The Disenchantment of the Left: Two Memories of the Palestinian Struggle
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The Making of a Leftist Milieu: Anti-Colonialism, Anti-Fascism, and the Political Engagement of Intellectuals in Mandate Lebanon, 1920- 1948
THE MAKING OF A LEFTIST MILIEU: ANTI-COLONIALISM, ANTI-FASCISM, AND THE POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF INTELLECTUALS IN MANDATE LEBANON, 1920- 1948. A dissertation presented By Sana Tannoury Karam to The Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the field of History Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2017 1 THE MAKING OF A LEFTIST MILIEU: ANTI-COLONIALISM, ANTI-FASCISM, AND THE POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF INTELLECTUALS IN MANDATE LEBANON, 1920- 1948. A dissertation presented By Sana Tannoury Karam ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2017 2 This dissertation is an intellectual and cultural history of an invisible generation of leftists that were active in Lebanon, and more generally in the Levant, between the years 1920 and 1948. It chronicles the foundation and development of this intellectual milieu within the political Left, and how intellectuals interpreted leftist principles and struggled to maintain a fluid, ideologically non-rigid space, in which they incorporated an array of ideas and affinities, and formulated their own distinct worldviews. More broadly, this study is concerned with how intellectuals in the post-World War One period engaged with the political sphere and negotiated their presence within new structures of power. It explains the social, political, as well as personal contexts that prompted intellectuals embrace certain ideas. Using periodicals, personal papers, memoirs, and collections of primary material produced by this milieu, this dissertation argues that leftist intellectuals pushed to politicize the role and figure of the ‘intellectual’. -
June 17, 1949 Untitled Note Concerning a Secret Memo Distributed by the Central Committee of the Lebanese Communist Party
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified June 17, 1949 Untitled note concerning a secret memo distributed by the Central Committee of the Lebanese Communist Party Citation: “Untitled note concerning a secret memo distributed by the Central Committee of the Lebanese Communist Party,” June 17, 1949, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Emir Farid Chehab Collection, GB165-0384, Box 1, File 157/1, Middle East Centre Archive, St Antony’s College, Oxford. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/119854 Summary: On the eve of the 50th anniversary of Syrian and Lebanese Communist independence, a secret memo is distributed by the Lebanese Community Party defining the role of the Regional Secretary. Credits: This document was made possible with support from Youmna and Tony Asseily. Original Language: Arabic Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document 1/157 Beirut, Jun 17, 1949 Number 85/ The communists are preparing to celebrate the fifth anniversary of the independence of the Syrian and Lebanese Communist Parties with the strengthening of their branches in the regional specific committees by finding strong elements as supervisory secretaries for these committees. I have come across the text of a secret memo distributed by the central committee of the Lebanese Communist Party entitled; (The role of the Regional Secretary) that included the following: “We remind you that article 19 of the Party bylaws [page 2] states that “ The Regional Committee consults the Central Committee regarding the candidacy of the Regional Secretary.” If the party conference votes on this bylaw; that means that this matter has become insignificant and the Regional Secretary is a fighter with great responsibility, on whom party action is great dependent. -
January 01, 1956 Communist Activities
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified January 01, 1956 Communist Activities Citation: “Communist Activities,” January 01, 1956, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Emir Farid Chehab Collection, GB165-0384, Box 10, File 30C/10, Middle East Centre Archive, St Antony’s College, Oxford. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/176068 Summary: Report on a meeting between the Syrian and Lebanese Communist Parties in Damascus. Credits: This document was made possible with support from Youmna and Tony Asseily. Original Language: Arabic Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document 30C/ 10 Communist activities The Conference of the Syrian-Lebanese Communist Party did not convene in Damascus on 20/12/1955 as I reported to you in an earlier message, but rather on 14/1/1956 in Damascus, at the home of Mr Ahmad Abaza located in the Kurdish area, under the Chairmanship of Khaled Beikdache (Khālid Bikdāsh). The events that impacted on the situation in Jordan and the mass demonstration that accompanied them were the reason behind the postponement; the Communist Party at the time wanted to postpone the meeting until the situation which followed these events becomes clearer. The first session of the meeting, which took place in the morning of 14/1/1956, was devoted to the Secretary General of the Communist Party, Khaled Beikdache’s report on the current situation in the Arab countries as a result of foreign pressure on Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan. This pressure, he said, aims at isolating Syria from other Arab countries, involving Lebanon and Jordan in the Iraqi- Turkish Pact, and countering the strong position adopted by the Communist Party in support of the National Front established in these three countries to combat all kinds of colonial schemes. -
Lebanon – Hezbollah
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: LBN31201 Country: Lebanon Date: 19 January 2007 Keywords: Lebanon – Hezbollah This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions (1)What is the extent of control of the Hezbollah over the villages in the Bekaa Valley? (2) Does the Hezbollah have a system of conscription or forced recruitment in the areas under its control? (3) Are there generally reprisals against families or those who do not join the Hezbollah? (4) What are the parts of sections of Lebanon which are not under the control of the Hezbollah? (5) Can a Shiite or indeed anyone who lives in a Hezbollah stronghold freely relocate to other parts of Lebanon? RESPONSE 1. What is the extent of control of the Hezbollah over the villages in the Bekaa Valley? All of the Bekaa Valley in Southern Lebanon is under the control of Hezbollah, which initially started as a guerrilla movement, following the invasion of Southern Lebanon by Israeli forces in 1982. It is estimated that Hezbollah has more than fifty thousand fighters in Southern Lebanon and in Beirut and has training bases in the Bekaa Valley. The current leader of the movement is Hassan Nasrallah, who transformed the Hezbollah into a major political force in the 2005 elections, where it captured fourteen seats in the one hundred and twenty eight seat Lebanese legislature. -
Political Posters of the Lebanese Civil War and Hezbollah by Megan
Momentary Memorials: Political Posters of the Lebanese Civil War and Hezbollah By Megan Elizabeth Miller Department of Art and Art History, University of Colorado Boulder Defended on 4 November, 2014 Thesis Advisor: Dr. Kira van Lil Defense Committee: Dr. Kira van Lil, Department of Art and Art History Dr. Robert Nauman, Department of Art and Art History Frances Charteris, Program for Writing and Rhetoric Miller 2 Abstract The Lebanese civil war (1975-1990) is a product of its diverse participating factions. With more than a dozen political, religious, and social parties, the streets of Lebanon became flooded with contradicting political imageries, influencing public perception of the ‘other’ and inciting military action. Their unique role in Lebanon’s political atmosphere allows such graphics to transcend mere propaganda to become physical sites of memorialization, despite their ephemerality. Posters exhibiting martyrs, political icons, and spiritual references control viewers’ field of vision and prompt their physical accumulation around the images, much like one would see at a funeral or sculptural memorial. These images give cause for public commemoration. Though several militias are disbanded at the end of the civil war, Hezbollah gains notoriety for its rapid advancement, made possible, in part, by the party’s media strategies. Once dominated by images of martyrs, Hezbollah posters begin to memorialize moments in time – their subject matter as ephemeral as their medium. This thesis is an examination of political poster aesthetics and how such is situated within the larger discourses of art history and graphic design, ultimately arguing for Lebanon’s prominent role as an artistic hub in the Middle East. -
Bassem Chit and Revolutionary Socialism in Lebanon Foto: © Foto
CLOSE UP 65 Bassem Chit and Revolutionary Socialism in Lebanon Foto: © www.turkeyagenda.com Foto: Sune Haugbolle Figure 1 : Turkey Agenda. “Interview with the Late Bassem Chit on Politics and and Culture in Lebanon and the Middle East.” www.turkeyagenda.com Web. 16. Oct. 2014 This article discusses the Lebanese draws on the sociology of intellectuals, miss your voice, Bassem.” They refer to activist and writer Bassem Chit as an in particular Gramsci, in the analysis of Bassem Chit, the Lebanese revolutionary example of the intellectual rebel in Bassam Chit’s work and his post mortem socialist, writer and activist who died from Lebanon and the Arab world. It analyses veneration. a heart attack on October 1, 2014. For a the ideological tradition of revolutionary limited circle of Lebanese, Arab and inter- socialism and the Arab left. Through Keywords: Socialism; Arab Left; Intellec- national revolutionary socialists, Bassem an analysis of interviews and articles, tual History Chit is a rebel martyr, whose life and work Haugbolle attempts to locate the place continue to inspire. He died at the tender and nature of intellectual production in During the 2015 social protests against age of 34 after a life devoted to renewing the organisation of revolutionary activity, Lebanon’s political elite, I have often read Marxism and revolutionary socialism. His and the particular role rebel intellectuals on Facebook threads laments such as, friends and comrades now miss his voice play in bringing about social change. It “what would Bassem have said?” and “we and his sharp analysis more than ever, at a Middle East – Topics & Arguments #06–2016 CLOSE UP 66 time when they feel that a chink in the scape of thought and action. -
Hezbollah, the Hidden Side of the Coin the Untold Story of Hezbollah
Hezbollah, the Hidden Side of the coin The untold Story of Hezbollah Written by : Massoud Mohamed Table of Contents: Research Question: ........................................................................................................................... 2 Is the Media hiding the truth or rather is it mediatizing a carefully crafted Hezbollah message? ............................................................................................................................................. 2 I. How did the Media present Hezbollah? ................................................................................ 2 II. To what extend is that true? And how Hezbollah managed to take over?.................. 2 The Story of Hezbollah which was never told: ........................................................................... 2 “Hezbollah” Significant Name: ........................................................................................... 3 The Islamic State (Shii vergin): ........................................................................................... 3 Why this specific name Hezbollah? .................................................................................. 3 Hezbollah Objectives: ........................................................................................................... 4 Our Objectives: ....................................................................................................................... 4 III. Promoting Hezbollah: ........................................................................................................... -
Political Leadership in Lebanon and the Jumblatt Phenomenon: Tipping the Scales of Lebanese Politics Sebastian Gerlach
SAIS EUROPE JOURNAL OF GLOBAL AFFAIRS Political Leadership in Lebanon and the Jumblatt Phenomenon: Tipping the Scales of Lebanese Politics Sebastian Gerlach For observers and scholars of contemporary Lebanese politics, an understanding of Lebanon’s complex political dynamics is hardly possible without a thorough analysis of the role of Walid Jumblatt, the leader of the country’s Druze community. Notwithstanding his sect’s marginal size, Jumblatt has for almost four decades greatly determined the course of domestic developments. Particularly between 2000 and 2013, the Druze leader developed into a local kingmaker through his repeated switch in affiliations between Lebanon’s pro- and anti-Syrian coalitions. This study argues that Jumblatt’s political behavior during this important period in recent Lebanese history was driven by his determination to ensure the political survival of his Druze minority community. Moreover, it highlights that Jumblatt’s ongoing command over the community, which appears to be impressive given his frequent political realignments, stems from his position as the dominating, traditional Druze za’im and because the minority community recognized his political maneuvering as the best mean to provide the Druze with relevance in Lebanon’s political arena. 84 VOLUME 20 INTRODUCTION who failed to preserve their follower- ship after altering their political ori- For observers and scholars of con- 2 temporary Lebanese politics, a thor- entation. In this respect, it is even ough understanding of the country’s more puzzling that Jumblatt was able complex political dynamics is hardly to maintain the support of his Druze possible without analyzing the role of community, known for its nega- Walid Jumblatt, the leader of Leba- tive attitudes towards the prominent non’s Druze community. -
Emirado Do Monte Líbano, Passando Pelo Mandato Francês, Até a Criação Do «Grande Líbano», Bem Como Uma Reflexão Sobre Seus Dilemas Contemporâneos
29 • Conjuntura Internacional • Belo Horizonte, ISSN 1809-6182, v.17 n.2, p.29 - 47, ago. 2020 29 • Conjuntura Internacional • Belo Horizonte, ISSN 1809-6182, v.17 n.2, p.29 - 47, ago. 2020 Artigo Do Pequeno ao Grande Líbano: os desafios contemporâneos da República Libanesa From Small to Greater Lebanon: the contemporary challenges of the Lebanese Republic Del Pequeño al Gran Líbano: los desafios contemporáneos de la República Libanesa Danny Zahreddine1 DOI: 10.5752/P.1809-6182.2020v17n2p29 Recebido em: 15 de julho de 2020 Aceito em: 27 de agosto de 2020 Resumo Marcado por uma história de múltiplos conflitos internos, e de intervenções externas, a República Libanesa é o resultado de decisões pretéritas que foram fundamentais na deter- minação dos seus dilemas atuais. Este artigo apresenta uma análise histórica da criação do Líbano, desde a formação do Emirado do Monte Líbano, passando pelo mandato francês, até a criação do «Grande Líbano», bem como uma reflexão sobre seus dilemas contemporâneos. Palavras-chave: Líbano. Minorias Religiosas. Guerra Civil. Abstract Marked by a history of multiple internal conflicts and external interventions, the Lebanese Republic is the result of past decisions that were fundamental in determining its current dilemmas. This article presents a historical analysis of the creation of Lebanon, from the formation of the Emirate of Mount Lebanon, through the French mandate, until the crea- tion of “Greater Lebanon”, as well as a reflection on its contemporary dilemmas. Keywords: Lebanon. Religious Minorities. Civil war. Resumen Marcada por una historia de múltiples conflictos internos e intervenciones externas, la República Libanesa es el resultado de decisiones pasadas que fueron fundamentales para determinar sus dilemas actuales. -
On Hariri's Resignation: an Interview with the Lebanese Communist Party by Joyce Chediac - 22/11/2017 09:55
www.theregion.org On Hariri's resignation: An interview with the Lebanese Communist Party by Joyce Chediac - 22/11/2017 09:55 Pictures of Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri line the streets in every neighborhood of this city. The large somber portraits bear the Arabic hashtag “All of us are with you.” Just last week, Saad Hariri’s shocking, Saudi-prompted resignation as Lebanon’s prime minister and verbal assault on Hezbollah and Iran set the stage for internal strife, and gave Israel a pretext to attack. This week, all of Lebanon has united to defend Lebanese sovereignty, see Hariri as held captive by a foreign power, and are demanding his return from Saudi Arabia. What changed, and why? Jana Nakhal, independent researcher and Lebanese Communist Party Central Committee member, walked this reporter through these developments on Nov. 16. “When Hariri resigned as Lebanese PM from Saudi Arabia on Nov. 4, everyone was shocked, she said. “Anything was possible—a [Israeli] bombing, assassinations,” she said. “Everyone was worried that Lebanon would become the centre of an international confrontation.” Lebanon’s unwieldy political system is easily destabilized. Put together by the French colonizers in 1925, it mandates that government posts, and parliamentary apportionment, be based upon the country’s different religious groupings. Hariri has represented the Sunnis, and Aoun the Christians, aligned with Hezbollah, the strongest group in the Shia community. However, Hezbollah leader Sayyad Hassan Nasrullah and President Michel Aoun, while longtime political opponents of Hariri, supported him against Saudi Arabia, defended Lebanese sovereignty and called for Hariri’s release. -
LEBANON RESTRICTIONS on BROADCASTING in Whose Interest?
April 1997 Vol. 9, No. 1(E) LEBANON RESTRICTIONS ON BROADCASTING In Whose Interest? SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................................................................2 RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................................................4 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................................................6 IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BROADCASTING LAW........................................................................................8 Restrictions on News, Political Programs, and Live Broadcasts....................................................................8 Operating Stations Denied Licenses; News and Political Programs Banned .................................................9 THE REACTION IN LEBANON ............................................................................................................................13 Capacity of the Airwaves Disputed..............................................................................................................15 Organizing Protests......................................................................................................................................16 Ban on Demonstrations Enforced ................................................................................................................17 INTERNATIONAL -
WARS and WOES a Chronicle of Lebanese Violence1
The Levantine Review Volume 1 Number 1 (Spring 2012) OF WARS AND WOES A Chronicle of Lebanese Violence1 Mordechai Nisan* In the subconscious of most Lebanese is the prevalent notion—and the common acceptance of it—that the Maronites are the “head” of the country. ‘Head’ carries here a double meaning: the conscious thinking faculty to animate and guide affairs, and the locus of power at the summit of political office. While this statement might seem outrageous to those unversed in the intricacies of Lebanese history and its recent political transformations, its veracity is confirmed by Lebanon’s spiritual mysteries, the political snarls and brinkmanship that have defined its modern existence, and the pluralistic ethno-religious tapestry that still dominates its demographic makeup. Lebanon’s politics are a clear representation of, and a response to, this seminal truth. The establishment of modern Lebanon in 1920 was the political handiwork of Maronites—perhaps most notable among them the community’s Patriarch, Elias Peter Hoyek (1843-1931), and public intellectual and founder of the Alliance Libanaise, Daoud Amoun (1867-1922).2 In recognition of this debt, the President of the Lebanese Republic has by tradition been always a Maronite; the country’s intellectual, cultural, and political elites have hailed largely from the ranks of the Maronite community; and the Patriarch of the Maronite Church in Bkirke has traditionally held sway as chief spiritual and moral figure in the ceremonial and public conduct of state affairs. In the unicameral Lebanese legislature, the population decline of the Christians as a whole— Maronites, Greek Orthodox, Catholics, and Armenians alike—has not altered the reality of the Maronites’ pre-eminence; equal confessional parliamentary representation, granting Lebanon’s Christians numerical parity with Muslims, still defines the country’s political conventions.