Medical Approaches to Cultural Differences: The Case of the Maghreb and France

A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors with Distinction

by

Janine Saliba

May 2010 Oxford, OH

1 Abstract

Medical Approaches to Cultural Differences: the Case of the Maghreb and France

By Janine Saliba

People experience cultural differences on many levels – a student leaving the

United States for the first time, a government negotiating with another government that follows completely different standards and principles. Culture is an integral part of every day life and differences among cultures have been important contributing factors to how people perceive and react to others. In previous scholarship on this topic, culture has been explored through art, literature, foreign policy, etc. This paper takes a new approach to culture by examining cultural differences, as seen by doctors, between

France and Algeria and Tunisia between the mid-nineteenth century and early twentieth.

Three doctors were chosen for this purpose: Émile-Louis Bertherand, Lucien

Bertholon, and Dorothée Chellier. The paper begins with a brief introduction to the definition of culture and the state of medicine during the period. It then examines other approaches to cultural difference, and then discusses the contributions of the doctors.

Each of the doctors listed above contributes a different perspective on the Maghrebian region, and at the end of the exploration, we find that the doctors are an integral part of perpetuating French culture as well as bringing French culture to the indigenous populations.

2 Medical Approaches to Cultural Differences: the Case of the Maghreb and France

By Janine Saliba

Approved by:

______, Advisor Dr. Jonathan Strauss

______, Reader Dr. James Creech

______, Reader Dr. Mark McKinney

Accepted by:

______, Director, University Honors Program

3 Table of Contents

Introduction 5

Part I. Constructing Cultural Difference……………………………………………….12

Part II. Medicine‟s Kinship with Culture……………………………..………………...19

Part III. The Impact of Language and Climate…………………………………………..27

Part IV. Medicine‟s Mission in Colonization……………………………………...... 31

Conclusion 33

Works Cited 36

4 Medical Approaches to Cultural Differences:

The Case of the Maghreb and France

“Nous en sommes intimement convaincu [sic], la Médecine française peut jouer un rôle des plus puissants et des plus complets dans ce grand œuvre de la civilisation d‟un peuple, dont le présent ouvrage a cherché à esquisser les tristes conditions physiques et morales.” -Dr. Émile-Louis Bertherand

Medicine constitutes an extremely important component of contemporary societies. Not only do people exercise medicine in their own countries, but they also use it to access other countries‟ cultures. Much of the aid sent to various regions of the world struck by natural or man-made disasters such as Haiti, to use a current example, takes it shape in the form of medical relief. Groups, such as Médecins Sans Frontières, have become important ambassadors to people in need, not only providing aid and support but indirectly exchanging culture and knowledge.

History and the quotation above illustrate that this exchange has been in practice since colonial expansion, particularly in regard to France and its colonial history in North

Africa. Doctor Bertherand reveals his beliefs that French medicine plays an important part in the civilization of a people, in this case, Algerians, whom he believes live in a

“sad physical and moral state” (Médecine et hygiène 547-548). Thus, he exploits medicine to observe and comment on aspects of another culture.

This paper attempts to relate the importance of medicine in revealing and explaining cultural differences between France and Algeria and Tunisia by examining works by three doctors: Émile-Louis Bertherand, Lucien Bertholon, and Dorothée

Chellier. The significant questions to explore are in essence: how does one transition

5 between medicine and culture? When does the study of medicine become a study of culture? How does a doctor look at culture, and what are the aspects of it that he notices?

This paper does not include Morocco in its study for the very simple reason that the doctors chosen do not incorporate or focus on this country in their studies.

Before delving into the primary texts, it is important to first define and explain the word “medicine” in the context of the nineteenth century. Émile Littré in his 1877

Dictionnaire de la langue française describes “médecine” as, “Art qui a pour but la conservation de la santé et la guérison des maladies, et qui repose sur la science des maladies ou pathologie” (“Médecine,” def. 1). This definition symbolizes the radical changes medicine and its everyday practice underwent throughout the century. People, for hundreds of years, considered medical practices to be rooted in art rather than science.

The proliferation of charlatans and quacks peddling their medical concoctions and

“proven” remedies contributed to the natural distrust patients felt towards physicians and anyone claiming to “cure all ills” (Ramsey).1 However, new discoveries and studies in areas such as pathology, continued epidemics of diseases such as cholera, and concern for sanitation and hygiene helped catapult medicine into the arena of scientific study and into the world of professionals (Bynum; Ramsey). This last classification implies that people did not previously consider medicine a profession with regulations, procedures, and consistent education; in nineteenth-century France, “. . . the state effectively imposed national standards for training, and it made considerably more sense than before to speak

1 It is difficult to make sweeping statements about the skill and knowledge of wandering medical practitioners; however, Ramsey finds that the assumptions and stereotypes about these people do have merit. Despite the charlatans and quacks, whom Ramsey defines as “mercenary and insincere,” many folk practitioners and local healers were often regarded with more trust by the local community than physicians because of their affiliation with the area (129). For more information see Ramsey 129-276.

6 of the „medical profession‟” (Ramsey 123). In contrast to the wandering quacks or village healers, medicine became a profession by establishing schools and publishing research and knowledge. Furthermore, in regards to the development of medicine as a science, “[t]he doctor of 1900 had reason to be grateful for the scientific medicine of the previous century. His profession was more coherent, more stable, and probably more prestigious than it had been in 1850 or 1800” (Bynum 222). René Laennec‟s stethoscope in 1816, Louis Pasteur‟s vaccine for rabies in 1885, among numerous other inventions and discoveries reflect and support the medical field‟s importance during this period. In effect, medicine – the prevention of disease, scientific testing, hospitals, etc. – flourished throughout the century and became a fundamental part of everyday life.

Medicine and its evolution do not represent the only key changes in French society and thought in the 1800s. Colonization, particularly the colonization of Algeria and Tunisia, played a major role in shaping people‟s perceptions of non-western cultures, and medical doctors who practiced in regions such as the Maghreb contributed to these perceptions. A constant French presence in Algeria began in 1830 when France elected to invade Algeria with the original intent to curtail piracy and slavery in the region

(Abun-Nasr 251). With its constant struggle to surpass England‟s and Italy‟s presences in Africa, France elected to remain in Algeria. Thus began the migration of French settlers to Algeria; their presence divided the inhabitants of the country into “. . . a privileged European and a suppressed Muslim community. Differences in political and civil rights, social outlook and organization, and economic opportunities separated them”

(Abun-Nasr 263). In essence, Algerian society became polarized, with vast differences

7 between the standard of living of the local population and that of the European immigrants. Unlike Algeria, Tunisia kept its own form of government despite French and Italian economic pressure. France did not conquer the country in the traditional sense of the word, but it eventually made Tunisia a protectorate of France and heavily influenced the bey government system. In both cases, France‟s involvement in these countries, whether militarily or economically, paved the way for Frenchmen, Europeans in general, and their doctors to move into the region.

Medicine is tied to this history of colonization because

European medicine became an integral part of the French mission civilisatrice . . . facilitating political influence and economic expansion. The Revue tunisienne (1905) observed that „the doctor is the true conqueror, the peaceful conqueror....It follows that if we wish to penetrate their hearts, to win the confidence of the Muslims, it is in multiplying the services of medical assistance that we will arrive at it most surely.‟ (Gallagher 95)

Similar to Doctor Bertherand‟s quotation at the start of this paper, this quotation demonstrates the significant connection between medicine and colonization. Both examples view doctors as ambassadors of civilization and consequently culture, and both illustrate the belief that medicine plays an important role in civilizing or conquering the

Arab people. In turn, these doctors, as this paper argues, become channels through which to view the cultures they attempt to change.

Having defined “medicine,” described a brief colonial history, and linked medicine and colonization, the definitions of anthropology and ethnography in the nineteenth century will become useful to better explicate the idea of culture and the exploration of cultural differences. The Littré dictionary defines culture as “Travail de la terre, ensemble des opérations propres à obtenir du sol les végétaux dont l‟homme et les

8 animaux domestiques ont besoin” (“Culture,” def. 1). This definition, listed first in the

Littré, revolves around farming. The following two definitions also focus on this idea of cultivating the earth, and the last definition describes the “culture des lettres, des sciences, des beaux-arts.” Not one of these descriptions expresses culture as a study of other societies‟ customs, beliefs, art, dance, music, etc. The conclusion is that culture, at least in the manner in which individuals use the word today, did not figure prominently in nineteenth-century vocabularies. Margaret Mead‟s definition of culture exemplifies one way in which the word is used today; she writes, “Culture means the whole complex of traditional behavior which has been developed by the human race and is successively learned by each generation” (Varenne). This definition is one that functions well when this paper refers to the cultures of Arabs and Berbers. In place of the word “culture,” doctors in this time period make use of the terms anthropology and ethnography to articulate a discourse on language, race, religion, history, and the daily life of other people. Littré describes “anthropologie” as “Histoire naturelle de l‟homme. D‟après

Kant . . . nom donné à toutes les sciences qui se rapportent à un point de vue quelconque de la nature humaine, à l‟âme comme au corps, à l‟individu comme à l‟espèce, aux faits historiques et aux phénomènes de conscience . . .,” and “ethnographie” as “Science qui a pour objet l'étude et la description des divers peuples” (“Anthropologie,” def. 1;

“Ethnographie,” def. 1). Both definitions consider each term to be rooted in science, which blends well with the idea of doctors, as medicine became more scientific, writing about issues that fall under the domain of different sciences. Taken together, the meaning of these two words sum up to an important definition of what this paper calls culture.

9 The three doctors, Bertherand, Bertholon, and Chellier each address, whether directly or indirectly, the cultures of the indigenous populations in their studies of

Maghrebian medicine. Not much is known about any of the doctors; however, some history of their lives can be pieced together based on the honors and positions listed beneath their names in each of their works.

Émile-Louis Bertherand was born in Valenciennes in 1821, received his doctorate in medicine in 1845, and left for Algeria two years later (Faucon 65). He wrote prolifically from 1845 until 1889 on climate, hygiene, general medicine, and other subjects pertaining to Algeria. He became a surgeon of the French army, a member of various medical societies, such as la Société Orientale, algérienne et coloniale de France, a member of the Conseil d‟hygiène et de salubrité publiques d‟Alger, and became a

Chevalier de la Légion d‟Honneur (Bertherand, Du Traitement; Bertherand, Les secours d’urgence). This list is a short excerpt of the numerous accomplishments Bertherand achieved and the numerous societies he joined throughout his life.

Unlike Bertherand, Lucien Bertholon wrote more in the latter half of the nineteenth century and into the early twentieth. He was born in Metz in 1854, wrote several works between 1877 and 1913, and spent most of his time in Tunisia, studying the anthropology of the native Berber population (Chantre). He was also a doctor in the

French army, founded the periodical Revue tunisienne, received an honorable mention from the Faculté de médecine de Paris, and won the Prix de mille francs de l‟Académie de médecine (Bertholon, De la Parenté).

10 Even less is known about Dorothée Chellier. She published two works – her doctoral thesis in 1894 and Voyage dans l’Aurès : notes d’un médecin envoyé en mission chez les femmes arabes, in 1895. According to this last work, she was an “Ancien aide d‟anatomie à l‟École d‟Alger,” and because she dedicated her work to a professor of the

Faculté de médecine de Paris, she may have received her doctorate in medicine in Paris.

Chellier has warranted some scholarly attention; a professor at the University of Western

Australia briefly mentions her in a larger discussion on French women in Africa.

Moreover, her name appears in Lucien Bertholon‟s and Ernest Chantre‟s Recherches anthropologiques dans la Berberie orientale: tripoloitaine, Tunisie, Algérie as an authority on birth and abortion practices among women in Algeria.

Bertherand and Bertholon dedicated most of their lives to the countries they lived in, Algeria and Tunisia respectively, contributing large studies on these countries, and they seem to have become integral members of numerous medical and anthropological societies. Chellier contributes a woman‟s perspective on the indigenous populations of

Algeria and is someone of interest because she is one of few female doctors and may be the only known female doctor to write on Algeria near the turn of the century.

To reiterate the questions stated earlier, this paper attempts to connect medicine and culture through Doctors Bertherand, Bertholon, and Chellier by first discussing how people conceived cultural difference during the nineteenth century in areas such as literature, art, religion, and race; then, by describing Bertherand‟s, Bertholon‟s, and

Chellier‟s use of medicine and medical compositions to approach and comment on culture; and last, by speaking of their opinions on colonization.

11 I. Constructing Cultural Difference

In his book Orientalism, Edward Said discusses western cultures‟ perceptions of the Orient since the eighteenth century; the term “Orient” included anywhere from North

Africa, to the Middle East, to the Far East. The beginning of the West‟s observations and sensitivity to the Orient did not rest on any one incident, description, or disparity.

Instead, according to Said, western countries like France used the East to establish what the West signified so that “. . . the Orient has helped to define Europe (or the West) as its contrasting image, idea, personality, experience” (Said 1-2). Said further writes that,

Orientalism is never far from what Denys Hay has called the idea of Europe, a collective notion identifying „us‟ Europeans as against all „those‟ non-Europeans, and indeed it can be argued that the major component in European culture is . . . the idea of European identity as a superior one in comparison with all the non- European peoples and cultures. (7)

Europe embraced the East as a subject to study and to express through mediums such as art and literature, and by studying oriental cultures, Europeans explicitly and implicitly characterized themselves. Thus, not only can a person discover information on nineteenth-century Oriental societies from people such as doctors, but also make inferences about western societies through a source‟s mode of expression and their thoughts on the East. Westerners built their opinions of non-western cultures based on various sources, and each comment made or implication created by these sources reveals, by Said‟s definition, the perceived differences between the Orient and the West.

Rick Steves, a contemporary, well-known travel writer as well as television personality, describes cultural difference informally, “Most cultural groups develop separately, with their own logical (as far as they're concerned) answers to life's basic

12 needs. While every culture is ethnocentric, thinking „we do it right,‟ it's important for travelers to understand that most solutions to life's problems are neither right nor wrong.

They are different. That's what distinguishes cultures” (Steves). The term “cultural difference” most likely did not possess the same meaning, as it is used in conversations today, during this time period. When governments, writers, artists, etc spoke of North

Africa, they did not state outright that the subject matter consisted of a culture different from their own. Instead, people formulated their idea of non-western culture through several mediums. In this way, individuals discerned culture through a mixture of racial diversity, representation through art, literary explorations and voyages, religious missions, military excursions, and government involvement.

Race became an important aspect to differentiate cultures when Le Comte de

Gobineau published the first two volumes of his Essai sur l’inégalité des races humaines in 1853. Gobineau is the most important racial theorist of the time, and in this work, he argues that race creates culture. He believed that only three true races existed, white, black, and yellow, that the white race was far superior to the others and that all other mixed races led to chaos and disruption in the world (Gobineau 149-150). More specifically, and more pertinent to the subject of this discourse, Gobineau formulated an opinion of the Arab race in his work: “La nation arabe, si faible de nombre, n‟a fait notoirement que s‟assimiler des lambeaux des races soumises par son sabre. Ainsi les

Musulmans, population extrêmement mélangée, ne possèdent pas autre chose qu‟une civilisation de ce même caractère métis dont il est facile de retrouver tous les éléments”

(182). In essence, Arabs consist of a mix of races, which weakens their civilization, and

13 “. . . c‟est notre [Europe] tour d‟agir sur les débris de la civilisation arabe. Nous les balayons, nous les détruisons : nous ne réussissons pas à les transformer, et, pourtant, cette civilisation n‟est pas elle-même originale, et devrait dès lors moins résister”

(Gobineau 182). Because Arab civilization integrates the people from its conquests of other nations, it is weaker than pure civilizations; thus, Europe can more easily conquer it. Gobineau‟s theories on race gave the impression of a fragile Arab civilization, which enhanced the belief that European societies were more civilized and thus better than oriental societies. His view of race and its link to culture contributed to the negative opinions of Maghrebian societies and helped establish the superiority of European civilizations.

Unlike Gobineau, French artists and authors possessed a friendly relationship with the Orient. These individuals possessed a particular fascination with the eastern world.

Painters and writers believed the Orient to be a mythical place, a step back in time; this region seemed made for the world of fantasy and sparked the imaginations of creative individuals from the seventeenth through the nineteenth centuries (Sérullaz 30).

Particularly in the nineteenth century, Eugène Delacroix and Jean-Léon Gérôme ventured into Morocco and Egypt, respectively, to explore the extraordinary worlds that these countries represented in their minds. Delacroix voyaged to Morocco in 1832 to observe and sketch the people, their actions, the scenery, their everyday lives. He brought back to France an image of Morocco that expressed a culture with real people rather than barbarous monsters. In his memoirs, Gérôme describes the Orient as a frequent visitor in his dreams (Ackerman 44); accordingly, he visited Egypt and other

14 countries of the Middle East in the mid- to late- nineteenth century. Gérôme furthered

Delacroix‟s authentic picture of non-western life with paintings of Egypt from his voyages. The reputations of Delacroix and Gérôme allowed them to exhibit their sketches and paintings to many and allowed everyone from government officials to street vendors to see the world outside of France. These images brought to life the religion, trade, food, and wars of North African societies in scenes of prayer, markets, and battle.

They plainly illustrate aspects of Arab and Muslim culture, which people used to compare their own customs and lives. Thus art, unlike other mediums, permitted the

French to speak about Arab culture and connect what they said to real images.

Africa and the East possessed the same allure for writers. The new and exciting did not inspire images of fantasy for all authors, but it certainly attracted them to write about or be influenced by Africa and the East. Writers such as Eugène Fromentin,

Gérard Nerval, and Victor Hugo wrote travel journals, poems, or fictional novels inspired by events, ideas, and representations of these areas. Journals were a popular way to describe observations of the Maghreb and the East; they provided another interesting view of cultures, not through paintings but through words and the reflections of culture they created. For example, Fromentin describes the noise of a city in Algeria, “Bruits singuliers. Les enfants mal endormis chuchotent. Les chèvres enrhumées toussent. Les chiens attirés par l‟odeur de l‟étranger viennent flairer autour de la tente” (935).

Fromentin distinguishes Algeria as a different place, implying a comparison with the sounds of France, with his first words, “bruits singuliers.” A reader of this description immediately feels as if she is there with the author and experiencing Algeria in the same

15 way. Raymonde Bonnetain‟s voyages in sub-Saharan Africa supplement the example from Fromentin. She reveals the preconceived notions held by many of a frightening

Africa, “L‟Afrique n‟a pas l‟air si terrible qu‟on me l‟avait dit. Dakar, certes, n‟est pas joli, joli, et c‟est ailleurs que je voudrais bâtir la maison de mes rêves ; mais enfin, ce n‟est pas, ou ce n‟est plus, l‟épouvantable village que dépeint l‟auteur de Terre de mort !... ” (Bonnetain 11). The journals offered singular perspectives on non-western culture; the authors chose to comment on the elements of Maghrebian culture that they noticed – the little oddities or differences that they did not expect prior to arriving in the country. In 1800s France, these remarks added to the construction of other cultures in western thought and aided westerners in comparing their customs with others.

Cardinal Lavigerie and the Pères Blancs missionaries took a different approach to the Maghreb, specifically Algeria and Tunisia, from either Gobineau or the various artists and writers discussed previously. Lavigerie spearheaded the French catholic mission in

Africa, and many of his publications focus on the importance of a religious presence in

Africa. He, more than any other individual, discussed the hurdles France faced in developing the Maghreb because of the strong Islamic faith that was prevalent throughout the region. He writes that “[l]eur foi est fausse, sans doute, mais depuis l‟Océan jusqu'à la mer Rouge, on ne trouvera pas, parmi elles, un seul homme qui ne se fasse gloire de croire en Dieu et de le servir” (Conférence donnée 7). Lavigerie thought that this strong

Islamic faith, despite his belief in its falsity, prevented Arabs from accepting French dominance, and he believed that converting them to Christianity would help the French cause in the Maghreb. Consequently, the religious mission in Algeria and Tunisia had a

16 dual purpose–to convert Muslims to Catholicism and by doing so, further France‟s claims and legitimacy in the region. Furthermore, and in contrast to the previous ways French people encountered Maghrebian culture, Lavigerie actually discusses Arabs‟ impressions of the French, “Les Arabes nous ont crus ainsi, pendant huit années, un peuple sans foi, sans prière, sans culte, sans Dieu. Leur confiance dans leur cause s‟en augmentait.

Même lorsqu‟ils subissaient la force de nos armes, ils nous couvraient de leur mépris”

(Conférence donnée 8). One of the rare times an individual formulating a view of Arabs encounters their opinions of the French. Many write about how Algerians and Tunisians act, what they say, how they look, but not about what they think with regard to their colonizers. Lavigerie employs the Arabs view of the French to strengthen his argument for why the missionaries should remain in the region and how their work contributes to the French mission. This is a completely different view from the other individuals discussed, which adds a layer of complexity to the estimation and attitude Frenchmen were forming towards the Maghreb during the 1800s.

Nineteenth-century French army general Christophe Léon Louis Juchault de

Lamoricière said, “La Providence, qui nous destine à civiliser l‟Afrique, nous a donné la victoire” (qtd.in Lavigerie, L’armée et la mission). This quotation connects religion to colonization and reveals that the French government, and the military as an extension of that government, believed that it was their destiny to colonize Africa and that they had the blessings of God to do so. Without the French military and government, the artistic, literary, and religious observations of the Maghreb would not have been possible.

Artists, missionaries, and doctors entered places like Algeria and Tunisia because of the

17 politics and military excursions of the French government. Napoleon Bonaparte‟s military expedition in Egypt in 1798 “revealed the real living Orient to French artists.

His campaigns . . . were commented in detail almost daily . . .” (Sérullaz 35). Napoleon brought North Africa closer to France with this expedition. There was an attachment of scientists to his excursion in Egypt, an unusual element in an otherwise military expedition; this element set the stage for future study of North Africa. Painters like

Gérôme based many of their pieces on Napoleon‟s exploits in Egypt. Delacroix journeyed to Morocco as part of a diplomatic delegation in 1832, which was sent after

France‟s occupation of Algeria. Bonnetain encountered and traveled with many officers and soldiers of the French army on her way to Sudan. Both Bertherand and Bertholon were attached to French armies during the doctors‟ first forays into Algeria and Tunisia.

Furthermore, the governor general of Algeria sent Chellier into Aurès to observe the medical practices of the indigenous populations. Thus, the involvement of the French government, whether through battle or through negotiation, not only affected the influence France exerted on the Maghreb, but also increased the exchange of culture by providing opportunities for other individuals to travel to these countries.

Individuals gathering information of the Maghreb through these channels during the nineteenth century formed positive and negative judgments of Algerians and

Tunisians. The biased views from Gobineau, various artists and writers, Lavigerie, and the French government served to not only illustrate oriental cultures but assisted in defining French culture as an antithesis to Islamic culture.

18 II. Medicine‟s Kinship with Culture

In constructing an image of Maghrebian culture in the nineteenth century, ideas from racial theorists, painters, writers, missionaries, the military and the government shed significant light on France‟s perception of this culture. Doctors, another source of information that people do not often consider, add another perspective on the Maghreb by evaluating it in terms of medicinal practices and scientific methods.

The observations each doctor makes about Arabs and Berbers show the doctors‟ reference points and present their views of these peoples. For instance, Bertherand expresses many negative impressions of the state of Algerian medicine and doctors:

D‟ailleurs, les médecins d‟un peuple fataliste pourraient-ils logiquement s‟occuper d‟un jugement quelconque sur le cours et l‟issue d‟une affection ? « Allah ialem (Dieu sait tout) ! » Voilà leur manière moins embarrassante et peu compromettante de porter un pronostic. « Inch’ allah (s‟il plaît à Dieu), » constitue une autre formule habituellement employée, et qui offre du moins quelque consolation au patient. (Médecine et hygiène 391)

Bertherand laments the fatalistic attitude, an aspect of Maghrebian culture, Arab doctors possess in regard to their patients; if the patient cannot be cured, then it is up to God or it is God‟s will for him to die. With the pursuit of knowledge about the causes of sickness and methods to cure them becoming primary concerns in France and in general, European medicine, the fatalistic approach represents the antithesis to what European doctors were attempting to accomplish. Bertholon echoes this idea, when he talks about Berbers and their practice of trepanation, “Sans doute il arrive parfois que les trépaneurs perdent quelqu‟un de leurs opérés, mais les arguments ne leur manquent pas pour innocenter l‟opération. Le meilleur pour eux, c‟est leur fatalisme : mektoub (c‟était écrit)”

19 (Bertholon and Chantre 491).2 Again, this fatalistic view of life did not encourage

Bertherand or Bertholon to consider Arab and Berber doctors advanced or particularly intelligent. In contrast to Bertherand and Bertholon, however, Chellier emphasized positive qualities of Maghrebian peoples such as their openness to a female doctor and to medicine:

Il m‟apparaît comme évident . . . que ces indigènes se distinguent des autres tribus algériennes par une intelligence plus saine et plus pratique, et qu‟ils présentent à un haut degré les caractères de perfectibilité qui font très souvent défaut à leurs congénères. Ce qui m‟a frappée surtout au cours de ma mission, c‟est l‟empressement des malades à venir solliciter mes soins, la confiance complète dans le traitement institué, l‟influence rapide que j‟aurais pu acquérir sur leur esprit. (Voyage dans l’Aurès 5)

She highlights the intelligent and practical nature of Arabs in Algeria, which completely contrasts with Bertherand‟s and Bertholon‟s assessment of Arabs and Berbers‟ fatalistic natures. She also expresses her surprise at their openness to medicine, whereas

Bertherand and Bertholon discuss the supposed backward nature of their medicine.

Examining each of these doctors‟ attitudes and assessments of Maghrebian culture allows for the negative and positive viewpoints of culture to emerge.

Maghrebian doctors did not constitute the only subject criticized by Bertherand.

He, especially, was a harsh critic of Arab lifestyles and their contribution to fatality. He writes,

La mortalité est évidemment accrue par le défaut de prévoyance, d‟industries suffisantes, la paresse, le manque d‟éducation et d‟instruction, la vie nomade et au jour le jour, le peu d‟extension du commerce et des échanges, les privations nombreuses et le manque du nécessaire sous tous les rapports, l‟ignorance des mesures hygiéniques générales et particulières, l‟absence de toute surveillance de

2 Trepanation is a method of drilling into the human skull to cure certain head problems such as mental diseases and head wounds.

20 l‟autorité arabe pour tout ce qui concerne la santé, et surtout par la prostitution et le dérèglement général des mœurs, par la pénurie de dispensaires et d‟hôpitaux, d‟institutions convenables de bienfaisance, etc. (Bertherand, Médecine et Hygiène 295)

According to Bertherand, a lack of foresight, laziness, a lack of education, a nomadic life, a lack of business and the necessities of life, the ignorance of personal and public hygiene, prostitution and a general loss of morals, and the shortage of hospitals cause mortality. This list is significant because Bertherand does not name diseases as the main causes of death but instead names factors that can lead to the occurrence and spread of diseases such as an ignorance of hygienic practices. Furthermore, he mentions traits such as laziness and a lack of “the necessities” – laziness compared to the French and necessities based on a French lifestyle. He implicitly compares France and Algeria and finds Algeria lacking with regard to what the French deem important. In this example,

Bertherand leaves the realm of medicine to explore how aspects of culture affect health.

As mentioned in the previous paragraph, Bertherand lists hygiene, or the lack thereof, as an important contributor to fatality. Hygienic practices in nineteenth-century

France became important because of their affect on the general health of the population

(Bynum 56). Starting in 1852 with the advent of Haussmanization, the French government undertook the responsibility of clearing the dense, unsanitary living conditions of Paris. This focus on sanitation provoked an interest in exploring the medical value of hygiene with the hope of decreasing outbreaks of disease. In Médecine et hygiène des Arabes : études sur l’exercice de la médicine et de la chirurgie chez les musulmans de l’Algérie, Bertherand, who wrote this book at the start of

21 Haussmanization, focused parts of his studies on the hygiene of Arabs. He first recognized that,

Il semble bien difficile, bien délicat surtout, de juger impartialement les pratiques d‟hygiène d‟un autre peuple, car . . . il n‟est pas toujours aisé de se rendre un compte scrupuleusement exact des nécessités, des motifs de tel ou tel précepte, et l‟on doit regarder comme presqu‟impossible de se mettre complètement à la place d‟une population dont la situation climatérique, les croyances religieuses, les habitudes offrent tant de contrastes avec celles dans lesquelles nous avons été élevés et dans lesquelles nous avons grandi. (Bertherand, Médecine et hygiène 211)

This observation from Bertherand illustrates his understanding that it is difficult to judge others because their customs and practices are based on a different climate, different religious beliefs, and different circumstances in which to develop. The statement is an admission that before Bertherand judges the hygienic practices in Algeria, he must first admit that Algerians are unlike the French; he recognizes outright that differences between the two populations exist. Previous approaches to cultural difference did not always distinguish between the disparate backgrounds of people from the Maghreb and people from France.

Despite Bertherand‟s admission of dissimilarities between France and Algeria, he still condemns Arabs‟ cleanliness, “L‟Arabe est sale, non seulement parce qu‟il néglige les soins de propreté, mais encore parce qu‟après avoir exécuté les prescriptions ablutionnelles, il continue à se couvrir de vêtements dégoûtants, imprégnés de mauvaise odeur et d‟impuretés, fréquemment garnis de vermine, etc” (Médecine et hygiène 231).

Similar to his condemnation of their fatalistic outlook and to his belief that the primitive state of their society results in death, Bertherand‟s critique of their cleanliness demonstrates his negative perspective on Arabs. The very first phrase of this quotation,

22 “an Arab is dirty,” illustrates a certain level of contempt and arrogance Bertherand feels towards Arabs. In his large work on Arab medicine, Bertherand oscillates between recognizing the historical, intelligent, and important contributions of Algeria and criticizing Arab lifestyle and medical practices. He transitions between discussing strictly medical topics such as common sicknesses among Algerians to commenting on culture by utilizing issues such as mortality and hygiene.

Bertholon, unlike Bertherand who focuses on the Arab population of Algeria, concentrates on the Berber population of Tunisia. Bertholon‟s approach to cultural differences also differs from Bertherand‟s in that Bertholon does not emphasize the medical aspects of Berber society in terms of cleanliness and sickness, but instead stresses anatomical measurements. In Recherches anthropologiques dans la Berberie orientale : tripolitaine, Tunisie, Algérie, Bertholon extensively discusses the anthropometry and craniometry of Berber men and women.3 Both of these fields fall under anthropology, and Bertholon uses them to develop conclusions about Berbers.

Before exploring his use of these measurements, Bertholon first expresses his opinion that Arabs belong to a lesser society than Berbers. He writes in the foreword of the book,

. . . il nous reste un double devoir à remplir, celui d‟abord de reconnaitre [sic] que nous avons été partout bien accueillis par les indigènes sur lesquels nous avions à prendre des mensurations anthropométriques et des photographies. Quiconque a étudié les musulmans, au point de vue anthropologique, sait combien il leur répugne de subi nos pratiques scientifiques. (Bertholon and Chantre xiii)

From the very beginning of his research, Bertholon acknowledges that the Berbers cooperated more than the Muslims. There exists an implication in this quotation that he

3 Anthropometry consists of the measurement of physical characteristics, and craniometry is a specific way to measure the bones of the skull. Bertholon considered both measurements to be scientific.

23 considers Berbers to be better than Arabs because they were more willing to be subjected to his scientific studies, and in fact, Bertholon exerts much effort to differentiate Berbers and Arabs by using his measurements to establish a relationship between Berbers and ancient European civilizations. Thus, Bertholon indirectly uses his scientific research on the anthropometric and craniometric measurements of Berbers to criticize Arab culture and praise the cooperation of Berbers. Bertholon also employs these two sciences to relate Berbers to different ethnicities in Africa, Asia, and Europe and to explain several aspects of Berber society. For example, Bertholon applies his anthropometric measurements to argue that a relationship exists between size and the structure of homes,

Nous avons recherché s‟il existait quelques rapports entre les divers types d‟habitation africaine et les principaux types humains que nos mensurations nous ont permis d‟isoler. L‟examen de notre carte de la taille nous montre que, d‟une façon générale, on ne trouve l‟habitation quadrangulaire avec terrasse ou toit couvert de tuiles que dans la zone des tailles moyennes inférieures à 1 m. 67 . . . Les populations les plus petites, telles que celles de Gerba, du Sahel tunisien, du cap Bon, de la vallée de la Siliana en Tunisie, de la région de Constantine, de la Kabylie, se servent presque uniquement de la maison quadrangulaire à toit ou à terrasse, comme maison d‟habitation. (Bertholon and Chantre 439)

The height of individual Berbers affects the structure of the housing in which they live.

Bertholon employs a more scientific and anthropological approach to cultural differences by using science to explain a cultural norm such as the type of housing used by Berbers.

While not a strictly medical approach to cultural differences, Bertholon‟s study of the human body through anthropometry and craniometry and his utilization of this scientific data contribute a distinctive method of interpreting culture.

In Voyage dans l’Aurès : notes d’un médecin envoyé en mission chez les femmes arabes, the second of her two, known published works as catalogued by the Bibliothèque

24 Nationale de France, Chellier brings a vastly different approach to observing Maghrebian people and culture in comparison to Bertherand and Bertholon. Chellier remarks more upon the emotional expressions of individual people rather than passing judgment on the society as a whole. For example, while describing a certain method of abortion, she wrties, “Cette opération, pratiquée sans anesthésia, a été supportée sans un cri, sans un mouvement de la face exprimant la douleur” (Chellier 29). She reflects on the physical pain and the stoicism with which Arab women bear the practice of abortion. She does not criticize them; she does not make a remark about the practice itself, but instead observes the people and their emotions. Another example of her eye for facial expressions of emotions occurs during her visit to Menaâ. She writes, “Les mœurs des habitants de Ménaà sont très dissolues ; c‟est la ville de la prostitution que les hommes acceptent fort bien, du reste. Un air de gaîté règne sur tous les visages” (Chellier 28).

Chellier comments on the lack of morals in the city and the happiness of the people as a result of this looseness. A lack of morality becomes a vehicle through which she examines the reactions of the people. Similar to Delacroix and Gérôme who painted images of daily life to impart Arab culture, Chellier‟s medically-trained eye turns not to the unclean appearance of individuals or to the measurements of their faces but to the manifestation of emotions. Individuals are important because they create culture through their interactions with each other and by passing on their traditions; Chellier describes images of them that illustrate their acceptance of pain and their enjoyment of pleasure, which both demonstrate facets of Arab society.

25 In addition to observing individuals‟ facial expressions, Chellier creates portraits of people she meets. In contrast to Bertherand and Bertholon, who speak generally about

Arabs and Berbers, she narrates short anecdotes about specific people. For instance, she relates the experience of a man she treated, “Si je rapporte ce fait qui peut sembler banal, c‟est pour montrer que cet homme, ayant compris l‟efficacité du traitement, se décidait à une démarche, sans doute nouvelle pour lui : Il allait se rendre chez un pharmacien”

(Chellier 37). Here, Chellier conveys the novelty of going to the pharmacist for the first time. She shows that the Arab man is reasonable – he sees the good effect of medicine and decides to go to the pharmacist. Unlike Bertherand, who calls Arabs lazy, Chellier reveals an adaptability and willingness to change for the sake of their health in Algerian culture. Another portrait of an individual Chellier meets describes a prostitute, “La reine de l‟Aurès (reine galante), a été mariée à douze ans à un cheik. Elle a ensuite divorcé pour se remarier deux fois. Maintenant elle est Azria (fille galante), condition qu‟elle préfères sans doute aux précédentes, car elle a refusé plusieurs fois de prendre un quatrième mari” (15). Chellier reveal the openness to prostitution and the attitude towards marriage among Arab women. While a person may be shocked at the young age and multiple marriages of this particular woman, Chellier does not condemn her. Instead, she simply explains the situation of the woman and shows her preferred lifestyle rather than discuss her own opinions, opinions of an outsider. As a doctor, Chellier must look at people for a living; this practice allows her to formulate observations about individuals and convey, through the emotions and anecdotes about her encounters, aspects of Arab culture.

26 Bertherand‟s discussion of hygiene, Bertholon‟s use of measurements, and

Chellier‟s descriptions of individuals construct images of the Maghreb, which depict new areas of cultural difference. Unlike Gobineau who observed the color of the skin and unlike the orientalist painters and writers, who sometimes possessed a fantastical and imaginary view of the Maghrebian people, Bertherand, Bertholon, and Chellier, as doctors, observed the bodies of Arabs and Berbers to formulate conclusions about the culture of the people themselves. Bertherand‟s harsh judgment of the laziness and lack of cleanliness of Arabs, Bertholon‟s belief that Berbers are better than Arabs and that anthropometric and craniometric measurements explain parts of culture, and Chellier‟s neutral observations of people, all illustrate their opinions of some aspect of Maghrebian culture, which the doctors believe to be important.

III. The Impact of Language and Climate

In addition to the hygienic, anatomical, and emotional methods of discovering culture, Bertholon explores language and both Bertholon and Bertherand discuss climate as significant indicators of culture and medicine. Bertholon‟s discussion of the Berber language provides insight into his belief that the language is less civilized than French but more civilized than Arabic. He writes extensively about the damaging effect of Arabs‟ conquering North Africa on Berber language and civilization. Bertholon and Bertherand directly link climate to medicine and its effect on colonists as well as the indigenous populations of the Maghreb.

27 Language is an extremely important aspect of culture. The manner in which a person speaks can determine who they identify with, how others judge them, and where they live. Bertholon selects language as the medium to introduce interesting cultural comparisons in a few of his works. He not only implicitly compares Berber and French cultures but often draws comparisons between Berbers and Arabs to show that Berbers are superior to Arabs. In Les premiers colons de souche européenne dans l’Afrique du

Nord, Bertholon discusses the origins of the Berber language and comments,

Nous avons vu . . . que nombre de substantifs européens avaient changé de genre en passant dans le berbère. Ces changements sont utiles à connaître. Ils sont d‟importance secondaire à côté d‟une autre tendance du manque de fixité de sens de mots selon les dialectes. Cette facilité d‟altération de sens provient de l‟état primitif de la société berbère, et surtout de l‟absence d‟écriture. (58)

Language, as an important part of culture, allows Bertholon to formulate his opinion of a primitive society based on the observation that Berbers change the meaning of their words seemingly at will. Compared to the French language, which possesses a strict set of meanings decided upon by the Académie française, the Berber language is less civilized in his opinion. This viewpoint of cultural difference starkly contrasts with Rick

Steves‟ modern acceptance of other cultures; Bertholon takes a condescending tone towards Berbers‟ use of their language because it does not fit with French ideals of what should be a language.

Despite the example above in which Bertholon criticizes Berber society, in

Recherches anthropologiques dans la Berberie orientale : tripoloitaine, Tunisie, Algérie, he praises the very same culture and discusses many of its customs like clothing, tattoos, and agricultural methods. More importantly, however, Bertholon compares Berbers to

28 Arabs, whom he believes are less civilized. Consequently, Berbers reach a higher status in his eyes. For example, he writes:

Les Arabes à leur invasion, arrivant avec des tentes en poils de chameau, étaient incapables de réglementer les organisations commerciales. Ils ont donc laissé subsister celles qui existaient à la façon romaine ; elles se retrouvent identiques dans les pays latins d‟Europe. Les amins s‟appelaient syndics. Ces Arabes ignoraient même la monnaie. Le follis, petite monnaie romaine, a été prononcé, par ces primitifs, fels (plur. Flouss). Le denarius, principale monnaie d‟argent, est devenu dans leur bouche dinar. Le mot drachme, prononcé draham, fut employé pour désigner l‟argent monnayé. (Bertholon and Chantre 415-416)

Bertholon makes several remarks in this quotation that reveal his opinion of Arab society in comparison to Berber culture. First, Berbers construct their homes better than Arabs, and the implication here is that Arabs are less advanced because they only have camel- hair tents. Moreover, he indicates that Berbers have in place a commerce system based on Roman times before the Arab invasion; Arabs keep this system because they can not regulate commerce themselves. Last, Bertholon selects language again as the instrument to demonstrate the primitive nature of Arabs. He argues that they have taken roman words and essentially mispronounced them in Arabic, thereby ruining the integrity of the words. Despite Bertholon‟s judgment of the fluidity of meaning in the Berber language, his assessment of Arabic is far more severe. Bertholon blames the invasion of the Arabs for the loss of purity in Berber culture, which he directly connects to ancient civilizations such as Rome and Greece. This direct link to ancient European cultures proves for him the higher level of intelligence and historical importance of Berbers when compared to

Arabs (Bertholon and Chantre; Bertholon, Les premiers colons). Thus, Bertholon employs an anthropological background to compare Berbers to the French and to Arabs.

29 Similar to the interest in hygiene and its effect on epidemics, the study of climate and its impact on the spread of disease became popular from the late eighteenth century on (Bynum 60). As governments sent troops to various tropical climates, vastly different from mild Europe, doctors began to observe and test climate‟s effect on health.

Specifically, governments desired to reduce the loss of soldiers‟ lives due to diseases unique to certain climates. Bertholon writes, “L‟application de ces données paraît devoir

être éminemment salutaire, si on songe que plus on se rapproche de la zone humide

équatoriale, plus la vie de l‟Européen devient précaire. Ses armées s‟y fondent rapidement, ses tentatives de colonisation y échouent et se transforment en vrais désastres” (De la Parenté 4). He devotes much of his research on climate to the similarities and differences of its impact on indigenous and foreign populations. His discussions on the topic are not only helpful to examine the impact of tropical climates on the French military, but also to perceive the importance of climate as a part of medical inquiry.

Bertherand, on the other hand, relates climate, not to its effect on the French military, but to its usefulness in explaining Arab behavior. He recognizes in his study on

Arab medical practices that

. . . il est non seulement convenable, mais encore utile de dire quelques mots des causes qui influent le plus directement sur le choix de leurs [des Arabes] pratiques prophylactiques, de leurs moyens curatifs. En effet, le tempérament, la constitution organique et morale, la différence des zônes climatériques, etc., imposent le plus souvent telle ou telle coutume à un peuple. (Médecine et hygiène 137)

In short, climate determines how a group of people practice medicine, and it imposes certain customs. Bertherand extends this idea of climate affecting culture by describing

30 environments in different areas of Algeria to create a portrait of the Arabs who live in those climates. For example, “Sur le littoral, étroite bordure de terrains assez bas, plus ou moins humides, vit l‟Arabe avec ses chevaux, ses mœurs nomades et paresseuses, sa tendance au lymphatisme, sa physionomie fiévreuse” (Médecine et hygiène 139).

Bertherand links the area and the humid climate to the personality, health issues, and appearance of Arabs. He not only provides a medical connection to climate, but also comments on the laziness of these particular Arabs – a trait that Bertherand repeatedly mentions and that he believes composes a part of their culture.

While not strictly medical or scientific, language and climate appear repeatedly in works by Bertholon and Bertherand. The emphasis on language demonstrates an interesting rapport between French, Arabic, and the Berber language. The doctors not only observe the appearance of the body but also note climate‟s effect on it, and the treatment of climate‟s relationship with disease reveals a medical development of the period. Both of these topics enlarge the scope of how the doctors look at Berber and

Arab culture.

IV. Medicine‟s Mission in Colonization

In addition to utilizing medicine to explore Maghrebian culture, Bertherand and

Chellier used their roles as doctors to stress the importance of medicine in colonization.

Bertherand devotes the conclusion of his book, Médecine et hygiène des Arabes: études sur l'exercice de la médecine et de la chirurgie chez les musulmans de l'Algérie, to

31 explaining the significance and value of doctors in France‟s efforts to colonize and civilize Algerians. He notes that,

Le Médecin . . . c‟est tout simplement un ami que le riche comme le pauvre accueillent sans arrière-pensée au sein de la famille ; il a le privilège de voir et d‟entendre bien des choses, car il ne vient pas avec un pouvoir autoritaire qui froissera des sentiments enracinés par la tradition et le caractère national ; non, il n‟apporte que des consolations et des secours, il vient rendre la santé et les forces à ceux que la misère et la maladie étreignent de leurs cruelles douleurs. Il laisse au moins, au départ, le souvenir d‟un bienfait ; il donne l‟exemple des sentiments de fraternité, de solidarité humaine, des plus beaux sentiments religieux ; il porte silencieusement le coup le plus rude aux croyances superstitieuses, absurdes ; il développe dans l‟esprit indigène cette indépendante fermeté qui oblige à apprécier les faits et à juger leurs corrélations. (Médecine et hygiène 552-553)

Thus, the doctor is one of the most important players in colonization because he can move among many types of people who accept him because he exists to help and heal, not to conquer and kill. Bertherand believes that doctors can impart the standards of

French culture and civilization such as solidarity and religion (which is most likely

Catholicism), disperse any superstitions, and build a logical way of thinking. Doctors do not rudely intrude into the customs of Maghrebian people, unlike soldiers and missionaries; they indirectly affect the thoughts and culture of Arabs by setting a good example of French civilization. Chellier echoes these sentiments, when she says, “Nous ferions mieux encore en Algérie si nous arrivions à pénétrer la vie intime indigène, sans chercher à lui imposer notre croyance. C‟est le seul vrai moyen de gagner l‟arabe à notre cause” (Voyage dans l’Aurès 25-26). Forty years after Bertherand writes that doctors are essentially, the best ambassadors, Chellier reiterates the idea; doctors can penetrate into the intimate lives of the indigenous populations and are the best ways to convert Arabs to

French culture. There is a certain arrogance and assuredness in both Bertherand and

32 Chellier‟s quotations that doctors spread the ideals of civilization the best and implicitly, that the best ideals of civilization come from French culture and customs. When

Bertherand observes the dirty water of an oasis in which Arabs wash themselves, throw their trash, and drink from, he says, “ . . . mais depuis l‟arrivée des Français (1844), tout cela a changé, la localité s‟est promptement assainie. Les Arabes avouent eux-mêmes qu‟ils respirent un air plus salubre et que le nombre des boutons de Biskra a diminué d‟un quart au moins” (Notice sur le chancre 8). Arabs are better off because of the French, and indirectly in this example, because of doctors‟ advocacy of cleaner water and better hygiene. Another effect of Bertherand‟s opinions is that an individual reading this during the nineteenth century could not help but imagine that Arabs are a dirty people who are thankful for France‟s colonization. Furthermore, doctors and government officials reading this material would also believe that their work in the Maghreb is justified because they are improving the lives of people. Bertherand and Chellier both believe that doctors are the most accessible ambassadors of French civilization; thus, they not only report on aspects of Maghrebian culture, but also carry with them and spread the values of French culture to the people of the Maghreb.

V. Conclusion

Cultural difference was not a phrase used during the nineteenth century in the same manner in which we employ it today. People constructed their ideas of Maghrebian culture through racial theorists, artists, writers, missionaries, the military, and the government. Each of these channels added their own biases, their own observations and

33 quirks to the knowledge about the Maghreb. Moreover, each of these groups revealed information about French culture when they remarked upon the new and strange customs and appearances of the Maghrebian peoples.

Doctors brought different perspectives to the exploration of cultural difference.

Bertherand observed the lack of cleanliness among Algerian Arabs and commented on its effect on their health and lifestyle. His belief that Frenchmen and French ideals were better than anything Arab translated into his comments on their culture. Bertholon made a distinction between Berbers and Arabs; he devoted much of his work to the anatomical study of Berbers through anthropometry and craniometry, and he drew several conclusions about Berber culture by using measurements of the body and head.

Bertholon considered Berbers to be of a higher status in society and through this belief, revealed his own prejudices. Chellier, like Bertholon, observed and took note of the human face; however, her remarks did not include measurements of the size of the nose, but instead, emotions and anecdotes of individual people. She treated the people she encountered in Algeria as individuals who had their own story to tell and in the process of relating their story, revealed aspects about their culture. These doctors made use of different aspects of the body to provide diverse insights into Maghrebian culture. They easily transitioned between medicine and culture by using medicine to make cultural inferences about Arabs and Berbers.

Language is another important aspect of culture, which Bertholon discussed; he argued that the Berber language, a descendant of European languages, and Berber civilization are better than Arab culture. Bertholon and Bertherand both discussed

34 climate, another popular topic of the period. Climate affected the health and culture of the indigenous populations as well as the health of the French military and colonists. The paper mentions both language and climate because the doctors treated them as significant topics of their own and because they illustrate new ways to think about culture that are not necessarily medical.

Last, Bertherand and Chellier believed that doctors were the best channels to perpetuate French culture and civilization because of the indigenous population‟s general acceptance of medicine.

Toutes les sciences sont sœurs à titre commun de filles de la civilisation, de mères du Progrès ; et l‟histoire est là pour prouver que jamais, à aucune époque, les sciences médicales n‟ont pu jouir d‟un éclat supérieur chez un peuple dont les autres connaissances, l‟état intellectuel, se trouvaient à un degré d‟infériorité générale. (Bertherand, Médecine et hygiène 16)

This paper began with a quote from Dr. Bertherand about the significant contribution French medicine makes in civilizing a people, and it ends with another quote from Bertherand that reiterates this idea. Medicine, throughout history, shows its immense effect on societies that Bertherand deems are generally inferior. Thus, medicine and doctors do not only become mediums through which to view other cultures, but also carry their culture to the people they observe and help.

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Information on Featured Artwork

Table of Contents: 1. Philippe Pavy: Bride arriving in a village, Biskra, Algeria, 1889

Works Cited: 1. Émile Lecomte-Vernet: Aimée, jeune égyptienne, 1869

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