Damna{;/E We, and Deserljcd Dealh 4 Dorioi' John Fallsths, the Fact That Hell11stadt, Or Some Variant Thereof

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Damna{;/E We, and Deserljcd Dealh 4 Dorioi' John Fallsths, the Fact That Hell11stadt, Or Some Variant Thereof The Historical Dr_ Faustus, c_I466-c_I537 GivL'll thL: obviously legendary or mythic quality both of Marlowe's play and of irs prlllcipal source, the prose Hisforie rf file in the university records as Georgius Helmstetter, Georio de damna{;/e We, and deserlJcd dealh 4 DOrioI' John FallStHs, the fact that Hell11stadt, or some variant thereof. He received his b,lchelor's there was a historical Doctor Faustlls may come as a surprise. Like ckgree within less than the prescribed minimum of a yCJr and Christopher Marlowe, this man was a trangn:ssor both of sexual a half of study, but took longer than most students to cam the and of ideological codes. master's degree, which he ,vas granted only in I487~having beell Until quite recently, research into the traces of this hismri­ held back, n10st probably, by a requirement that a IlwlZisrer artillm cal figure was bed,'viled by several puzzling facts. Sixteenth­ be at least twenty or twenty-one years ·old. The fact that he was century accounts give the man two different names, Georgius and one of only two students in a class of sixty-seven who gave no Johannes, leading some scholars to suppose th:lt there might have indication of a family name or patronymic suggests that he may, been two distinct magicians namL:d Faust (a COllllllon German like Erasmus, have been illegitimate. If, as the university statutes surname) or Faustus. FaustLls appears to have claimed the academ­ required, he t;)ugh[ for two years in the faculty of arts as a Master ic ritles ofMagistCf, or of Doctor-but while a Magister Georgius of Arts, he would have remained at Heidelberg until at least [he Faustus was practising various arts of divination in Gelnhausen, summer of 1489 (Baron 1978: 16-18). Wlirzburg, and Kreuznach in 1506 and 1507 (Palmer and More In addition to the scholastic learning of the nominalist liia I/flld­ 84-86), the records of German universities .rl1L:ntion only a single ('rna to which he was exposed in his formal course of studies, Johannes Faust or Fmt who entered Heidelberg in Deccmber Gcorgius Helmstetter would also have encoLlntered at Heidelberg TSOS, and received a bachelor's degree in Jalluary 1509 (Palmer both the speculative (which is to say occultist) and the philologi­ and Morc 86-87). cal sides orthe new humanist learning. During the 1480s the city However, as Frank Baron showed in Do(/or FallslHsjJ'(l/ll History was home to a number ofdistinguished hUl1lanists, who tended to to Legend (1978), the early accounts of Faustus divide under critical ally thernselves with the exponents of the I'ia /I·lodema. According analysis into twO groups: those written betweell 1507 and the mid to Heiko Oberman, one consequence of the modernists' rejec­ 1530S as immcdiate responses to his activities, and those composed tion of the universal t('nns deployed by Aquinas and the other during the half-century between his c1c;lth (c. 1537) and the publi­ theologians of the Ilia allti'll/il was "a craving to expericnce and cation in 1587 ofthe Germall FCIIlstbook. In the former texts, which apprehend the world free from the tutelage of faith "-a craving, have documentary value, his fIrst name, when it is mentioned, is however, which soon "proved irreconcilable with the platonically Georgius; ill the latter, which show llllmistakable marks of leg­ inspired humanist propensity for a sancia pltilo50phia" (Oberman end-formation, the name has becollle Johannes. Baron also sorted 3R). In the interim, though, there seems to have been a pcriod in OUt the puzzle of the uni\-ersity records: in brief, there are no the late fIfteenth century during which young German scholars, records of the magician faustus for the very good reason that th:lt perhaps especially those trained in t.he via moderna, were able to was not his nall1e-at least until some time after his graduation. find a substitute for the theological speculations challenged by In January 1483 a young Illan from the nearby village of nominalism in that syncretic compendium of Hermetic [heoso­ Hdmstadt enrolled at the University of Heidelberg in the nomi­ phy, Neoplatonic theurgy and Christian Cabala which interested nalist via /tlodema l of the arts faculty; his name appears variously speculative humanists.1 An exchange ofletter~ whose significance was first recognized Tht: arcs f.c-ul£ it.'s ill ~ lotth c;;" rn Europe a.·n uni\'~ r:;. jti\"""s in the fif(l ' l~IHh c(ntury wen: by Frank Baron ilia kes it clear that this Heidelberg graduate commonly divided bl'{\l : t'~n cxponl.'nt~ ofchc l! iJ .mtiqHo1,.1 phiJ-osn phy ofmc[:lphy...;j­ cal r(':'lii~m dC\,l:lol, ~ ("d 111 rhe thirteenth <.:,-n[ury by Albertlls MJgnu:, and ThomJ~ rmpOr£JIH lOtlldic!i. of this th,,'Il-t'r1)l'rgt'"Ot tradition indud.: thos(" of G~lrin. \)/ alkl:lT Aqullus and [h('ir- SUCCI,.'$S t,H Duns Scocus. \...·ho thought of Llnivt r:;'Jl I1lc[JphysiL';J) 1972 and 19 75. YJtl:$ 19{)4 and 11)7<). Cc..1uhano. TOll1linson .. a nd Crafton. r.:ucgorlt' S- and the rebirlon:;.hips ;unong lhnl'1 :l~ l~xistjJ1g illdt'pl:nd(,ntly ot" our ex­ pCri('I1l' l' or kno,,:Jcdg(' of tht'l1I; and Cxp~) I\Cnh of th.... !'ill HhJdcm:l. il c ri.tlc.ll _Inci sO/TII.:rimL's c Urr()~i\ i dy ~ c l'pril"JI non1inalisIl1, d('n~1 0 p e d in t!H' f~)l)rr~r.:nth C~lll\lry by DOCTOR FAUSTUS 27 \VilliJnl of()cklum. Njchol:-t~ of AUlr\.·courr Jnd J L'an Burtci:1n. practised some at least of the arts of divination which commonly and who as the supposed inventor of divination by water could interested speculative humanists. In October 1534, Dr. Petrus be regarded as a pagan prophet (Baron 1978: 32) . "Faustus" seems Seuter, a lawyer living in the city ofKempten, enclosed two doc­ also to be a humanist cognomen, chosen for its meaning ("auspi­ uments in a letter he sent to his friend Nicolaus Ellenbog, a monk cious"), and as alluding to one or more of the earlier bearers of with humanist interests in the monastery of Ottobeuren. One of the name-most probably the Manichaean bishop with whom St. these, an academic oration delivered by a Heidelberg professor Augustine debated, or the Faustus who in a widely-read patristic to the Emperor Maximilian (who reigned from April, 1487 to text, the pseudo-Clementine Recognitions, is briefly a disciple of January, 1519), may date from the period ofSeuter's own studies the Gnostic heresiarch and magician Simon Magus (Wentersdorf; at Heidelberg, which began in March, 1490. The other, a horo­ Richardson). "The second magus" may be a bow in the direction scope prepared for Seuter by "magister Georgius Helmstetter" of Zoroaster, whom Renaissance genealogies of wisdom com­ according to the judgment of the astrological, physiognomic and monly list as the first inventor of magic. But Faustus is not being chiromantic art (Baron 1989: 298), may also date from the same modest: this admission ofsecondariness puts him ahead ofHermes period: if Helmstetter remained at Heidelberg beyond the statu­ or Mercurius Trismegistus, the usual number two in accounts of tory two years after his graduation, he could have been one of the magical prisca theologia or "ancient theology" (see Walker 1975: Seuter's teachers in the Faculty ofArts. 23,93, and Yates 1964: IS, 131). Moreover, "magus secundus," in Since a doctoral degree was obtainable only in the disciplines conjunction with claims to astrological competence and primacy of law, medicine, and theology, Georgius Helmstetter's proper in necromancy, might reinforce the suggestion of an affiliation academic title was the one used by Seuter: magister. But by the with Simon Magus-who in the Recognitions is denounced as a convention of the time he would have been able, outside aca­ necromancer, and is closely associated with belief in astrology demic circles, to cail himself Doctor (Baron 1982: 17) . It seems (Recognitions II. 13-15, IX. 12 ff., X. 7 ff.). likely that he did so-and that this was the same man whose . The man, as Trithemius describes him, was clearly transgres­ public career as a diviner and magician, beginning in the early sive: a braggart, a blasphemer, and a pederast. He apparently years of the sixteenth century, made the name of Doctor Faustus boasted that if the writings and doctrines of Plato and Aristotle notorious throughout Germany. were wholly lost and forgotten, he "would be able to restore them In August 1507, the humanist Johannes Trithemius, himself a all with increased beauty," just as the prophet Ezra had restored graduate of Heidelberg, and an occult philosopher and magician the lost books of the Law (cf. 2 Esdras 14: 20-26). He claimed as well as a Benedictine abbot, wrote a long letter to his friend "that the miracles of Christ the Saviour were not so wonderful, Johannes Virdung von Hassfurt, an astrologer at Heidelberg that he himself could do all the things that Christ had done, as who had an active interest in magic and divination. In this let­ often and whenever he wished." And when in 1507 Faustus was ter Trithemius described the activities over the preceding year of appointed schoolmaster in Kreuznach, he promptly indulged "in a man who announced himself in what was probably a printed the most abominable kind of fornication with the boys," and fled sheet of self-advertisement as "Magister Georgius Sabellicus, the to escape punishment (Baron 1978: 96-97; Tille 1-3; Palmer and younger Faustus, chief of necromancers, astrologer, the second More 83-86).
Recommended publications
  • Goethe, the Japanese National Identity Through Cultural Exchange, 1889 to 1989
    Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik pen Jahrgang LI – Heft 1 | Peter Lang, Bern | S. 57–100 Goethe, the Japanese National Identity through Cultural Exchange, 1889 to 1989 By Stefan Keppler-Tasaki and Seiko Tasaki, Tokyo Dedicated to A . Charles Muller on the occasion of his retirement from the University of Tokyo This is a study of the alleged “singular reception career”1 that Goethe experi- enced in Japan from 1889 to 1989, i. e., from the first translation of theMi gnon song to the last issues of the Neo Faust manga series . In its path, we will high- light six areas of discourse which concern the most prominent historical figures resp. figurations involved here: (1) the distinct academic schools of thought aligned with the topic “Goethe in Japan” since Kimura Kinji 木村謹治, (2) the tentative Japanification of Goethe by Thomas Mann and Gottfried Benn, (3) the recognition of the (un-)German classical writer in the circle of the Japanese national author Mori Ōgai 森鴎外, as well as Goethe’s rich resonances in (4) Japanese suicide ideals since the early days of Wertherism (Ueruteru-zumu ウェル テルヅム), (5) the Zen Buddhist theories of Nishida Kitarō 西田幾多郎 and D . T . Suzuki 鈴木大拙, and lastly (6) works of popular culture by Kurosawa Akira 黒澤明 and Tezuka Osamu 手塚治虫 . Critical appraisal of these source materials supports the thesis that the polite violence and interesting deceits of the discursive history of “Goethe, the Japanese” can mostly be traced back, other than to a form of speech in German-Japanese cultural diplomacy, to internal questions of Japanese national identity .
    [Show full text]
  • Early Faust Literature and Skepticism in the Reformation
    Dustin Lovett 20 Polemical Magic: Early Faust Literature and Skepticism in the Reformation Dustin Lovett (University of California, Santa Barbara) Richard Popkin’s epochal work on the history of skepticism in the Early Modern period1 identifies the seminal gesture of the Reformation, Luther’s rejection of the Catholic church’s entire framework of authority at the Diet of Worms, as the opening of a “Pandora’s Box” that sparked a skeptical crisis, or “crise pyrrhonienne,” which soon engulfed the Western world (5). Popkin’s narrow understanding of the term skepticism and his emphasis on the role of the printed Latin translations of Sextus Empiricus’s work in the 1560s in the birth of modern science have become controversial, but whether one adopts Popkin’s view of an acute crisis in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries or takes a longer and broader view of skepticism,2 the Reformation marks a moment of profound transformation in the history of European thought. As Stuart Clark notes, the temptation “to think of the [Early Modern] period as one of radical epistemological instability” does not exist without reason (1997, 257). In rejecting the authority of the pope and church councils, which had previously arbitrated the nature of truth, in favor of “what conscience is compelled to believe on reading Scripture” (Popkin 3) Luther was redefining the criteria for religious orthodoxy. For centuries, the Catholic church alone had defined the nature of and means of achieving theological principles such as grace or repentance. The spiritual confusion that resulted from Luther’s repudiation of numerous Catholic doctrines finds its reflection in many literary works of the time but perhaps nowhere more potently than in the legend of Faust, which emerged and developed in the early Reformation era into a vehicle for Luther’s radical skepticism toward Catholic doctrines ranging from intercession and repentance to the saints’ cults and miracles.
    [Show full text]
  • Fall 2005 the Theflame Magazine of Claremont Graduate University
    Flame Summer 2005Q5.qxd 11/4/05 2:32 PM Page 1 Volume 6, Number 2 Fall 2005 the TheFlame Magazine of Claremont Graduate University A Global Vision: President Robert Klitgaard brings a world of experience to CGU 1 C LAREMONT G RADUATE U NIVERSITY Flame Summer 2005Q5.qxd 11/4/05 2:32 PM Page 2 I believe that the future success of our world community theFlame lieslies inin aa tirelesstireless efforteffort toto protect and empower women The Magazine of Claremont Graduate University and children of all societies. Elizabeth Delgado’s skill at soccer led Fall 2005 to an All-American career and a full Volume 6, Number 2 scholarship to Georgetown University. The Flame is published three times Elizabeth Delgado, Ph.D. student in Political Science After graduation, Delgado worked a year by Claremont Graduate with children in Americorp’s City Year University, 150 East Tenth Street, Claremont, CA 91711. program where she helped create a ©2005 by Claremont Graduate University camp for ESL students, led community Send address changes to: service projects for Young Heroes, and Office of Alumni Affairs facilitated dialogues on racial issues and Claremont Graduate University 165 East Tenth Street discrimination for high school students. Claremont, CA 91711 [email protected] While serving an internship at U.C. Irvine’s Center for Unconventional Managing Editor Carol Bliss ’02, ’04 Security Affairs, Delgado enrolled at CGU and earned a master’s in Inter- Art Director Susan Guntner national Relations. During her doctoral Swan Graphics studies, she was awarded a CGU News Editor fellowship to study the politics of village Bryan Schneider fisherwomen in India, interviewing Alumni Editor community activists about their struggles Joy Kliewer ’97 for social justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Johann Georg Faust
    Johann Georg Faust Dr. Johann Georg Faust (approx. 1480 – 1540) was a German alchemist who was born in the village of Knittlingen, Württemberg (it is also claimed in Roda in the province of Weimar, and also in Helmstadt near Heidelberg in 1466). He has alternatively been known by the names “Johann Sabellicus” and “Georg Faust.” In 1507, Johannes Trithemius of Sponheim wrote that Faust was a con-man and a drifter who preyed on the gullible. He said he had fled a teaching position in Kreuznach after molesting several of the boys there. He may have then gone on to the University of Heidelberg to study, obtaining a degree in divinity from Heidelberg University in 1509, and then to Poland where a friend of Martin Luther, Philip Melanchthon, says Faust studied magic at the University of Kraków. Martin Luther and Philipp Melanchthon are said to have alleged Faust’s companionship with the devil. After that, he appears at the University of Ehrfut in central Germany. It is said that when he lectured on Homer he conjured up Homer’s heroes for his students. He was expelled from Ehrfut by the Franciscan monk Dr. Klinge (who was the cathedral preacher from 1520-1556). Dr. Klinge asked for Faust’s repentance. Faust refused the monk’s offer of intervention and admitted having signed a pact with the Devil, and said that he trusted the Devil more than God. In 1523 he is said to have visited Auerbach’s Tavern in Leipzig where he conjured wine out of a table, and rode a barrel of wine.
    [Show full text]
  • An Archeology of Cryptography: Rewriting Plaintext, Encryption, and Ciphertext
    An Archeology of Cryptography: Rewriting Plaintext, Encryption, and Ciphertext By Isaac Quinn DuPont A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Faculty of Information University of Toronto © Copyright by Isaac Quinn DuPont 2017 ii An Archeology of Cryptography: Rewriting Plaintext, Encryption, and Ciphertext Isaac Quinn DuPont Doctor of Philosophy Faculty of Information University of Toronto 2017 Abstract Tis dissertation is an archeological study of cryptography. It questions the validity of thinking about cryptography in familiar, instrumentalist terms, and instead reveals the ways that cryptography can been understood as writing, media, and computation. In this dissertation, I ofer a critique of the prevailing views of cryptography by tracing a number of long overlooked themes in its history, including the development of artifcial languages, machine translation, media, code, notation, silence, and order. Using an archeological method, I detail historical conditions of possibility and the technical a priori of cryptography. Te conditions of possibility are explored in three parts, where I rhetorically rewrite the conventional terms of art, namely, plaintext, encryption, and ciphertext. I argue that plaintext has historically been understood as kind of inscription or form of writing, and has been associated with the development of artifcial languages, and used to analyze and investigate the natural world. I argue that the technical a priori of plaintext, encryption, and ciphertext is constitutive of the syntactic iii and semantic properties detailed in Nelson Goodman’s theory of notation, as described in his Languages of Art. I argue that encryption (and its reverse, decryption) are deterministic modes of transcription, which have historically been thought of as the medium between plaintext and ciphertext.
    [Show full text]
  • Agrippa's Cosmic Ladder: Building a World with Words in the De Occulta Philosophia
    chapter 4 Agrippa’s Cosmic Ladder: Building a World with Words in the De Occulta Philosophia Noel Putnik In this essay I examine certain aspects of Cornelius Agrippa’s De occulta philosophia libri tres (Three Books of Occult Philosophy, 1533), one of the foun- dational works in the history of western esotericism.1 To venture on a brief examination of such a highly complex work certainly exceeds the limitations of an essay, but the problem I intend to delineate, I believe, can be captured and glimpsed in its main contours. I wish to consider the ways in which the German humanist constructs and represents a common Renaissance image of the universe in his De occulta philosophia. This image is of pivotal importance for understanding Agrippa’s peculiar worldview as it provides a conceptual framework in which he develops his multilayered and heterodox thought. In other words, I deal with Agrippa’s cosmology in the context of his magical the- ory. The main conclusion of my analysis is that Agrippa’s approach to this topic is remarkably non-visual and that his symbolism is largely of verbal nature, revealing an author predominantly concerned with the nature of discursive language and the linguistic implications of magical thinking. The De occulta philosophia is the largest, most important, and most complex among the works of Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim (1486–1535). It is a summa of practically all the esoteric doctrines and magical practices ac- cessible to the author. As is well known and discussed in scholarship, this vast and diverse amount of material is organized within a tripartite structure that corresponds to the common Neoplatonic notion of a cosmic hierarchy.
    [Show full text]
  • Gunter E. Grimm
    GUNTER E. GRIMM Faust-Opern Eine Skizze Vorblatt Publikation Erstpublikation Autor Prof. Dr. Gunter E. Grimm Universität Duisburg-Essen Fachbereich Geisteswissenschaften, Germanistik Lotharstr. 65 47057 Duisburg Emailadresse: [email protected] Homepage: <http://www.uni-duisburg-essen.de/germanistik/mitarbeiterdaten.php?pid=799> Empfohlene Zitierweise Beim Zitieren empfehlen wir hinter den Titel das Datum der Einstellung oder des letzten Updates und nach der URL-Angabe das Datum Ihres letzten Besuchs die- ser Online-Adresse anzugeben: Gunter E. Grimm: Faust Opern. Eine Skizze. In: Goethezeitportal. URL: http://www.goethezeitportal.de/fileadmin/PDF/db/wiss/goethe/faust-musikalisch_grimm.pdf GUNTER E. GRIMM: Faust-Opern. Eine Skizze. S. 2 von 20 Gunter E. Grimm Faust-Opern Eine Skizze Das Faust-Thema stellt ein hervorragendes Beispiel dar, wie ein Stoff, der den dominanten Normen seines Entstehungszeitalters entspricht, bei seiner Wande- rung durch verschiedene Epochen sich den jeweils herrschenden mentalen Para- digmen anpasst. Dabei verändert der ursprüngliche Stoff sowohl seinen Charakter als auch seine Aussage. Schaubild der Faust-Opern Die „Historia von Dr. Faust“ von 1587 entspricht ganz dem christlichen Geist der Epoche. Doktor Faust gilt als Inbegriff eines hybriden Gelehrten, der über das dem Menschen zugestandene Maß an Gelehrsamkeit und Erkenntnis hinausstrebt und zu diesem Zweck einen Pakt mit dem Teufel abschließt. Er wollte, wie es im Volksbuch heißt, „alle Gründ am Himmel vnd Erden erforschen / dann sein Für- GUNTER E. GRIMM: Faust-Opern. Eine Skizze. S. 3 von 20 witz / Freyheit vnd Leichtfertigkeit stache vnnd reitzte jhn also / daß er auff eine zeit etliche zäuberische vocabula / figuras / characteres vnd coniurationes / damit er den Teufel vor sich möchte fordern / ins Werck zusetzen / vnd zu probiern jm fürname.”1 Die „Historia“ mit ihrem schrecklichen Ende stellte eine dezidierte Warnung an diejenigen dar, die sich frevelhaft über die Religion erhoben.
    [Show full text]
  • Roman Reading Permits for the Works of Bruno and Campanella Leen Spruit
    ROMAN READING PERMITS FOR THE works OF Bruno AND Campanella Leen Spruit Summary Since the second half of the sixteenth century the Roman Congregations of the Holy Office and the Index granted licences for reading forbidden books. As a rule, reading permits for books by authors who were condemned for heresy, could not be issued. However, after the promulgation of the Clementine Index in 1596, the congregations gradually attenuated the total prohibitions, and started to issue licences for books prohibited in the first class of the Index. Here, the cases of Bruno and Campanella are discussed. eading permits started being issued after the Church of Rome had R begun to systematically censure ideas and works. The grant of licenc- es for reading forbidden books was not the effect of an official decision, issued on a certain date, but rather a practice that arose with individual epi- sodes related to quite dissimilar cases. The licences granted by the Roman Congregations of the Holy Office and the Index are the main, or rather the only, instrument for assessing the difference between the hypothetical and the real efficacy of ecclesiastical censorship, and this is because the inten- tional or casual inobservance of the prohibitions, the other factor determin- ing this difference, can only be measured in an indirect way and solely for individual cases. Initially, the prohibition to grant licences for works that were considered heretical, due to the author or the content, was total. Considering that the reading of suspect or prohibited works granted to confutate « haereses et errores » frequently led to contrary results, in 1564 the licences were limited to Inquisitors only.
    [Show full text]
  • A Discussion of Goethe's Faust Part 1 Rafael Sordili, Concordia University
    Sordili: Nothingness on the Move Sordili 1 Nothingness on the Move: A Discussion of Goethe's Faust Part 1 Rafael Sordili, Concordia University (Editor's note: Rafael Sordili's paper was selected for publication in the 2013 Agora because it was one of the best three presented at the ACTC Student Conference at Shimer College in Chicago in March 2013.) In the world inhabited by Faust, movement is a metaphysical fact: it is an expression of divine will over creation. There are, however, negative consequences to an existence governed by motion. The most prevalent of them is a feeling of nothingness and nihilism. This essay will discuss the relations between movement and such feelings in Goethe's Faust.1 It is my thesis that the assertion of his will to life, the acceptance of his own limitations, and the creation of new personal values are the tools that will ultimately enable Faust to escape nihilism. Metaphysics of Motion Faust lives in a world in which motion is the main force behind existence. During the Prologue in Heaven, three archangels give speeches in praise of the Creator, emphasizing how the world is in a constant state of movement. Raphael states that the movement of the Sun is a form of worship: "The sun proclaims its old devotion / [. .] / and still completes in thunderous motion / the circuits of its destined years" (246-248). For Gabriel, the rotation of the earth brings movement to all the elements upon its surface: "High cliffs stand deep in ocean weather, / wide foaming waves flood out and in, / and cliffs and seas rush on together / caught in the globe's unceasing spin" (251-258).
    [Show full text]
  • 110273-74 Bk Boito EC 02/06/2003 09:04 Page 12
    110273-74 bk Boito EC 02/06/2003 09:04 Page 12 Great Opera Recordings ADD 8.110273-74 Also available: 2 CDs BOITO Mefistofele Nazzareno de Angelis Mafalda Favero Antonio Melandri Giannina Arangi-Lombardi Chorus and Orchestra of La Scala, Milan 8.110117-18 Lorenzo Molajoli Recorded in 1931 8.110273-74 12 110273-74 bk Boito EC 02/06/2003 09:04 Page 2 Ward Marston Great Opera Recordings In 1997 Ward Marston was nominated for the Best Historical Album Grammy Award for his production work on BMG’s Fritz Kreisler collection. According to the Chicago Tribune, Marston’s name is ‘synonymous with tender loving care to collectors of historical CDs’. Opera News calls his work ‘revelatory’, and Fanfare deems him Arrigo ‘miraculous’. In 1996 Ward Marston received the Gramophone award for Historical Vocal Recording of the Year, honouring his production and engineering work on Romophone’s complete recordings of Lucrezia Bori. He also BOITO served as re-recording engineer for the Franklin Mint’s Arturo Toscanini issue and BMG’s Sergey Rachmaninov (1842-1918) recordings, both winners of the Best Historical Album Grammy. Born blind in 1952, Ward Marston has amassed tens of thousands of opera classical records over the past four decades. Following a stint in radio while a student at Williams College, he became well-known as a reissue producer in 1979, when he restored the earliest known stereo recording made by the Bell Telephone Laboratories in 1932. Mefistofele In the past, Ward Marston has produced records for a number of major and specialist record companies.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Occasion of His Fifth Solo Exhibition at Galerie Buchholz, Artist Julian Göthe Presents a New Group of Sculptures and Works on Paper
    Finding the radical illusion or “la chasse magique” On the occasion of his fifth solo exhibition at Galerie Buchholz, artist Julian Göthe presents a new group of sculptures and works on paper. The currents that must have inspired these works are as hard to intercept as they are impossible to list. “A lion made of assimilated sheep”, this is perhaps how Paul Valéry would call Göthe's oevre, having delicately fed on and digested so many inspirational references. Only clue that the artist provides is in the exhibition's title, which is also the title of a song by British musician Colin Newman – Their Terrain is track number one on the album Commercial Suicide, 1986. The last verse reads: After this, what next could be a question? Build the megalith again As for history we may be on a winner Or the chorus, it's a shame The parodic charge of Göthe's work finds here another fortunate momentum, a distinctly sardonic laughter permeates the rooms: objects become strange, undefinable “attractors.” It is with them that Göthe touches the limit of his aesthetic adventure – which is also the end of the adventure of representation. Göthe's megaliths actually resemble a Saint Laurent bow-tie; the twin sculptures could almost be a tart refraction of a Giorgio De Chirico sketch for the Faust (I'm thinking in particular of a drawing where Mephistopheles is portrayed as wearing a blond wig, and an explosive set of ostrich feathers seems to have set his hat on fire). The practice of the DeChirichian transvestment can be related to Göthe's also for its dissimulatingly serious aspect.
    [Show full text]
  • John Dee, Willem Silvius, and the Diagrammatic Alchemy of the Monas Hieroglyphica
    The Royal Typographer and the Alchemist: John Dee, Willem Silvius, and the Diagrammatic Alchemy of the Monas Hieroglyphica Stephen Clucas Birkbeck, University of London, UK Abstract: John Dee’s Monas Hieroglyphica (1564) was a work which involved a close collaboration between its author and his ‘singular friend’ the Antwerp printer Willem Silvius, in whose house Dee was living whilst he composed the work and saw it through the press. This article considers the reasons why Dee chose to collaborate with Silvius, and the importance of the intellectual culture – and the print trade – of the Low Countries to the development of Dee’s outlook. Dee’s Monas was probably the first alchemical work which focused exclusively on the diagrammatic representation of the alchemical process, combining diagrams, cosmological schemes and various forms of tabular grid. It is argued that in the Monas the boundaries between typography and alchemy are blurred as the diagrams ‘anatomizing’ his hieroglyphic sign (the ‘Monad’) are seen as revealing truths about alchemical substances and processes. Key words: diagram, print culture, typography, John Dee, Willem Silvius, alchemy. Why did John Dee go to Antwerp in 1564 in order to publish his recondite alchemical work, the Monas Hieroglyphica? What was it that made the Antwerp printer Willem Silvius a suitable candidate for his role as the ‘typographical parent’ of Dee’s work?1 In this paper I look at the role that Silvius played in the evolution of Dee’s most enigmatic work, and at the ways in which Silvius’s expertise in the reproduction of printed diagrams enabled Dee to make the Monas one of the first alchemical works to make systematic use of the diagram was a way of presenting information about the alchemical process.
    [Show full text]