Community Music As Folkbildning: a Study of a Finnish Cultural Association in Sweden

IJCM 10 (1) pp. 45–58 Intellect Limited 2017

JOHAN SÖDERMAN University of Gothenburg MARIA WESTVALL Örebro University

Community music as folkbildning: A study of a Finnish Cultural Association in Sweden

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This article explores the relationship between community music, folkbildning and folkbildning music making in Sweden. This is exemplified by a case study of a Finnish associa- community music tion in contemporary Sweden. The article takes, as its point of departure, the specific Finnish association question: what meaning do musical activities have for its participants in the context migration experiences of a Finnish association in Sweden? Informants from the Finnish association consist life-long musical of members of a senior dance group (65–80 years old) and a music group (50–65 learning years old). The fieldwork and methodological approach is inspired by the ethno- non-formal/informal graphic tradition, and the methods of data collection involve qualitative semi-struc- learning tured interviews in groups, as well as field notes. The findings reveal that dancing is the main activity in the association and through dance activities the participants (as adult beginners) started to play instruments within the association’s framework. This process promotes life-long musical learning and strengthened health. The participants’ migration experiences in combination with the musical activities in the association have an impact on their individual and collective identities, and their

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1. This case study is part participation in a musical community develops a sense of purpose, empowerment of a larger, overall research study that and autonomy. investigates the functions of music in various ethnic-based associations in Sweden. INTRODUCTION In this article we explore the relationship between community music, folkbildning (e.g. popular adult education) and music making among members in a Finnish association in Sweden. Adult and senior music education is a fairly non-researched area within the field of music education. When people in Sweden, with ethnic minority backgrounds, wish to organize through ethnic associations, they encounter the Swedish educational tradition of folkbildning. Through state funded and institutionalized folkbildning, they are introduced to study associations that enable the members to self-organize a range of activities designed to preserve certain elements of cultural heritage. One particular example of this are the Finnish dance and music groups, which will form the basis of this article. The types of musical engagement and organization that we will investi- gate, could be seen as a community music practice in the Nordic context, in that they emphasize educational values, life-long music learning and musical collaboration and participation. Community music practices are generally connected with grass-roots movements, but in Sweden, as well as in some of the other Nordic countries, national and local governments promote funding to strengthen community music initiatives (Veblen and Olsson 2002; Karlsen et al. 2013). Such support covers various areas of community music activities such as amateur choirs, orchestras, rock bands and, as in this case, ‘ethnic- based’ associations. The latter can be regarded a top-down example of ‘[…] a belief in the value and use of music to foster intercultural and interpersonal acceptance and understanding’ (Veblen and Olsson 2002: 731), as well as a recognition of diasporic musical communities. This approach to folkbildning and community music highlights an intersection between ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ initiatives that influence the interaction of informal and non- formal music learning processes in Nordic community music practices. This article explores how ideas and values of folkbildning and community music are interconnected. This is exemplified by a case study of a Finnish association in contemporary Sweden. The article takes as its departure the specific question: What meaning do musical activities have for its participants in the context of a Finnish association in Sweden?1

Introducing Swedish folkbildning Sweden has a history of popular movements and liberal adult education, collectively named folkbildning. The concept evolved from the German tradition of bildung, yet, in the Swedish context the stress on public access and equal opportunities was extended by adding the prefix folk (people) (e.g. Brändström et al. 2012). The educational approach of folkbildning has influ- enced public ideological trends as well as specific organizations – especially in relation to cultural activities and education (Harding and Nordvall 2015). Whilst the movement started as a loose collection of organizations and philo- sophical precepts, by the end of the 1800s and in the early 1900s, the ideas of folkbildning started to gain ground in Sweden – and, gradually, folkbildning came to be institutionalized with state-funded folk-high schools and study associations developed within the organization of folkbildning (Bjurström

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2013). Today, there are ten established study associations within the infrastructure of folkbildning in Sweden. These are all national organizations with local branches spread across all parts of the country. Approximately 800,000 people participate in different forms of aesthetic activities organized and funded by study associations, for example dancing, music playing or visual arts (Folkbildningsrådet 2015). In addition, there are 151 folk high schools in which adults can study to acquire various compe- tencies, either aiming towards further formal education or to specialize in a certain field, for instance in the arts (Folkbildningsrådet 2015). These folk high schools are some of the main institutions, which deal, particularly, with the long-term unemployed. Study associations are also encouraged by national and local government to engage newly arrived refugees in their activities. Regardless of political affiliation, Swedish politicians over time have tended to agree on the role of folkbildning as a means to creating a more socially sustainable society, as well as its role in contributing to a higher national standard of education (Göransson 2010).

PARALLELS OF FOLKBILDNING AND COMMUNITY MUSIC The pedagogical philosophy within folkbildning, even in the institutionalized form it occupies today, differs significantly from traditionally more hierarchi- cal forms of education. Similarily, the philosophy of community music differs from formal music education, for example due to its stress on the importance of self-education which includes aspects such as the interests and motiva- tions of the individual in voluntary learning settings. As a concept, community music is characterized by creative, collaborative group processes of music making, in which interaction between individuals is more central than individual music making (Higgins 2007). In line with the philosophy of folkbildning, community music also emphasizes the importance of participation leading to empowerment (Higgins 2007; Schippers and Bartleet 2013). In other words, community music making can be described as a way of practicing citizenship through musical and social interaction and collaboration. In the Swedish context practicing citizenship is carried out through the infrastructure of folkbildning, which, likewise, is driven by democratic ideals, that makes it considered to be a radical educational philosophy, according to Rydbeck (1997). Community music stresses the importance of informal and non-formal elements. Eshach (2007) differentiates between informal and non-formal learning, where informal learning only exists outside all kinds of organiza- tional/formal settings. Non-formal learning, according to Eshach (2007), takes place in institutions and organizations outside of traditional school contexts. Churches, organizations and study associations can be examples of non-formal learning environments. However, there is no noticeable agree- ment among scholars and practitioners that community music practices generally are located outside formal music settings (Silverman 2009; Karlsen et al. 2013). The same can be applied to folkbildning, which is not organized through formal curricula or based on grades. The variety of approaches may relate to the settings where music communities are located (e.g. the place where people live) as well as political and institutional policies. For instance, community music in the British context has been synonymous with expres- sions of ‘cultural democracy’ and often operates outside the formal institutions, whereas community music activities in Sweden are often enabled through top-down funding, yet driven by the folkbildning idea of access for

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all. This encourages both formal and informal initiatives, such as municipality music and arts schools, local orchestras, brass bands, cultural associations, pop and rock groups, hip hop communities, music festivals, etc. (Heiling 2000; Gullberg 2002; Karlsen 2007; Karlsen et al. 2013; Snell and Söderman 2014; Westvall 2015; Söderman and Sernhede 2016). Folkbildning, similar to community music, has been claimed to be a radical force intended to change society, but at the same time it can also be regarded as a rather preserving and conservative force. This paradox is often referred to as the ‘double feature of folkbildning’ where, on the one hand, people believe in achieving emancipation through education and expanded knowledge. On the other hand, folkbildning becomes a means of social control, for example to discourage people from drinking and to develop into cultivated citizens (Brändström et al. 2012).

ETHNIC-BASED CULTURAL ASSOCIATIONS For many years, Sweden has had an allowance system that enabled and encouraged groups from minority-ethnic backgrounds to form associations based on ethnic and cultural characteristics. The principal objectives for creating and maintaining the work of such organizations are that they would be ‘[p]reserving immigrants’ culture and identity, organizing educational courses and activities for refugees and immigrants and encouraging them to take part in the process of integration and political decision-making’ (Khayati and Dahlstedt 2014: 59). Over the past few years, research about ethnic-based cultural associations in Sweden has increased in number (for instance Dahlstedt et al. 2010; Kings 2012), yet the role of music in these associations is still fairly unexplored. One exception is Lundberg et al.’s (2000) study that investigated the role of music in relation to cultural diversity and media that outlined the significance of music in relation to the cultural field of tension and social dynamics in society. Bengtsson (2004), as well as Khayati and Dahlstedt (2014), similarly, consider the role of cultural associations in relation to societal integration processes. In this research, associations organized around ethnicity and culture tend to have dual functions; to keep ‘original’ culture alive, and to support the development of intercultural dialogue in the new country.

FINNISH COMMUNITIES IN SWEDEN Sweden Finns/Finnish-born citizens living in Sweden, as a distinct ethnic group, have a fairly well-established presence, historically, in Sweden; though the most significant period of migration is linked to the strong influx of labour-migration in the mid-1900s. This phase of emigration from Finland was large-scale, and even led to concerns from politicians in Finland who were alarmed that the country was facing a rapid process of depopulation (Kuosmanen 2001). The majority of Finns who migrated to Sweden during this time had a relatively low educational level. For the most part, they came from rural parts of Finland and generally settled down in larger Swedish cities, where they took on blue-collar jobs such as working for industrial companies. According to Kuosmanen (2001), Sweden Finns became a ‘silent minority’ in their new country, in large part due to their mother tongue Finnish, which differs significantly from the other Nordic languages; Norwegian, Icelandic, Danish and Swedish. Sweden Finns had to navigate between their own developing ‘Swedish-ness’, and at the same time being Finnish (Kuosmanen 2001). Over

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the years Sweden Finns have developed a sustainable double identity but have gradually achieved more self-confidence in their Finnish heritage and cultural background (Kuosmanen 2001). Sweden Finns are now one of Sweden’s five recognized ethnic minori- ties, which means that their language and culture is protected and secured by official authorities in Sweden. Today, there is a well-developed, state-funded infrastructure for Finnish associations around the whole of Sweden. These cultural associations have focused mainly on dance activities (Lundström 2005), as well as on Finnish culture and speaking Finnish. The musical activities in Finnish associations are an example of a community music practice, with regards to the principles of the International Society for Music Education (ISME) commission that advocates decentralization, accessibility, equal opportunities and active participation in music making (Olseng 1990).

METHOD AND COLLECTION OF DATA The fieldwork and methodological approach employed here has been inspired by the ethnographic tradition evolved from Cultural Studies (Willis [1977] 1991; Cohen 1972; Back 1996). Research on Scandinavian youth culture has also acted as a significant source of knowledge in regards to methodology and fieldwork (Fornäs et al. 1995; Sernhede 2002; Ambjörnsson 2004). As Lalander (2009) states, this form of ethnography requires creating trust in order to get access to the field, and it is therefore important for researchers to follow and (partially) interact with informants in different contexts of their lives. During 2014–15 the authors of this article, participated in rehearsals, concerts, performances and internal as well as public meetings and gatherings. After these events, fieldnotes were taken. The data collection also consisted of qualitative semi-structured interviews in groups of two, three and eight informants. In the interviews, informants were encouraged to speak freely, as described by Kvale (1997). As Ehn and Löfgren (2001) argue the collection of various forms of data enable a richer analysis, and they state that empirical data should be allowed to ‘overflow’. In the interview situations, the interviewer(s) took the role of conversation facilitator rather than traditional interviewer. Altogether four group-interviews that lasted approximately 1.5 hour each were held (two interviews each with both the dance group and music group). All interviews were transcribed in Swedish and then translated to English. The informants were members of one senior dance group, comprised of eight participants between 70 and 80 years old, and one music group comprised of three members between 50 and 65 years old. Two of the members of the dance group, Diisa and Darko, had leading roles in organizing and instructing the dance meetings and were therefore interviewed as a pair. The interview of Marja and Mimo (also a couple) was carried out in their home. The dance group belongs to Malmö’s Finnish association, formed in 1977. Among other activities, the dance group meet once a week. Before retirement the members mainly worked within so-called blue-collar occupations and they mainly speak Swedish during meetings. The dance group have access to state-funded folkbildning infrastructure, which includes collaboration with folk high schools and study associations. This connection enables further training at folk high schools for the members in the association who take leading roles in the dance group. The dance group has an established coop- eration with the study association of the labour movement (ABF). The Malmö municipality also supports the Finnish association with financial funding.

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The members of the music group are between 50 and 65 years old and were all dancers in the Finnish associations before starting to sing and play musical instruments. The group consists of three members; two male and one female. All three have backgrounds as blue-collar workers, were singers in church choirs and have volunteered as instructors in study circles for Finnish dance. They have been playing together in the music group for five years, and usually play at public dances and anniversary events organized by Finnish associations. The group’s members write their own songs, even though the majority of songs that they sing are covers. The music group also put together revues and cabaret-like appearances. The categorization of data has been based on certain key themes that arose from observing the musical activities and through interviewing of the informants. The results are presented in three categories: Dance as the foundation; Musical activities to promote health and well-being; and An arena for music making and creativity.

FINDINGS Dance as the foundation The Finnish television celebrity Åke Blomqvist, who was a TV dance instructor in the only channel that existed in state-run television in the 1970s and 1980s, was mentioned. Mimo states that Blomqvist was the ‘strongest enthusiast’ to inspire Finnish people to dance, and that he ‘taught the whole of Finland to dance’. The informants in the dance group talk about how their teachers in Finland, after school, taught them how to dance when they were young. Marja used to work as a dance instructor within a study association. She expresses how music playing and dancing, in her perspective, are intertwined and that the members of the music group lack the time to dance nowadays:

Nowadays, we barely have time to dance anymore, because we are always on the stage playing music. It’s good that we started on the floor and danced, (before we started to play music), but music and dance has always followed us hand in hand.

Diisa talks about the two choices of spare-time activities she had in her youth; going to the cinema or going dancing. Darko talks about an amateur theatre that he was engaged in when he was young. The informants from the dance group talk about their youth as a rather boring existence. Darko state that the Finnish region of Karelia became Russian after the war, and talk about how people were evacuated. According to Darja, Karelian people then came to bring their music culture with them when evacuated to other parts of Finland:

Karelian people were evacuated and they were placed in different villages and stuff. There were lots of singing and dancing and things going on in Karelia.

In the 1970s and 1980s, Finnish associations in Sweden earned money by arranging dance events. Nowadays the younger generation of Sweden Finns do not seem to share the same interest and Diisa says that she misses the times when public dances were full of people. In the time when dance events were well visited they contributed to a better financial situation for the Finnish association. There is an overlap of different associations, in that sense that if

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one association in the district celebrate an anniversary of some sort, members of other associations visit to perform and participate in the public dance. Darko says that; ‘when there is an anniversary for an association, they have to create some kind of entertainment and dancing is always included in that’. Annually, every summer, the dance instructors of the Finnish associations enrol in dance courses at one particular folk high school (Axvalla), where they practice contemporary dances from Finland:

Darko: When you are a dance instructor, it requires leadership training, and we have ours at Axvalla. It’s a folk high school where professional dance teachers, who are the leaders of dance groups, teach us.

In a way similar to how old tales and stories are transmitted from one generation to the next, dancing and dances are taught by parents and grandparents to children over generations. Dove mentioned how her mother in Finland taught her to dance, and how dancing is part of the Swedish Finnish culture, history and heritage. Undoubtedly, dancing could be regarded as the foundation for most activities within the associations. Dance provides the foundation, not only for the association’s activities, but also for a general sense of being Finnish. Due to the opportunities the instructors have for further dance training within the folkbildning system, the organization enables the participants to connect themselves to both past and contemporary Finnish culture, as well as to the cultural life of Sweden. In this way the Finnish association integrates and mediates between aspects of Finnish and Swedish culture and identity.

Musical activities to promote health and well-being Members of both the dance group and the music group, express how they experience health benefits through participating in musical activities such as dancing, singing and playing music. They claim these activities contribute to increase their quality of life. On several occasions, members of the dance group make jokes about how dancing and singing prevents dementia, and talk about how music is good for the memory as well as their well-being. The powerful function of music as support during hard times in life is also highlighted. For instance, Marja talks about the accordion player Malto and ‘how music saved his life’. When recovering from cancer he continued to play music with the group. Participants of the dance group also talk about dancing as good exercise: ‘Yes, but we are getting so old now so, we have to keep going, and to keep our fitness, although it is not as graceful as when we were young’ (Darko). They talk about the need to exercise in their own way and how music makes exercise more enjoyable: ‘We like to move to the music. Everyone collaborates at their own pace’ (Diisa). The interactive and social aspects of performing, is described in relation to meeting members of other Finnish associations during different types of occasions. The members of the dance group talk about the friendship within the group and how it leads to social benefits.

Diisa: One member of the group turned eighty now, who is here with us and dancing. Then we held a celebration party for him. Coffee time (fika in Swedish) is so important. And then there’s a soup lunch every week too.

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Heiling (2000) states that there is a conflict between social benefits and artistic ambitions in the brass band in focus of his study. In the group discussion Darko state that they ‘have to learn their dances so they can perform well’, which can be understood as part of more ‘artistic’ ambitions, which do not have to act in opposition to the more social ones, (such as fika) that Diisa expresses above. In this study, in contrast to Heiling (2000) the social activities and the artistic ambitions can more be regarded as two poles of continuum that is interacting in the activities of the dance group.

An arena for music making and creativity The Finnish association provides opportunities for active music making; for dancing and playing music, for performing in front of an audience, for listening, for song-writing and also for starting to play music. Hence, these musical activities can be understood as an outcome of membership in associations, and an arena for developing creativity. When the members of the dance group perform, they dress up in traditional Finnish clothing and they express pride in making their own dresses. The music group create their own shows and follies and Marja highlights: ‘We did a great show with songs taken from various musicals and operettas. We wove a story about our town’s voluntary organisations’. The aspects mentioned above, are examples of a broad and including approach to music making in a community setting, referring to Small’s (1998) concept musicking. When the music group writes songs they apply creative strategies to their work:

Marja: Both Malto and I make songs. I do not make the lyrics, I’m not good at it, but the music, I’d like to write music, but it is just that there has not been time to do it until right now. So it is not really long time since I made my first song, which was a country song. We might play that tune tonight, but not in this particular program, we’ll see.

During the association-events, the groups perform their own songs as well as traditional ones. When the audience recognize such traditional folk songs, they sing along with the music. Interestingly, the music group also performs nursery rhymes with integrated movements, where the audience participate by moving and singing along. It is interesting to note that the participants’ musicianship has developed in adult life through the musical activities within the association, which highlights the significance of life-long musical learning processes. For example Malto first started to play the guitar as an adult, then shifted to playing the bass and later on started to play the accordion. During the interview Mimo asks Malto when he believes that he will stop learning music, and he responds: ‘I will never be finished’. Singing and dancing clearly seem to be intertwined in the activities of the dance group:

Diisa: We sing Finnish songs when we dance. We have no one to play for us so we have to sing ourselves. Interviewer: So you sing a capella? Diisa: yes yes yes, we sing so that everyone can sing in their own way, so it is not so advanced, but we like to sing, so… […] We use to tell the audience that they are allowed to sing along. And they like it so much.

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Darko also expresses how they choose to sing songs learnt in school in Finland as a means to engage the audience to join in and sing along while they perform their dances. Mimo talks about karaoke singing and its popular- ity in Finland. In Finnish karaoke culture, the interaction with the audience seems to be of particular importance:

When I was living in Finland, I was singing karaoke and went to karaoke nights in different cities. If the people [who were listening] did not clap their hands enough, we did not sing – if you do not clap we are not going to sing [laughing].

Through offering karaoke at public dancing events, singing and dancing activities are integrated. Marja explains that all dance halls in Finland have a karaoke section, which gives the music groups the opportunity to take breaks. At the associations’ events audience and the performers seem to collab- orate and interact in the musical activities. Accordingly, the dancers and musicians do not perform in front of the audience – they are engaging with music together with them. In that sense, the audience become co-creators of the musical setting which underscores the sense of community in the act of musicking.

DISCUSSION Through this study it has become evident how the associations have been a framework for musical activities and music development in a life-long perspective, as the groups consist of adults who commenced their musical activities during middle age and which continued onwards from there. The study shows how musical activities within the associations contribute to a general academic discussion concerning lifelong learning. As demonstrated, the activities explored in this study reveal holistic educational ideals, both through informant statements as well as their performance, in opposition to traditional music teaching in schools which can be regarded as more narrow and instrumental learning settings. From the beginning, folkbildning has been premised on a ‘double feature’ (Brändström et al. 2012). While folkbildning has been claimed to be a trans- formative, radical force in society - it has also emerged as a conservative community force, used to reinforce traditional values or ethnocentric notions of nationhood. During the last hundred years, folkbildning has promoted the belief that people can achieve emancipation and empowerment through education (Rydbeck 1997). It can be considered a radical educational ideal that aims to empower people, with the overall purpose to change the society. This aim also corresponds with the concept of community music, with its stress on participation in order to lead to empowerment (Higgins 2007). Yet folkbildning has also been a tool to exercise ‘disciplinary regimes’ on the Swedish population. According to this perspective, so-called ‘old habits’ and ‘bad tastes’ of the masses should be replaced with more ‘proper’, ‘cultured’ ones (Ambjörnsson 1988; Elias 1989). This may be regarded as an outcome of how folkbildning is organized through the non-formal, which contrasts how community music to a higher extent focuses on informal self- education (e.g. Eshach 2007). It is possible to draw the conclusion that contemporary state-funded folkbildning could be a way of ‘disciplining’ ethnic-based groups like Swedish Finns in one way, with regards to the discourse about ‘the good Sweden’

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(Lindholm 2016). For instance, when moving to Sweden, different ethnic groups are ‘being taught’ gender equality, democracy and association skills through folkbildning within a top down perspective in a subtle non-formal manner. At the same time the musical activities highlighted in this article, may function as both empowering and liberating, arising instead from participants themselves according to a ‘bottom-up’ perspective. In this way the ‘double feature’ of folkbildning is present within what can be considered as community music in Finnish associations. It seems as if the dance group justifies their activities as something that is ‘good’ for their own health. This justification may be traced to age-related notions of respectability and propriety – for instance the idea that it is not legitimate for older adults to dance for intimate or sexual reasons, or for the sake of enjoyment. Through the ways in which the members of the dance and music group talk about themselves and their activities, they can be understood to constitute themselves as ‘elderly’. Employing discursive narratives surrounding health may, in fact, conceal wider aspects than just physical benefits through exercise, for instance aspects of sexuality, physical intimacy or companionship. As older people’s sexual desires are often surrounded by taboos, the concepts of ‘dancing for health’s sake’ can be used as a legitimizing narrative (Krekula 2009). This has parallels with how music, as well as learning, tends to be regarded as a tool for something ‘useful’ rather than lustful.

CONCLUSIONS The following conclusions are presented through the three categories previ- ously introduced in the findings section. The categories derive from the research question of this article, concerning what meaning do musical activities have for its participants in the context of a Finnish association in Sweden. From our study, we can observe that dance-related activities play a significant role in the Finnish association and can therefore be regarded as the very foundation of the musical activities. Voluntary dance activities can thus be seen as an example of contemporary folkbildning. At the same time, dancing creates a need for an extended musicianship, involving instrumental music making. This process highlights the strong sense of community music making where the various musical activities are interlinked and expand the musical knowledge for those involved (cf. Veblen 2013; Karlsen et al. 2013). The findings of this study show how important civil society is in improving citizens’ quality of life. In line with this perspective, the importance of state- funded folkbildning activities becomes clear. The association activities appear to provide valuable examples of how adults often form or reform their identity late in life as well as indications as to how musical activities promote physical and mental health through exercise and social interaction. As the population of the western world grows older, there is a growing need for engaging all members of society to be active and to gain such benefits described by the members of the dance group regarding physical, intellectual and emotional activity. Creech et al. (2013), similarly, argue that active musical participation within a musical community contribute to a strong sense of gratification among adults. It provides people with a sense of purpose, empowerment and autonomy and they experience social affirmation since their individual input can be recognized and supported by others. Both dancing and instrument- playing are vital aspects of life-long musical learning. However, the concept

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of life-long learning can be problematic and has been criticized for advocat- ing an instrumental perspective on learning (e.g. Mezirow 1996). The social organization of western societies strives towards citizens that continue to learn skills needed to keep them life-long employable (e.g. Van der Heijden 2002). However, in this study we approach another understanding of life-long learning. The findings point towards a holistic approach to aesthetic activities and informants express how they learn skills needed to be able to participate in the group. In the association, music, dancing and drama are integrated activities. It is clear in this study that these ‘inter-aesthetic’ activities and experiences work empowering for the individual as well as the collective. For example when they, through their joy of dancing, start to play music or sing within the framework of a music group in the association, they contribute not only to developing their own confidence and skills but act as role models for other participants too, which can be equally empowering. In this way, the association becomes an example of a creative arena where participants develop different musical skills not restricted to one particular specialized activity. For instance, participants write songs, play music, design performances, and create stage-clothing. In accordance with the general characteristics of community music practices, collaboration and participation seem to be vital features of the activities in the association, and personal and social well-being are also stressed as important aspects (Veblen and Olsson 2002).

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This article was written as part of the multidisciplinary project ‘Music, identity, and multiculturalism: A study of the role of music in ethnic-based associations’, financed by The Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences (Riksbankens Jubileumsfond).

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SUGGESTED CITATION Söderman, J. and Westvall, M. (2017), ‘Community music as folkbildning: A study of a Finnish Cultural Association in Sweden’, International Journal of Community Music, 10: 1, pp. 45–58, doi: 10.1386/ijcm.10.1.45_1

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CONTRIBUTOR DETAILS Johan Söderman is a senior lecturer in child and youth studies at the University of Gothenburg, and holds a position as reader in music education at Lund University. Söderman used to be a visiting scholar at Teachers College, Columbia University and is currently a permanent Board Member of the Swedish Council for Popular Adult Education. Söderman’s research interests regard community music, social mobilization and informal learning/ folkbildning within the fields of cultural studies and music studies. Söderman has published articles for journals such as Music Education Research, British Journal of Music Education and Finnish Journal of Music Education. He has also published several books such as hip hop within and without the academy (with co-author Karen Snell) and Bourdieu and sociology of music education (with with co-authors Pamela Burnard and Ylva Trulsson-Hofvander). Contact: Department of Education, Communication and Learning, University of Gothenburg, Läroverksgatan 11, S-411 20, Göteborg. E-mail: [email protected]

Maria Westvall is a senior lecturer in music education at the School of Music, Theatre and Art at Örebro University, Sweden. She has recently concluded the research project ‘The learning musician: A study of military musicians and their musical and educational development during a life-span musicianship’, financed by The Swedish Research Council. She is currently working with various research projects within the area of intercultural and multicul- tural music education, nationally as well as internationally, as well as with the multidisciplinary project funded by The Swedish Foundation for ‘Humanities and social sciences: Music, identity, and multiculturalism: A study of the role of music in ethnic-based associations’, which she is also directs. Maria Westvall has published on various topics within the area of music education in scientific journals such as Music Education Research, British Journal of Music Education, Journal of Music Teacher Education, Música em perspectiva, Action, Criticism & Theory for Music Education, Nordic Research in Music Education and the Finnish Journal of Music Education. Contact: School of Music, Theatre and Art, Örebro University, S-701 82, Örebro. E-mail: [email protected]

Johan Söderman and Maria Westvall have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the authors of this work in the format that was submitted to Intellect Ltd.

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