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SOVIET YOUTH FILMS UNDER BREZHNEV: WATCHING BETWEEN the LINES by Olga Klimova Specialist Degree, Belarusian State University
SOVIET YOUTH FILMS UNDER BREZHNEV: WATCHING BETWEEN THE LINES by Olga Klimova Specialist degree, Belarusian State University, 2001 Master of Arts, Brock University, 2005 Master of Arts, University of Pittsburgh, 2007 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2013 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH THE KENNETH P. DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Olga Klimova It was defended on May 06, 2013 and approved by David J. Birnbaum, Professor, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh Lucy Fischer, Distinguished Professor, Department of English, University of Pittsburgh Vladimir Padunov, Associate Professor, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh Aleksandr Prokhorov, Associate Professor, Department of Modern Languages and Literatures, College of William and Mary, Virginia Dissertation Advisor: Nancy Condee, Professor, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Olga Klimova 2013 iii SOVIET YOUTH FILMS UNDER BREZHNEV: WATCHING BETWEEN THE LINES Olga Klimova, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2013 The central argument of my dissertation emerges from the idea that genre cinema, exemplified by youth films, became a safe outlet for Soviet filmmakers’ creative energy during the period of so-called “developed socialism.” A growing interest in youth culture and cinema at the time was ignited by a need to express dissatisfaction with the political and social order in the country under the condition of intensified censorship. I analyze different visual and narrative strategies developed by the directors of youth cinema during the Brezhnev period as mechanisms for circumventing ideological control over cultural production. -
Through the Russian Empire
William Craft Brumfield Journeys through the Russian Empire The Photographic Legacy of Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky Journeys through the russian empire © 2020 duke university press All rights reserved Printed in the United States on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by Matthew Tauch Typeset in Adobe Jenson and Chaparral by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Names: Brumfield, William Craft, [date] author. Title: Journeys through the Russian Empire : the photographic legacy of Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky / William Craft Brumfield. Description: Durham : Duke University Press, 2020. | Includes index. Identifiers: lCCn 2019036070 (print) lCCn 2019036071 (ebook) isBn 9781478006022 (hardcover) isBn 9781478007463 (ebook) Subjects: lCsh: Prokudin-Gorskiı˘, Sergeı˘ Mikhaı˘lovich, 1863– 1944. | Brumfield, William Craft, 1944– | Photographers— Russia—Biography. | Color photography—Russia— History. | Architecture—Russia—History—Pictorial works. | Architectural photography—Russia—Pictorial works. Classification: lCC tr140.p76 B78 2020 (print) | lCC tr140.p76 (ebook) | ddC 770.92 [B]—dc23 lC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019036070 lC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019036071 Cover art: (left) Saint Nilus Stolobensky Monastery. Northeast view from Svetlitsa village. Photo by William Craft Brumfield. right( ) Saint Nilus Stolobensky Monastery (Nilova Pustyn). Northeast view from Svetlitsa village. Photo by Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky. Duke University Press gratefully acknowledges the generous support -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
BASEES Sampler
R O U T L E D G E . TAYLOR & FRANCIS Slavonic & East European Studies A Chapter and Journal Article Sampler www.routledge.com/carees3 Contents Art and Protest in Putin's Russia by Laurien 1 Crump Introduction Freedom of Speech in Russia edited by Piotr 21 Dutkiewicz, Sakwa Richard, Kulikov Vladimir Chapter 8: The Putin regime: patrimonial media The Capitalist Transformation of State 103 Socialism by David Lane Chapter 11: The move to capitalism and the alternatives Europe-Asia Studies 115 Identity in transformation: Russian speakers in Post- Soviet Ukrane by Volodymyr Kulyk Post-Soviet Affairs 138 The logic of competitive influence-seeking: Russia, Ukraine, and the conflict in Donbas by Tatyana Malyarenko and Stefan Wolff 20% Discount Available Enjoy a 20% discount across our entire portfolio of books. Simply add the discount code FGT07 at the checkout. Please note: This discount code cannot be combined with any other discount or offer and is only valid on print titles purchased directly from www.routledge.com. www.routledge.com/carees4 Copyright Taylor & Francis Group. Not for distribution. 1 Introduction It was freezing cold in Moscow on 24 December 2011 – the day of the largest mass protest in Russia since 1993. A crowd of about 100 000 people had gathered to protest against electoral fraud in the Russian parliamentary elections, which had taken place nearly three weeks before. As more and more people joined the demonstration, their euphoria grew to fever pitch. Although the 24 December demonstration changed Russia, the period of euphoria was tolerated only until Vladimir Putin was once again installed as president in May 2012. -
The End of the Putin Consensus Ben Judah and Andrew Wilson
M P o e L M i CY The end of The o PuTin Consensus Ben Judah and Andrew Wilson Since December, Russia has been rocked by mass protests SU The “Putin consensus” of the 2000s is over. demanding clean elections and an end to the culture of Although Prime Minister Vladimir Putin is immunity on corruption. After a decade of over-control, certain to win a hollow victory in the Russian Russia is undergoing a process of re-politicisation. After presidential elections in March, the current the financial crisis exposed Russia’s chronic governance MMARY electoral cycle has weakened his authority and crisis and its dashed dreams of being a rising economic shown the fragility of his regime. Russia is undergoing a process of re-politicisation and is power, as ECFR argued in Dealing with a Post-BRIC entering a phase of “late Putinism” that is likely Russia, the “Putin consensus” has broken down and to be characterised by elite divisions, continued the “Putin majority” in society has decayed.1 However, protests and a gradual ebbing away of popular although Russia is restless, it is not yet revolutionary. support. The protest movement that erupted There is still a passive Putin plurality, largely drawn from after the falsified vote in the parliamentary the older, poorer and more provincial parts of society election in December has not yet challenged that are frightened of change and see no alternative to Putin’s grip on power but is nevertheless a symptom of an increasingly unstable Russia. Putin. The protest movement remains a minority, but it is concentrated in the country’s most dynamic demographics The European Union should see the current – particularly among Muscovites the new middle classes, crisis as a clear signal that the Putin system will the young and the cultural elites. -
Thinking Russia: Contemporary Public Intellectuals in the Reviving Political Debate
Thinking Russia: contemporary public intellectuals in the reviving political debate. Dana Filonova S 392352 Bachelor Thesis Fall 2011 Tilburg University, the Netherlands BA Liberal Arts and Sciences – major in Humanities Under the supervision of Dr. O.M. Heynders Read by P.K. Varis Abstract This study is focused on contemporary Russia. In particularly it zooms in on the ongoing public debate and the subsequent contribution by the public intellectuals. Through a historical analysis of the previous century the Russian society is portrayed as apolitical. Yet, the current state of the public debate speaks of an intellectual revival. In this essay the latter is illustrated by the Moscow rallies of last December regarding an election fraud. The study is an endeavour to clarify the historical formation of the Russian’s attitude towards politics. Thereafter, it provides an insight into the ongoing public debate on issues of general concern. Hereby, the emphasis is on the position of the public intellectuals as the active voices in a democratic society. Keywords: Public intellectuals, Public debate, Soviet regime, Apolitical society, December rallies 2 Table of Contents Introduction 5 Defining the public intellectual 7 Part I. Constructing the historical framework: society, the intelligentsia, and the public sphere of the twentieth century Russia 14 1.1 Introduction, aims, and hypothesis 15 1.2 Historical analysis 17 I. Bolshevization of the public sphere 17 II. The public sphere as an ideological front 18 III. Stalinist repressions 20 IV. Towards the de-Stalinization 21 V. Taking the inward turn 23 VI. Denouncing the Homo Sovieticus 25 VII. The turbulent ‘90s 26 1.3 Preliminary conclusion 30 Part II. -
Glasnost, Perestroika and the Soviet Media Communication and Society General Editor: James Curran
Glasnost, Perestroika and the Soviet Media Communication and Society General editor: James Curran Social Work, the Media and Public Relations Bob Franklin and Dave Murphy What News? The Market, Politics and the Local Press Bob Franklin and Dave Murphy Images of the Enemy: Reporting the New Cold War Brian McNair Pluralism, Politics and the Marketplace: The Regulation of German Broadcasting Vincent Porter and Suzanne Hasselbach Potboilers: Methods, Concepts and Case Studies in Popular Fiction Jerry Palmer Glasnost, Perestroika and the Soviet Media Brian McNair London and New York First published 1991 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2006. “ To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to http://www.ebookstore.tandf.co.uk/.” Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge a division of Routledge, Chapman and Hall, Inc. 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 © 1991 Brian McNair All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data McNair, Brian Glasnost, perestroika and the Soviet media. – (Communication and scoiety). 1. Soviet Union. Mass media I. Title II. Series 302.230947 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data McNair, Brian Glasnost, perestroika and the Soviet media / Brian McNair. -
“We're Nostalgic but We're Not Crazy”: Retrofitting the Past in Russia
“We’re nostalgic but we’re not crazy”: Retrofitting the Past in Russia SERGUEI ALEX. OUSHAKINE As far as my memory’s concerned, I know a particular word exists, except that it has lost meaning. I don’t understand it as I did before I was wounded. ... So I have to limit myself to words that “feel” familiar to me, that have some definite meaning for me. These are the only ones that I bother with when I try to think or talk to people. Lev Zasetsky, a patient suffering from aphasia. On New Year’s Eve, we’ll sit in front of a Sony TV, drinking Absolut vodka as we watch Russian films and sing Russian songs. ... Of course, the film is a remake shot in 35-millimeter Kodak and cost millions of American dollars. We’re nostalgic but we’re not crazy. Leonid Parfyonov, a TV producer (1995). In the scholarship on cultural changes in postsocialist countries it has become a cliché to single out nostalgia as an increasingly prominent symbolic practice through which the legacy of the previous period makes itself visible. Scholars from the Balkans are talking about Yugonostalgia and its fascination with “the successes of the golden Yugoslav national teams and clubs, personalities and elements of political life.”1 In a similar fashion, cultural critics of the (former) German Democratic Republic draw attention to the phenomenon of Ostalgia centered on Ostprodukte, the items of daily consumption from the socialist time, that are available again in the eastern part of Germany.2 Often perceived as a reaction to the recent I want to thank Kim Lane Scheppele, Clemena Antonova, Dmitry Bychkov, Elena Gapova, Helena Goscilo, Nadezhda Mishustina, Maya Nadkarni, Stephen Norris, Kevin Platt, Nancy Ries, and the two anonymous reviewers from The Russian Review for their helpful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this article. -
A Man from Boulevard Des Capucines (1987) 6.30Pm Cine Alla Surikova
Melodia! Discovering Musicals From Russia and the Caucasus 22 January 2020 A Man from Boulevard des Capucines (1987) 6.30pm Cine Alla Surikova A Man from the Boulevard des Capucines (Russian: Chelovek s became one of the very few female directors of the comedy bulvara Kaputsinov) alludes directly to the Lumière brothers and genre to have a prominent voice in the Soviet film industry. their first cinema screening, famously projected onto the walls of a building in the Boulevard des Capucines in Paris in 1895. It The film itself stands on the crossroads of genre. On the one might be a surprising (and long) choice of title but this is a film side, it is an ‘eastern’ or ‘red western’ – a specifically cold war of surprises. After all, this 1987 Soviet musical is both a loving genre presenting films set in America's Wild West, but shot in homage to the birth of cinema and also one final ray of light the Asian part of the Soviet Union, or films presenting these from a golden age of Soviet musical comedy. parts of the Soviet Union through the aesthetics of a western. On the other hand, the film draws from the already established The connection to the Lumières comes about through the tradition of Soviet comedies, especially fantasy musical speech of protagonist Mr. John First (Johnny) played by the comedies, such as Ordinary Miracle (1978, also starring Andrei Soviet theatre and film star Andrei Mironov. Mironov, one of the Mironov) or Charodei (1982; which shares the female lead great Soviet stars, died the same year, making this his Aleksandra Yakovleva); and a broader tradition of allegorical penultimate film role. -
RUSSIA the Russian Federation Has a Centralized Political System, With
RUSSIA The Russian Federation has a centralized political system, with power concentrated in a president and a prime minister, a weak multiparty political system dominated by the ruling United Russia party, and a bicameral legislature (Federal Assembly). The Federal Assembly consists of a lower house (State Duma) and an upper house (Federation Council). The country has an estimated population of 142 million. Security forces generally reported to civilian authorities; however, in some areas of the Northern Caucasus, there were serious problems with civilian control of security forces. There were numerous reports of governmental and societal human rights problems and abuses during the year. The restrictions on political competition and interference in local and regional elections in ways that restricted citizens' right to change their government continued. There were reports of: attacks on and killings of journalists by unidentified persons for reasons apparently related to their activities; physical abuse by law enforcement officers, particularly in the North Caucasus region; and harsh and often life-threatening prison conditions. Arbitrary detention and politically motivated imprisonments were problems. The government controlled many media outlets and infringed on freedoms of speech and expression, pressured major independent media outlets to abstain from critical coverage, and harassed and intimidated some journalists into practicing self- censorship. The Internet remained by and large free and provided citizens access to an increased amount of information that was not available on state-controlled media. The government limited freedom of assembly, and police at times used violence to prevent groups from engaging in peaceful protest. Rule of law and due process violations remained a problem. -
Corruption of the Fourth Power: the Decline of the Russian Media
Corruption of the Fourth Power: The Decline of the Russian Media Olga Khvostunova, Ph.D. Visiting Scholar Harriman Institute, Columbia University Abstract Independent and free media are among the key instruments in fighting corruption. But in today’s Russia this instrument itself has been corrupted and misused. Russian government has deliberately taken control over the major national media outlets, including TV channels, radio stations, print press, and some internet resources. Only few publications remain free and are able to fulfill their duties. As competition on the global media market becomes fiercer, traditional media in all the countries are looking for new ways of surviving and are becoming more susceptible to corruption. The problem is universal, but in case of Russia it is aggravated by Vladimir Putin’s corrupt political regime. Corruption has poisoned Russian media on both levels— institutional and individual. The objectives of this research are: to investigate main methods of corrupting the media and the journalists that the Russian government has employed; to trace the effects such a corruption can have on media content and, as a result, on public opinion; and to see whether the few free media can contribute into overcoming this negative trend. The research framework Ten years ago, corruption as a subject of study was quite a small field. Today, numerous academic and media articles on the issue are being published almost daily. The research field on corruption has expanded, and this trend reflects growing public concern for the effects that corruption has on people’s lives. Another reason for the growing interest is development of the new media (mostly, internet) that allowed for better access to information and data exchange and, therefore, led to a greater awareness of the scale of the problem. -
Religious Experiences of the Soviet Dissidents*
Religion, State & Society, Vo!. 27, Nos 3/4, 1999 Religious Experiences of the Soviet Dissidents* PHILIP BOOBBYER Introduction The Soviet dissident movement emerged with Brezhnev's coming to power in 1964 and the partial restalinisation that followed it. Starting with the public trials of the poet Iosif Brodsky in 1964 and the writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuri Daniel in 1966, the Soviet regime laid down an open challenge to the Soviet intelligentsia to conform to the official line or suffer the consequences. However, the intellectual ferment of the Khrushchev years was not easy to crush, and the result was a variety of dissident activity, embracing political, legal, moral and religious concerns.' To some extent the aims of the dissidents were political in the sense that to expose Soviet injustices always meant finally to challenge the legitimacy of the Soviet state. Nevertheless, activists did not always see their actions in political terms. The purpose of the Moscow Human Rights Committee, for example, founded in 1970 by Valeri Chalidze, Andrei Sakharov and Andrei Tverdokhlebov, was to monitor the regime's compliance with its own laws. Its aims were strictly legal rather than political. At the same time, many dissidents understood their activities primarily in moral terms. For example, the demonstration in Red Square against the invasion of Czechoslovakia on 25 August 1968 was primarily a moral stand. Nataliya Gorbanevskaya, one of the seven demonstrators on that day, wrote that 'the purpose of our demonstration was ... not merely to give expression to our own remorse, but also to redeem at least a fraction of our own people's guilt before history.'2 The dissident intellectual Anatoli Yakobson suggested in a letter which was widely distributed in samizdat that 'the demonstration was not a manifestation of a political struggle ..