary of State during the Vietnam War and is now 91 years old, being heckled as he testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Senator John McCain, who had been tortured as a prisoner of war in Hanoi, reacted with anger, calling the hecklers “low-life scum.” Memories of Vietnam, it seems, remain strong among some elements of the American population. Notwithstanding the hecklers, Mr. Kissinger is generally respected in the foreign policy establishment as the doyen of American “realism.” In 1994 he wrote his magnum opus. Entitled Diplomacy, Kissinger’s book was a survey of diplomatic history from the 16th century to the contemporary age. When he published it he was considered by many the greatest scholar- practitioner of foreign policy in American history. Among the remarkable things about Kissinger’s book, and its status as a contemporary classic, is its treatment of religion. In fact, the book is a veritable “religion-free zone.” Diplomacy is quite long, and it has an appropriately large index. But the word “religion” does not appear in the index. Religious ideas and religious actors make almost no appearance in the text. After a brief treatment of the 17th century wars of religion, Diplomacy simply banishes religion from the world stage, as if it were no longer relevant to the motives and actions of modern men and modern states.