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Mademoiselle De La Vallière

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Mademoiselle De La Vallière MADEMOISELLE DE LA VALLIÈRE ET LES FAVORITES DES TROIS ÂGES DE LOUIS XIV PAR JEAN-BAPTISTE CAPEFIGUE. PARIS - AMYOT - 1859 PRÉFACE. I. — LA SOCIÉTÉ ET LES RUELLES APRÈS LA FRONDE. II . — LES FILLES D'HONNEUR DE LA REINE. - MADEMOISELLE DE LA VALLIÈRE. - GENTILSHOMMES ET MOUSQUETAIRES. III . - LES PREMIÈRES AMOURS DE LOUIS XIV. IV . — LES CHÂTEAUX DE SAINT-GERMAIN ET DE VERSAILLES. V. — LA SOCIÉTÉ QU'AVAIT FAITE LA PHILOSOPHIE DE DESCARTES. VI . — LE CHÂTEAU DE VAUX. - LE SURINTENDANT FOUQUET. VII . — FÊTES POUR MADEMOISELLE DE LA VALLIÈRE. - CARROUSEL AUX TUILERIES. - L'ÎLE D'ALCINE À VERSAILLES. VIII . — LES AMOURS DE LOUIS XIV ET DE MADEMOISELLE DE LA VALLIÈRE. IX . — LES POÈTES DES AMOURS DU ROI. X. — FRANÇOISE-ATHÉNAÏS DE ROCHECHOUART- MORTEMART (MARQUISE DE MONTESPAN). XI . — TRIOMPHE DE MADAME DE MONTESPAN. XII . — INFLUENCE POLITIQUE ET LITTÉRAIRE DE MADAME DE MONTESPAN. XIII . — LE CHÂTEAU DE VERSAILLES. - LES PREMIÈRES FÊTES DU ROI. XIV . — SOUVERAINETÉ DE MADAME DE MONTESPAN. - RETRAITE DE MADEMOISELLE DE LA VALLIÈRE. - PRISE DE VOILE. XV . — LES TROIS SŒURS DE MORTEMART. - LES ENFANTS DU ROI. - LA VEUVE DE SCARRON. XVI . — DIRECTION DES AFFAIRES PAR MADAME DE MONTESPAN. - LES PLAISIRS DE VERSAILLES ; MADEMOISELLE DE FONTANGES. - MOLIÈRE ET L'AMPHITRYON. XVII . — RIVALITÉ DE LA MARQUISE DE MONTESPAN ET DE LA VEUVE DE SCARRON. XVIII . — INFLUENCE DE LA MARQUISE DE MAINTENON SUR LA COUR ET LE SYSTÈME DE LOUIS XIV. - RÉVOCATION DE L'ÉDIT DE NANTES. XIX . — LE MARIAGE SECRET DE LOUIS XIV ET DE MADAME DE MAINTENON A-T-IL EXISTÉ ? XX . — LA FAMILLE ET L'ESPRIT DE MADAME DE MAINTENON. XXI . — TENDANCE DE LA LITTÉRATURE SOUS LA MARQUISE DE MAINTENON. - ESTHER, ATHALIE. XXII. — LA VIEILLESSE DE LOUIS XIV. - LA VIE ET LA MORT DE MADAME DE MAINTENON. PRÉFACE. Mon cher éditeur, Vous savez tout mon respect pour la critique sérieuse ; quand nous publions un livre, c'est pour le soumettre à l'examen de tous. Je pousse si loin cette loi suprême de l'écrivain, qu'alors même que la critique se passionne, je l'écoute encore : il y a toujours à prendre quelque chose dans l'homme d'esprit qui se laisse aller à des préventions, même à des railleries. Entre gens de lettres, il en est un peu comme entre avocats qui se pressent la main et s'estiment après s'être dit de très-gros mots à la barre. Vous, mon cher éditeur, à qui des liens d'amitié m'unissent depuis quinze ans, vous devez savoir si tel n'est pas mon caractère. Quand je publiais mes divers travaux sur le règne de Louis XV , sur le maréchal de Richelieu , la marquise de Pompadour et la comtesse du Barry , je devais m'attendre à de très-vives attaques, à des examens ardents et hautains : je ne suivais pas les voies connues, je m'écartais de ce vocabulaire adopté, de ces épithètes jetées à Louis XV, aux gentilshommes et aux femmes de sa cour ; je pénétrais dans ces réunions avec un esprit de curiosité retenue ; je voyais Versailles, Marly, Choisy, les Etioles, Lucienne, tels qu'ils existaient ; je n'en faisais pas les Porcherons. J'admirais l'esprit, les grâces de ces beaux loisirs d'une société d'élite à qui n'a manqué ni le courage, ni la gloire. Ce qu'on devait moins me pardonner encore, c'était de briser le faux clinquant de ces encyclopédistes à la fois lascifs et pédants, courtisans agenouillés, qui se vengeaient de leur abaissement devant le pouvoir par des attaques contre tout ce que la société respecte et vénère : la religion et la famille. Il était donc très-simple, très-logique que mes livres fussent fort attaqués ; on n'aime pas à être dérangé des opinions une fois conçues, de la pensée qu'on s'est accoutumé à porter avec soi, des jugements tout faits et faciles. J'étais importun à bien des gens ; ils me l'ont fait sentir : je ne leur en veux pas, je le méritais. Dans cette voie de la critique, quelques-uns n'ont pas été heureux : la colère chez un esprit lourd se traduit par des mots grossiers : une plume spirituelle reste gracieuse et puissante, alors même qu'elle est ennemie. Une plume de plomb même en écrivant dans une revue grave peut se servir d'expressions telles que celle-ci : le cynisme du paradoxe ; cela ne relève pas beaucoup le terre à terre des aperçus et l'ennui d'un style incolore. Vous me permettrez, mon cher éditeur, de choisir mieux mes adversaires, et dans cette réponse de prendre pour point d'un respectueux et amical examen, l'homme de savoir et d'esprit. M. Philarète Chasles, qui m'a fait l'honneur de consacrer à la critique de mes opinions sur le règne de Louis XV, quatre articles dans le journal le plus important et le plus sérieux de notre temps. Si j'ai bien suivi M. Chasles, ses reproches les voici : 1° Si le système de Louis XV était si parfait, si conservateur, comment se fait-il qu'il a eu pour résultat la Révolution française ? Louis XV fit du despotisme pour arriver au désordre. 2° La diplomatie de Louis XV amena-t-elle autre chose que l'abaissement de la France à l'étranger ! 3° Est-il possible d'élever si haut cette pauvre société impuissante et blasée aux dépens de la nôtre si sérieuse et si progressive ? Vous voyez, mon cher éditeur, que je ne dissimule aucune objection sérieuse, parce qu'en histoire il faut être franc et net dans ses convictions. Sur le premier point, mon honorable critique n'a oublié qu'une chose : c'est qu'entre Louis XV et la Révolution française, il y a eu toute l'épaisseur du règne de Louis XVI. Or, ce règne fut précisément la réaction la plus violente, la plus dessinée, la plus irréfléchie, du règne précédent. Louis XVI, le plus honnête homme, le plus national des rois, prit à tâche de détruire l'œuvre de son aïeul afin de plaire à ses contemporains. Louis XV avait brisé les parlements comme l'avait fait Richelieu. Louis XVI les rappela pour qu'ils pussent faire de l'opposition. Louis XV, par le système économique de l'abbé Terray, avait comblé le déficit, rétabli l'équilibre entre les recettes et les dépenses. Louis XVI emprunta 750 millions pour faire la guerre d'Amérique ; ils se jeta dans les bras des empiriques du crédit et reconstitua le déficit avec une largeur et un laisser-aller incomparable. Louis XV avait une profonde répugnance pour les rêveurs, les utopistes, les novateurs qui bouleversent les empires, et, selon le dire du maréchal de Richelieu, il eut fait pendre le premier ministre qui lui aurait proposé la convocation des États-Généraux. Louis XVI, avec son honnêteté et son immense désir de popularité et de bien public, confia le commencement de son règne à des expérimentateurs bruyants, à des intrigants, qui le menèrent droit, de concession en concession, à la convocation des États-Généraux, premier prélude de la Révolution française. Je n'accuse personne, je porte loin le respect des noms propres : MM. de Malesherbes, Turgot, eurent des intentions pures, une loyauté à toute épreuve, mais, esprits à système, ils dévorèrent la puissance et l'énergie du pouvoir que Louis XV avait reconstitué par ses édits de 1771. Maintenant je vais, par l'examen des faits, répondre à la seconde partie des objections de mon honorable critique ; il s'agit de la politique extérieure. Il reproche à Louis XV et à madame de Pompadour surtout, de s'être laissés séduire par l'Autriche et à cette occasion, M. Philarète Chasles nous trace le tableau de la politique spirituelle du prince de Kaunitz et du règne de Marie- Thérèse. Je ne conteste pas l'habileté sérieuse du prince de Kaunitz à travers ses légèretés de bonne compagnie ; mais on peut faire tomber un peu ces fantaisies devant les réalités. La puissance de la maison d'Autriche avait eu deux phases distinctes. Immense sous Charles-Quint, elle avait ses représentants couronnés en Allemagne et en Espagne. Henri IV, le cardinal de Richelieu, Louis XIV firent un acte de haute politique en attaquant de front la pensée de monarchie universelle qui venait de Charles-Quint. Mais depuis cette époque, la maison d'Autriche était terriblement abaissée. Louis XIV lui avait pris trois provinces, car l'Espagne était aux Bourbons ; Louis XV lui-même s'était fait céder la Lorraine et une partie des évêchés. La malheureuse pragmatique de Charles VI avait donné un coup fatal à l'idée autrichienne, et, à vrai dire, lorsque M. de Choiseul conçut la pensée de s'allier avec la cour de Vienne, elle n'était plus qu'une puissance qui pouvait nous servir d'auxiliaire, sans jamais nous dominer. Je développe ma pensée. La grande rivalité qui s'élevait alors n'était pas celle de l'Autriche, idée finie ; la rivalité considérable, la rivalité de l'avenir était alors entre la France et l'Angleterre, et ici mon critique a eu raison de présenter le tableau immense de la puissance anglaise à cette époque du XVIIIe siècle. La première condition, pour attaquer cette grandeur de gouvernement et de nation, était de s'assurer la paix du continent, d'avoir un point d'appui en Allemagne contre l'Angleterre ; on ne pouvait s'appuyer ni sur la Prusse, ni sur le Hanovre, pas même sur la Saxe et sur la Bavière, liées à l'Angleterre. L'Autriche était là ; sans avoir la force suffisante pour nous inspirer des craintes, elle pouvait nous servir par son alliance dans notre attitude nouvelle vis-à-vis de l'Angleterre ; telle fut la pensée de M.
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