Reconstructing Proto-Ugric and Proto-Uralic Object Marking Katalin É. Kiss (
[email protected]) Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy and Pázmány P. University Abstract This paper demonstrates that syntactic changes in the feature specifications of functional heads can be traced back to undocumented stages of languages. It reconstructs the object–verb relation in Proto-Uralic – by means of the comparative method adapted to syntax. Present-day Uralic languages display differential object–verb agreement and/or differential accusative marking. In double-marking languages, the head licensing object–verb agreement may be different from that licensing accusative-marking. The licensing conditions of object marking are also different across languages. It is argued that the Uralic parent language had both object-verb agreement and accusative assignment licensed by a TP-external functional head with a [topic] feature. The [topic] feature of this head has been reanalyzed as [specific] in Udmurt, and as [definite] in Hungarian – via a natural extention of the content of the notion of topicality. In languages with generalized accusative assignment, i.e., in Hungarian and Tundra Nenets, the licensing of object agreement and accusative marking have been divorced; the latter has come to be associated with v. Keywords: differential object marking (DOM), object–verb agreement, accusative, syntactic reconstruction, comparative method 1. Introduction According to the Borer–Chomsky Conjecture (Borer 1984), the parametric values of grammars are expressed in the functional lexicon. Under this assumption, syntactic changes involve changes in the feature specifications of functional heads. It is an open question whether changes of this type, affecting features of morphologically real or abstract syntactic heads, can be traced back to undocumented stages of languages (cf.