© Kamla-Raj 2012 J Hum Ecol, 38(3): 191-205 (2012)
The Human Security Implications of Operation Restore Order on Urban Habitation in Zimbabwe
Patrick Dzimiri1 and Tawanda Runhare2
1School of Human and Social Sciences, 2School of Education, University of Venda, Private Bag X5050, Thohoyandou 0950, South Africa E-mail: 1
KEYWORDS Operation Restore Order. ‘Murambatsvina’. Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Human Security. Urban Habitation. Socio-economic Consequences
ABSTRACT This paper examines how the 2005 Operation Restore Order, popularly known as Murambatsvina, impacted on the key facets of human security on urban habitation in Zimbabwe. Precisely, the paper examines the humanitarian consequences of the clean up exercise from the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and human security dimensions. By applying one of the key principles of the R2P mandate, namely, ‘the responsibility to rebuild’, the study explored the extent to which the government of Zimbabwe delivered its R2P mandate of protecting its people from the unintended consequences of the Clean Up exercise. Utilising the case study research strategy and guided by the R2P theoretical framework, the study sought to investigate and gather artefacts of the 2005 clean up exercise from four locations in the city of Harare. Purposive sampling was employed in order to gather primary data from people who experienced and were directly affected by Murambatsvina. Semi-structured interviews and structural observations revealed that the government of Zimbabwe did not fulfil its promises to Murambatsvina victims, as outlined in the R2P mandate. From the findings, we conclude that, in the absence of international intervention, operation restore order ended up inflicting more negative socio-economic consequences on urban inhabitants in Zimbabwe.
INTRODUCTION Counselling Services Unit (CSU), Combined Harare Residents’ Association (CHRA) and the One of the most publicised post-independence Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) concluded that conduct of the government of Zimbabwe is the 20 per cent of the urban population were affected demolition of urban settlements in 2005 under an either in terms of loss of shelter or sources of in- operation code-named, Murambatsvina which come, especially in the informal sector. In a report means ‘drive out rubbish or clean out the dirt’ published in December 2005, Human Rights Watch (Bracking 2005; Potts 2006; Bratton and (2005) observed that according to the United Na- Masunungure 2007; Chari 2008; Mlambo 2008; tions estimates, 700,000 people – nearly 6 per cent Fontein 2009). Murambatsvina can also be liter- of the total population lost their homes, livelihood, ally translated to mean, refusal (by the govern- or both as a result of the evictions, while 2.4 mil- ment) to tolerate dirty living conditions for the lion people were either directly or indirectly af- people. The major objective for the clean up op- fected by Operation Murambatsvina. eration according to the government was to de- This study was therefore undertaken to stroy illegal urban structures that foster criminal gather primary data from people who were di- activities and stemming the black market trade in rectly affected, as victims of the much criticised foreign currency (Bracking 2005; Potts 2006; ‘clean up’ exercise. Masunungure 2007; Chari 2008). The July 2005 report produced by the UN Special Envoy on Hu- Literature Study man Settlements Issues in Zimbabwe, Anna Kajumulo Tibaijuka, and other sources concurred The official report by the July 2005 United Na- that over 700 000 people were made homeless by tions (UN) Special Envoy to Zimbabwe, Anna the operation (Tibaijuka 2005; Solidarity Peace Tibaijuka, reveals the humanitarian ramifications Trust 2006; Fontein 2009; Amnesty International of the ‘clean up’ exercise, which is popularly known 2010). An in-depth study on the impact of as operation Murambatsvina (remove the dirt). It Murambatsvina conducted in 2005 by Action Aid further spells that the operation took a particularly International (2005) in collaboration with the heavy toll on vulnerable groups, such as widows, 192 PATRICK DZIMIRI AND TAWANDA RUNHARE orphans, female- and child-headed households, the order to establish what exactly the government elderly and those people living with human immu- intended to achieve by embarking on such an ex- nodeficiency virus and acquired immune defi- ercise which received international condemnation. ciency syndrome (HIV and AIDS) (Tibaijuka 2005). What made Murambatsvina questionable It is reported that the operation displaced more was the involvement of the military in destroy- than 80 000 people infected with HIV/AIDS and ing houses and backyard industries in all the many of these were left without access to country’s urban areas. It is in the light of the antiretroviral (ARVs) pills (Poloch 2010:29). The military involvement that the UN, moved by hu- operation therefore impacted negatively on the manitarian concerns, decided to investigate the unemployed urban inhabitants who depended on aims and objectives of the cleanup operation. the effective and efficient operation of the non- Furthermore, the timing of the operation was formal sector. This included the backyard industry questionable because it was launched in June workers in high density suburbs like Glen View, when the winter season was at its pick and many Budiriro, Warren Park, Highflieds, Chitungwiza, victims were without shelter in the freezing cold. Hatifield among other areas in the case of Harare Also, more interesting was that this took place (Tibaijuka 2005; Fontein 2009). when the people of Zimbabwe were just taking a The government’s justification for launching breath from the violent 2005 Parliamentary elec- operation Murambatsvina was to get rid of the tion in which the ruling party had lost in all ur- economic saboteurs in the informal sector, such as ban centres in the country. The coincidence that money laundering, the black foreign exchange the ruling party lost the 2005 elections in the market and illegally built backyard industries, flea- cities and that Murambatsvina was confined markets and kiosks (Potts 2006; Bratton and only to urban sector resulted in the allegation Masunungure 2007; Mlambo 2008). However, that the operation was the government’s Mbeki (2010) refutes this view by claiming that the scotched-earth policy against urban dwellers for government’s post-colonial economic policies per- abandoning Zimbabwe African National Union- petuated exclusion of people with skills which could Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and mass protests not be accommodated in formal employment sec- over the growing economic crisis (Poloch 2010). tor because of slow growth. Statistically, it is esti- From a humanitarian point of view, indiscrimi- mated that between 1986 and 1987, the formal sec- nate destruction of houses, especially on the tor employed only 20 percent of the labour force, country’s poor urban dwellers had a cata- 27 percent in 1991 and 40 per cent in 2004 (Coltart strophic impact. Most of the victims were taken 2007; Vambe 2008). This implies that around 60 against their will to police-run camps such as percent of the urban population in 2004 had either Caledonia and Hopley farms, in the case of to work as casual labourers or adopt the informal Harare victims (Amnesty International, Zimba- path in order to survive. This therefore did not bwe Annual Report 2007). The Amnesty Inter- only promote socio-economic exclusion in the for- national report revealed that the conditions in mal sector, but promoted a culture of informal sur- these camps were dire, lacking adequate water, vival. shelter and basic latrine facilities for the popula- The government’s economic policies and ini- tion of the affected victims. tiatives between 1980 and 1988 accommodated a Realising what it called the inhuman conse- significant portion of skilled Zimbabweans within quences of Murambatsvina’, the government the informal sector, which to some extent converted quickly launched a reconstruction initiative the informal sector into a formal sector (Vambe 2008; called ‘Operation garikai/hlalani kuhle’, which Mlambo 2008). However, from 2000, due to eco- means ‘to live well’. The intention of operation nomic meltdown emanating from an unstable po- garikai/hlalani kuhle was to construct new litical conduct in the country, the government houses as a compensation for the victims of blamed and targeted the informal sector through Murambatsvina (Chari 2008). While the objec- operation Murambatsvina, which to some schol- tive was in line with the R2P principle of national ars is some type of window dressing of political governments’ responsibility to rebuild, the pro- gimmicking meant to cover up the government’s posal was however not only ambitious, but a poor economic policies (Bratton and wishful thinking given the fact that the country Masunungure 2007; Fontein 2009). This again by then, the repetition was already facing the calls for further interrogation of the operation in economic meltdown which led to further loss of THE HUMAN SECURITY IMPLICATIONS OF OPERATION RESTORE ORDER 193 popularity of the ruling party in the post 2000 Commission was tasked with the duty to find a national elections (Kamete 2006; Bratton and common ground for responding to crises of hu- Masunungure 2007; Fontein 2009). The 2006 re- manitarian nature. This was raised against the port compiled by Solidarity Peace Trust entitled, backdrop of controversy surrounding the praxis Melt Down Murambatsvina One Year On, al- of humanitarian intervention. The commission leged that the few houses that were constructed in its report watered down the language of ‘right’ were largely seized by the police, soldiers and to humanitarian intervention to ‘responsibility members of the ruling party (Solidarity Peace to protect’ (ICISS 2001; Evans 2008; Thakur Trust 2006). These are some of the allegations 2007). According to the ICISS report, the R2P which this study sought to verify by gathering principle entails that state sovereignty implies data from primary sources, namely the actual that “the primary responsibility for protection victims of operation Murambatsvina. of its peoples lies with the state itself. In situa- tions where population is suffering serious harm, Theoretical Framing of Murambatsvina within as a result of internal war, insurgency, repres- the Human Security Paradigm sion or state failure or when the state in ques- tion is unable or unwilling to deliver on its duty An impact assessment of the human secu- to protect its own people, the principle of non- rity implications of the Zimbabwean govern- intervention yields to that of responsibility borne ment‘s 2005 Operation Clean Up (Muram- by the wider international community” (ICISS batsvina) finds a better explanation by situat- 2001: 16). The report pins the responsibility to ing its debate within the framework of the hu- protect on state authorities at the national level man security paradigm and the (Responsibility and United Nations Security Council (UNSC) at to Protect) R2P norms. A definition of human the international community level. The R2P there- security proffered by the 1993 United Nations fore confirms the states’ primary responsibility Development Programme report (UNDP) envis- and the international community’s secondary ages protection of humanity from both physical and complementary responsibility to protect and non-physical threats. Tadjbakhsh (2005), people against human rights violations. This International Commission on Intervention and notion of ‘collective responsibility’ is also es- State Sovereignty (ICISS) (2001) and Chandler poused within the English School’s International (2004) broaden the definition of human security Society theory, where principles of internation- to include securing of people, their physical alism and collective global society are en- safety, their economic well being, respect for their trenched. dignity and worth as human beings and the pro- The R2P entails three key responsibilities tection of their human rights and fundamental bestowed on national state governments. These freedoms. Unlike the conventional (realist) ap- are: the ‘responsibility to prevent’, the ‘respon- proach to security that emphasises protection sibility to react’, and the ‘responsibility to re- of the state as the referral point of security, criti- build’ (ICISS 2001). The ‘responsibility to pre- cal human security theorists deconstruct this vent’ according to the ICISS report envisages a approach, preferring a more people-oriented ap- soft approach where the root causes of conflict proach to security. This perspective could be are addressed before they turn violent. The sug- rational because of the observation that more gestion is that preventive measures should be often than not, as in the case of operation invoked before a situation degenerates into a Murambatsvina; the nation states have emerged severe humanitarian crisis. The second principle as the chief culprits to the extent that people entails the need to respond to situations of com- may need to be protected from their state in- pelling need with appropriate measures. This may stead of the reverse. include coercive measures like sanctions, inter- Chandler (2004) further interprets the R2P in national prosecution (through the International the context of a new human security architec- Criminal Court (ICC)) in this case and military ture that prescribes as to when and how inter- response in extreme situations. The last key re- vention should take place when human security sponsibility which is the central focus of this is under threat. The R2P first appeared on the paper is the responsibility to rebuild, which en- academic scene as a result of the report of the tails reconstruction initiatives of the post-con- Canadian sponsored 2001 ICISS report. The flict or crises. With specific reference to South 194 PATRICK DZIMIRI AND TAWANDA RUNHARE
Africa, Wilson (2011: 266) indicates that “an evic- Kaldor (2007: 97) explains this transformation in tion will not normally be authorised if it would the praxis through the lenses of the cosmopoli- result in homelessness”. In this paper, evidence tan model of the pro-liberal policy framework from victims and eye witnesses revealed that which acknowledges the role of the state in its Murambatsvina resulted in loss of livelihood as domestic jurisdiction, as well as the need for well as shelter. “multilateral set of rules and procedures”, and Pivotal to the R2P mindset is that if human also “cosmopolitan” solutions. security is under threat or where the state in Despite some controversies and divergences question abdicates its duty to provide security in the theoretical conception of the R2P, most for its people, it then becomes imperative for the scholars do concur that R2P illustrates a land- wider international community to exercise the mark evolution for human protection purposes duty to protect or safeguard humanity from both and that it enhances the aspirations of the violent and non-violent threats. This approach broader framework of the human security para- gives primacy to the protection of citizens at digm. This adds value to the idea of situating risk of atrocities arising from failure or perpe- the R2P within the human security framework as trated by state. Tadjbakhsh (2005) broadens the adopted by this study. human security debate by suggesting the need to identify threats, avoid them when possible Research Focus and Purpose and also mitigate their effects when they occur. In this respect, human security proponents The responsibility for the UN state parties therefore raise a moral argument that “govern- and the international community for protection ments and the international community should in situations where a population suffers serious establish viable response mechanisms to deal harm, as a result of internal war, insurgency or with threats to humanity” (Tadjbakhsh 2005: 4). repression, which has come to be known as the The ICISS (2001) report on R2P thus concurs Responsibility to Protect (R2P), is both an obli- with Tidjbakhsh (2005: 6) who stipulates “a truly gation and a right (ICISS 2001; Evans 2008). The effective state is one that can provide human 2005 Operation Restore Order, known as security and deal with social breakdowns for its Murambatsvina in Zimbabwe was declared a people”. Building from this human security human security issue by the UN Security Coun- framework, it is plausible to assert that when cil (Tibaijuka 2005; Mahoso 2008; Mlambo 2008) states fail to live up to the principle of sover- and therefore needed international intervention eignty as responsibility; international due to the national government’s inducement of organisations have the moral responsibility and serious harm to the people. The major purpose obligation to act. This informs the major recom- of this paper is to interrogate and discuss pri- mendation for this study. Thakur and Weiss mary data on the consequences of operation (2009: 23) define a norm as “the pattern of Murambatsvina using the R2P theoretical frame- behaviour that should be followed in accordance work as an instrument of analysis. with a given value system or moral code of soci- ety- a generally accepted standard of proper METHODOLOGY behaviour”. In this case, the R2P proffers a nor- mative explanation on why, when, how and who Since this study sought to investigate and should respond to an emerging threat to human interpret the human consequences of a specific security. Chandler (2004) expands the theoreti- operation/event that occurred among cal development of the R2P norm by locating it Zimbabwe’s urban dwellers in 2005, the research- within the confines of the liberal peace theory. ers categorised the study as a phenomenologi- The theory advocates the development of inter- cal research. Creswell (2007: 57) posits that “a national norms to promote human rights and phenomenological study describes the meaning challenges to international peace and security for several individuals of their lived experiences that should be attained through “cosmopolitan of a concept or phenomenon.” Operation restore frameworks” (Chandler 2004: 60). Chandler (2004) order (Murambatsvina) was in this study the further interprets the R2P by arguing that peace- commonly experienced phenomenon by the ful and democratic states should take a leading study participants whose views were developed responsibility for attainment of universal peace. into a composite narrative description and inter- THE HUMAN SECURITY IMPLICATIONS OF OPERATION RESTORE ORDER 195 pretation of this phenomenon. By focusing on household which was also directly affected by Murambatsvina as the object of human experi- operation restore order. The total sample for the ence for the study and gathering of data from a study finally comprised 102 participants, made wide spread of participants who experienced, up of 28 heads of households and 74 depen- and were affected by Murambatsvina, we sought dents from the 16 households that were selected to achieve a deep description and analysis of its from all the urban settlements. aftermath on urban habitation in Zimbabwe Data Gathering and Analysis The Study Sample The researchers used focus group interviews With reference to phenomenological research as the main data gathering instrument for the Crasswell (2007:62) advises that “Participants in study participants to cooperatively re-create the study need to be individuals who have all their past experiences and relate them to their experienced the phenomenon in question”. In current situation and circumstances (Seamark line with this, we applied theoretically or purpo- and Lings 2004; Creswell 2007). Each focus sive sampling method (MacMillan and group comprised of all members of the selected Schummacher 2006) to select urban households household, and for accurate representation of that were directly affected by either being moved their views and meanings, we tape-recorded the from their original settlements, or having their focus group discussions. Since Murambatsvina structures demolished and replaced. In purpo- left structural artefacts that were of interest and sive sampling, “samples are chosen because relevant to the study, we complemented data they are likely to be knowledgeable and infor- from focus group interviews with primary evi- mative about the phenomenon the researcher is dence in form of photos (see Figures 1 to 5). investigating” (McMillan and Schumacher 2006: The researchers employed hermeneutic data 319). Because Murambasvina caused human analysis (Cromer and McCarthy 1999; Ploeg movement and relocation, loss of both movable 1999; Thorne 2000) for inductive interpretation and immovable property, as well as replacement of the lived experiences of the victims of of lost property to some of the subjects, we iden- tified four study sites that were representative Murambatsvina. The R2P provisions constitute of the urban population that was affected by the an analytical framework of analysis. As qualita- hastily implemented clean-up operation: tive researchers, we mediated between the dif- One low density urban habitat were differ- ferent meanings that the study participants gave ent structures that were defined by govern- to operation Murambatsvina and the R2P pro- ment as illegal were demolished. visions and human security principles, to pro- One high density urban settlement where cess the gathered data and distil them into find- “illegal” structures were also demolished. ings of the study (Moss 2004; Lietz et al. 2006). One urban housing cooperative settlement The data generated were largely in the form of where residential structures were also de- verbal narratives which we presented from a molished. naturalist context of the study participants (Lin- One post-Murambasvina settlement where coln and Guba 1985). some of the victims of the clean up opera- tion were re-located and allocated new dwell- RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ings as compensation for their losses. At each of these study sites four households Using observations and narrative data from were selected to participate in the study. All the research participants, the researchers pre- members of the selected households who in- sented and discussed findings following six cluded parents, grandparents and children were themes that emerged from the data on the conse- interviewed using focus group interviews at quences of operation Murambatsvina on human their homes. The researchers complemented pur- habitation and other key socio-economic facets posive sampling with snowball sample (Seamark of human life. The main objective of the interro- and Lings 2004; Creswell 2007; McMillan and gation of gathered data is to illustrate how opera- Schumacher 2006; Silverman 2005) by asking an tion Murambat-svina contravened the interna- interviewed household to also identify another tional statute on national governments’ responsi- 196 PATRICK DZIMIRI AND TAWANDA RUNHARE bility to protect and rebuild whenever and wher- To illustrate the socio-economic conse- ever human security is under threat. In the first quences of Murambatsvina, informants of this theme, the researchers explored why the victims study complained that they were left worse off of operation Murambatsvina described it as the in many respects: Zimbabwean Tsunami. In the following three Some people were being given farms for free, themes, they explored how operation Muram- but for us land was taken away from us as if we batsvina was a reversal of the post-colonial gov- were Whites. People slept in the open during ernment policies on housing for all, urbanisation the whole winter of 2005, many got sick. They and the empowerment of the informal economic should have built good houses first before de- sub-sector and indigenisation processes. Finally, stroying, if they wanted to remove dirt. But in- in the last two themes, they illustrated using stead there was more dirt left, more poor people narratives from the study and gathered artefacts and more people without houses (Female fruit to show the illusions of Operation Live Well, vender). known as Garikai/Hlalani huhle and the inter- Nobody cares of how people suffered be- national community’s responsibility to protect cause of Murambatsvina. Even the MDC does victims of operation Murambatsvina. not care because they are in this new govern- ment but they do not talk about compensating Murambatsvina as the Zimbabwean Tsunami people who lost houses and property in 2005. That’s why it is said the poor will always re- The term Murambatsvina literally means main poor or even become poorer. Maybe there ‘clean dirt’. By implication, the operation must was a plan to destroy our houses to create house have left urban Zimbabwe physically and so- shortages in order to make us lodgers so the cially cleaner than before. The victims of the rich can make more money (Displaced male operation however found it ironic in that it left lodger). them in no better conditions than they had been Narratives from this study therefore con- curred that apart from causing intra-urban and living in before. The intensity of human suffer- urban-rural population movement, Murambat- ing and atrocities that Murambatsvina inflicted svina was also one contributing factor to the on its victims was illustrated by the terms that economic meltdown that Zimbabwe experienced were used in reference to what the urban inhab- from 2000 (Vambe 2008; Amnesty International itants of Zimbabwe experienced in June 2005. 2010). While the objectives of the ‘clean-up’ Terms like musiyatvsina (that which leaves dirt), operation were cited as bringing back sanity to ‘operation condemn the poor’, ‘operation meme the country’s urban settlement system by de- the poor’, ‘operation create orphans’ and the stroying all illegally built structures and criminal ‘Zimbabwean tsunami’ illustrated the magnitude activities, such as the black foreign exchange of human suffering that the ‘clean up’ had. Mak- market (Potts 2006; Chari 2008), the conse- ing reference to the fact that it was a ‘sudden quences of Murambatsvina ended up reversing attack’, some of the victims who narrated their most of the socio-economic gains that Zimba- ordeal had this to say: bwe had achieved since 1980. The government or the municipality did not give us any warning. Otherwise we would have Murambatsvina and Reversal of Housing removed our property than let them to be burnt for All Policy by the police. This was just like an earthquake or the tsunami (Former housing co-operative On attainment of independence in 1980, the resident). new government of Zimbabwe sought to achieve It was in June and very cold. We just woke basic education for all, health, housing and sani- up only to find ourselves surrounded by police tation for all by the year 2000 as its main social and told to destroy our shelters. They accused responsibilities (Zanu (PF) Manifesto 1980; us of being squatters. Those who were slow had Mlambo 2008). Even after failure to achieve this their belongings burnt down. Murambatsvina in 2000, the Zanu (PF) government, which ruled was the same as a tsunami. Imagine children the country from 1980, put the same objectives seeing fire destroying where they had slept all at the centre of its vision 2020 objectives. Among their life (Displaced victim). strategies adopted towards the goal of housing THE HUMAN SECURITY IMPLICATIONS OF OPERATION RESTORE ORDER 197
Fig. 1. Police supervised destruction of illegal structures for all included government aided low income The problem is that this thing was done by home ownership schemes in urban areas which the government itself. If Murambatsvina had were initiated by the late Edson Zvodgo as the not been done by the government, we would first Minister of local government. Urban build- report the leaders of the co-operatives to gov- ing brigades and housing co-operatives also ernment. We see them but they also say they emerged in the 1980s and continued to be a also lost out. It looks like the government pro- source of hope for the homeless urban dwellers tected criminals who defrauded us by this throughout the country due to the huge long Murambatsvina (Former housing co-operative waiting lists on all the municipal towns. member). Narratives from housing co-operative mem- We were squatters before we joined the co- bers, who were displaced by the Operation operative, and hoped to own our own house in Clean-up the urban areas implied that the gov- the end, but now we are squats because of ernment, instead of promoting the vision of Murambatsvina (Former housing co-operative housing provision to the low income urban member). groups seemed to be reversing this responsibil- Due to acute shortage of accommodation for ity, which is internationally acclaimed by all UN social service provision such as schools, librar- nation states. The following statements illus- ies, houses, shops, industries and clinic in all trate the confusion victims of Murambatsvina the country’s urban municipalities, Zimbabwe- developed on government housing policy and ans had become accustomed to, and coped with their loss of hope to ever own a house: the problem of squatting. For example, in edu- I paid a lot of money to the co-operative, cation, double sessions, popularly known as hot- which was registered and allocated me the sitting whereby two schools shared the same stand I was moved from by force in 2005. May facilities between mornings and afternoons; sec- be the leaders of the co-operative connived with ondary schools operating at primary schools; the government so that we cannot claim our satellite schools operating from farm houses or money back (Former housing co-operative mem- tobacco buns after the 2000 fast track land re- ber). form; primary trained teachers teaching in sec- 198 PATRICK DZIMIRI AND TAWANDA RUNHARE ondary schools, the Zimbabwe Integrated Teach- ties for housing for all, but also failed to protect ers Colleges (ZINTEC) whereby teachers were its citizens from the loss of the scarce habitation trained through distance learning being hosted they had sacrificed for. In view of the estimated by schools where they practised, universities displacement of 700 000 to 2.4 million urban dwell- like Chinhoi, Bindura, Midlands State, Great Zim- ers, we posit that the government’s vision of babwe which were initiated from or took over housing for all by 2020 will remain another un- infrastructure meant for teachers’ or technical fulfilled promise (Tibaijuka 2005; Solidarity Peace colleges were all manifestations of shortage of Trust 2006; Mahoso 2008; Fontein 2009; Am- required accommodation in this social service nesty International 2010). Furthermore, since sub-sector. In conventional universities like the Murambatsvina displacements also led to chil- University of Zimbabwe, unaccommodated stu- dren losing learning time due to school trans- dents squatting in rooms of resident students fers necessitated by relocations or school drop- became a common phenomenon to the extent out altogether could mean that, Zimbabwe which that famous writer Dambudzo Marechera is once had one of the best education systems in known to have been a guest-lecturer while squat- Africa, in terms of access and other variables, ting on campus (Veit-Wild 1987, 1993). Likewise, has lost its track towards the Education for All in the urban housing sub-sector, due to short- (EFA) and Millennium Development Goals ages squatter camps, stand-by townships like (MDG) targets of providing universal basic edu- Hatcliffe Extension and Porta Farm emerged. The cation by 2015. government however, paid a blind eye to these informal settlements except when there were in- Murambatsvina and the Reversal of ternational events like the hosting of the non- Urbanisation Process alignment movement or the visit by Queen Eliza- beth during which the government felt compelled There is no doubt that Murambatsvina only to sweep some of its dirty linen under the car- affected the black and largely low-income urban pet. Victims of Murambatsvina complained that inhabitants of Zimbabwe (Tibaijuka 2005). In her they were ambushed after staying in the make- assessment of the impact of Murambatsvina, shift, squatter camps, backyards and cottages the UN special envoy indicated that “most of for as long as 30 years. One such victim claimed the victims were already among the most eco- that he had been on the official housing list since nomically disadvantaged groups in society” the 1980s and his hopes for ever owning a house who included the widows, single mothers, chil- in Harare were all dashed by Murambatsvina, dren, orphans, elderly and the disabled (Tibaijuka as he recounted that: 2005:45). Therefore, to most of its victims, the I could not afford the high rental charged violent phenomenon reminded them of the ra- for full houses so going for a cottage could help cial implications of being black, which was me save for my own home. I paid water and equated to being dirt and therefore not allowed electricity bills to the municipality and Zesa to enter certain places, be in the centre of town (Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority). Why or consume wine or liquor. One of the more liter- did they collect money from me if I was staying ate participants who had experienced both colo- illegally? (Male high density tenant). nial and post-colonial rule had this to say in his Another indicated that Murambatsvina reference to Murambatsvina as derogatory to changed the whole structure of his family after black race: almost twenty years staying as a nucleated unity: As were being chased away from town to I had to sell some of my belongings cheaply the rural areas, I was reminded of some places to raise money for my wife and children to go to which had labels like “Right of entry reserved”. my rural home, so that I can rent a single room. Before independence that meant blacks are not My children were not used to rural life. It re- allowed to enter such a hotel, bank or shop. I minds me of what we read in history that only could not believe that our own black govern- working men were allowed to stay in town dur- ment would chase its own people from town ing the Smith1 regime (Displaced male worker). back to the rural areas (Elderly male squatter). From these statements, we concluded that A review of the colonial history of Zimba- the government of the day had not only aban- bwe indicates that there were constitutional doned its responsibility to provide opportuni- frameworks that in deed designated human THE HUMAN SECURITY IMPLICATIONS OF OPERATION RESTORE ORDER 199
Fig. 2. Debris of informal economic sector site after Murambatsvina settlement on racial lines which were only done the following to illustrate the pain of relocating away with at independence. Examples of such to the rural areas: racial separatist constitutional arrangements in- I left the rural home once I got a stable job clude the Land Apportionment Act of 1930 and and I thought since we are now independent, I the Land Tenure Act of 1969 which effectively had the right to permanently live in town. I no created reserves or Tribal Trust Lands (TTLs) more had close relatives back home because for African settlement, and urban areas as exclu- we town people were accused of voting for the sively for white-habitation (Beach 1994). The opposition. It was difficult to send my family unemployed, who included children and women back home but I had no choice (Former hous- who visited their parents or husbands, were ing cooperative member). rounded up, fined for illegally staying in town Thus, Murambatsvina was like re-invoking and sent back to the TTs in a manner similar to the colonial policies of ruralisation of the poor the Pass Laws in apartheid South Africa. It was black people by the post-colonial government, the evictions through the Land Apportionment but this time more on the basis of social class Act which made the late liberation hero chief than on racial lines. Rekai Tangwena to join the armed struggle in the mid 1970s. Murambatsvina and the Reversal of Informal Murambatsvina therefore implied that the Economic Sub-sector and Indigenisation Policy poor black people were the source of dirt which the government was cleaning from the urban Black economic empowerment has always areas. Moving people to the rural areas, some of been cited as the main reason for the struggle whom had lost touch with was like ‘removing against colonialism by the liberation and ruling dirty’ from towns. One affected participant said Zanu (PF) party in Zimbabwe (Zanu (PF) Mani- 200 PATRICK DZIMIRI AND TAWANDA RUNHARE festo 1980; Mlambo 2008; Vambe 2008). Due to flicted through the clean-up operation (Bell 2011; stringent procedures and access to capital, the Chari 2008; Mahoso 2008). Citing the Sunday informal economic sub-sector became the av- Mail, a government mouthpiece Chari (2008:110) enue through which most blacks, with govern- indicates that the main objective of Garikai/ ment support, could start business ventures Hlalani kuhle was “to provide residential and (Mlambo 2008; Vambe 2008; Colcart 2007). In business accommodation to deserving people the 1990s, the informal economic sub-sector was under a comprehensive reconstruction progra- the one key means by which many urban dwell- mme”. ers cushioned themselves from the harsh eco- On its face value, the programme looked nomic measures brought about by the economic noble, but participants of this study revealed structural adjustment programme (ESAP) by some dimensions that rendered the major objec- operating back-yard industries, tuck-shops, tive of the programme unattainable. First, evi- emergence taxis and flee-markets. Figure 2, is dence from study informants, as well as obser- one example of a site which was left after the vations made at most of post-Murambatsvina destruction of what were alleged to be illegal reconstruction sites indicated that most of the business operations in 2005. housing units built as compensation were in- Most of the backyard industries were self- complete and of substandard, if valued against contained in that one would find a diversity of decent housing standards (see Fig. 4). Second, products being produced and sold at one cen- there were complains that the houses were be- tre, such that by 2004 it was formally acknowl- ing allocated to undeserving people who had edged that the informal economic sub-sector not been affected by the clean-up operation. The constituted 40 per cent of the country’s gross following were statements which indicated some employment (Vambe 2008). It is in this regard irregularities in the manner in which the Garikai/ that the destruction of the backyard industries, Hlalani kuhle reconstruction programme was tuck-shops and flee-markets did not only result conducted: in decline in business, but loss of at least 40 per Garikai to me was a fake to silence people. cent of the country’s job market. Murambatsvina Up to now, five years afterwards, we are still therefore will remain on record as one of the not allocated houses. Maybe they are being major contribution to the economic melt-down given to their friends and relatives (Garikai/ of Zimbabwe just as the Z$50 000 impulsive com- Hlalani kuhle Prospective house recipient 1). pensation to each liberation war veteran in 1998 If you are not a party supporter with a card, which resulted in plunging of the Zimbabwean you can’t get a house. We know it because those currency to its lowest point since independence, who allocate are party leaders. The govern- the military involvement in the Democratic Re- ment programme has been changed to a party public of Congo (DRC) in 1998 and the fast track politics. This is common in Zimbabwe, its cor- land reform of 2000. ruption (Garikai/Hlalani kuhle Prospective house recipient 2). The Illusion of Operation At least I was lucky to get allocated this Garikai/Hlalani Kuhle small house. But still there are no window panes, no doors. I can’t complain because there One of the key guiding principles of the R2P are many who got nothing after losing a real is that nation states have the responsibility to house, not this match box (Garikai/Hlalani re-build in the event of a humanitarian crisis that kuhle House recipient 1). negatively affects its citizens (ICISS 2001). Ungagarika sei (How can you’ stay well) in Murambatsvina was such a catastrophe in that such a small house? We were cheated; they it cause loss of shelter, property, employment should have built a house like the same that and general economic livelihood, forced mass they destroyed. The government should be sued movement or displacement from urban to rural, and prosecuted for this (Garikai/Hlalani kuhle as well as disease and loss of life throughout House recipient 2). Zimbabwe. In line with the responsibility to build, To verify the claims made by some of the the government launched an intervention informants of this study, we present Figures 3, 4 scheme called operation Garikai/Hlalani kuhle, and 5 and complementary evidences. Figure 3 is which was meant to compensate the losses in- a sign post at one of the Garikai/Hlalani kuhle THE HUMAN SECURITY IMPLICATIONS OF OPERATION RESTORE ORDER 201
Fig. 3. Garikai/Hlalani kuhle: A government or ruling party scheme?
Fig. 4. Uncompleted Garikai/Hlalani kuhle housing units 202 PATRICK DZIMIRI AND TAWANDA RUNHARE
Fig. 5. The militarisation of Garikai/Hlalani kuhle housing scheme? housing reconstruction projects. The photo- as well as the car parked behind the house, which graph indicates two flags, namely the ruling Zanu has a white number plate, which is a govern- (PF) flag to the left and the national flag of Zim- ment vehicle. This therefore casts some doubts babwe to the right. Between the two flags is the as to whether the actual objectives of this scheme picture of the late Joshua Nkomo, former presi- for reconstruction and compensation have re- dent of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union mained on focus. (ZAPU) and vice president of ZANU (PF), who is used to whip-up support for the ruling party The Illusion of International Community’s R2P in the western part of the country. From the picture, it can be inferred that party politics could The visit for assessing the impact of opera- be mixed with government service provision in tion Murambatsvina by the UN special envoy this regard. Given the fact that the ruling party is in June 2005 has been analysed and perceived the major decision making body, the allegation from different angles: On the one hand it is per- that ruling party supporters had higher chances ceived as a sign of UN humanitarian concern of benefitting from this post-Muramabatsvina and international responsibility to protect. On re-construction programme cannot be ruled out. the other hand Tibaijuka’s visit is viewed with With regards to the quality of houses built suspicion, that it was biased from the onset in to compensate the victims, Figures 4 and 5 serve order to put the Zimbabwean government to task to illustrate that the houses could be of inferior by criminalising the clean-up operation before standards and were could have been allocated the UN Security Council (Mahoso 2008). Dur- before completion. Figure 5 also reveals the ir- ing Tibaijuka’s visit there were hopes that the regularities in allocation of the housing units, UN would definitely intervene on the side of the that ruling party supporters, mostly in the mili- affected people since the Zimbabwean catastro- tary and police were most of the beneficiaries phe had been declared a humanitarian crisis by (Bell 2011). This is illustrated by the army officer the UN Security Council (Mahoso 2008). How- THE HUMAN SECURITY IMPLICATIONS OF OPERATION RESTORE ORDER 203 ever, narratives from this study indicated that CONCLUSION the UN was another big disappointment due to its failure to protect the same victims its special The post-colonial government in Zimbabwe envoy had described as the economically dis- has presented itself to the Zimbabwean people advantaged members of society such as wid- and the world as being pro-poor. In the early ows, single mothers, children, orphans, elderly years of independence, the government actu- and the disabled (Tibaijuka 2005: 45). The fol- ally claimed to be guided by socialist principles. lowing complains serve to illustrate how victims Consequently, national and local government of Murambatsvina felt frustrated and left in the policies aimed for emancipation of the ordinary cold by the UN: people through provision of education, hous- Why did Kofie Anan sent that Tanzanian ing and health for all by 2000. With regard to women? She just wrote a report and went away achieving housing for all, several home owner- without giving us any help. This was playing ship schemes for low income groups emerged, politics while people were dying (Male eye wit- but proved to be unsustainable in meeting the ness) increasing need for urban houses throughout It was only when that woman sent by the the country. Given this background, the destruc- UN was here that UNICEF was giving us tents, tion of urban structures during operation water and some food, but no help came after- Murambatsvina did not only reverse the gains wards. The government was left to continue that had been realised with respect to the burning and chasing away people to the rural urbanisation process, but were also a contradic- areas (Former UN temporary shelter resident) tion to, and a destabilisation of the national poli- If the UN is a world government which can cies and processes on education and health for control all other governments, then it should all. Because Murambatsvina caused population have done something here. Maybe because Zim- movement largely from urban to rural and dis- placement of people from urban settlements, it babwe has no oil like Iraqi, that’s why America reversed the urbanisation process for black and Britain did nothing (Male eye witness). people, who had no full rights for urban settle- It is the contention of this paper that opera- ment during the colonial era. Since Murambat- tion Murambatsvina, having been declared a hu- svina resulted in loss of business in the informal manitarian security issue by the UN security sector through destruction of tuck-shops and council, and having taken place after the UN backyard industries, it therefore reversed the declaration of national governments’ and the indigenous economic empowerment process international community’s responsibility to in- which the government had embraced and em- tervene in events that threaten human life, Zim- barked on since 1980. With regards to health babwe presented a clear test case for invoking and education, Murambatsvina shifted school the R2P by the UN. In the end Tabaijuka’s largely children from their conventional schools. Added negative report on Zimbabwe’s widely con- to disrupting children’s education, it also nega- demned operation Murambatsvina has only re- tively impacted on the health care system, for mained an academic paper presentation for no example, by moving people long distances away more than scholarship purpose. The failure of from the clinics where they had usually been the UN in its R2P is reflected by its very objec- getting health care services. tive in sending the UN envoy “to assess the Narrative and photographic data from this magnitude of the UN-organised assistance re- study revealed the weaknesses of both the na- quired by 700, 000 to 2,400,000 people allegedly tional government of Zimbabwe and the United displaced or affected by the operation” (Mahoso Nations to apply the principles of Responsibil- 2008:160). Thus, if rendering assistance was the ity to Protect (R2P) to avert human suffering. overall object of the UN special envoy, the UN We posit that Zimbabwe’s operation Murambat- could have done whatever it deemed necessary svina was a perfect test case for the application as a form of assistance to the victims. In this of R2P, but the UN Security Council did not do regard, both the UN and the Zimbabwean gov- enough to prevent human suffering after declar- ernment were equally to blame with respect to ing the event as a human security issue, by re- the R2P principles of protection and rebuilding building what had been lost by the affected vic- where human security is under threat. tims. The government of Zimbabwe on the other 204 PATRICK DZIMIRI AND TAWANDA RUNHARE
hand, by instituting operation Garikai/Hlalani From
McMillan JM, Schumacher S 2006. Research in Edu- Silverman D 2005. Doing Qualitative Research. Lon- cation: Evidence-based Inquiry. 6th Edition. Bos- don: SAGE Publications. ton: Pearson Education. Thakur R 2007. The United Nations, Peace and Secu- Mlambo A 2008. Historical antecedents to Operation rity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Murambatsvina. In: M Vambe (Ed.): The Hidden Thakur R, Weiss TG 2009. Responsibility to Protect: Dimensions of Operation Murambatsvina in Zim- From Idea to Norm-and Action? Global Responsi- babwe. Harare: Weaver Press, pp. 9-24. bility to Protect 1.1, January - March, pp. 22-53. Moss G 2004. Provisions of trustworthiness in critical Thorne S 2000. Data analysis in qualitative research. narrative research: Building intersubjectivity and Evidence Based Nursing, 3: 68 - 70. fidelity. The Qualitative Report, 9(2): 359-374. Tibaijuka AK 2005. Report of the Fact Finding Mis- Nicolai J 2006. Operation Murambatsvina: A crime sion to Zimbabwe to Assess the Scope and Impact against humanity under the Rome statute?” Ameri- of Operation Murambatsvina by the UN Special can University International Law Review, 21(5): Envoy on Humanitarian Settlement Issues in Zim- 813-844. babwe. New York. UN,